.\' 



• The usefulness of ' Tlie Olive Branch' is not wholly, nor exen Y,mc:\)al- 
. conftned to one or two readings. As a book ot reference, it is alnu>»V. 
above value. Men who ai-e engaged continually in llic avocation by which 
thev and their fiunilies subsist, c.mnot be expected to commit to memory 
even the most important p.irts of the many interesting docunicnts which re- 
late to our intercourse With foreign nations; nor do they ofien collect and 
in-eserve these documents to recur to when, a difi'ertnce of opinion arises 
Tlic Olive Br..ncii is calculati^d to supply both these defecty. Here tli*". 
most important state papers, on the most disputed subjects, are tlirown to 
gether and explained and illustrated with intelligence and candour- \Vhei\ , 
any dispute occms, one has only to take up this work, turn to the index, and 
open to whatever topic he desires to be informed of. The documents are 
authentic; and the party who is mistaken, will, if his mind is open to con- 
viction, be convinced of his eiTor, and, if he is an honest man, he will ac- 
knowledge and abandon it.' 

"When the first edition of this work appeared, notwithstanding some er- 
rors and omissions, I considered it the best political trad which had b-icu 
jnibhshed for many years. When the s, cond edition issued from the presp, 
1 purchased that; and found it amended in some, and much improved in 
other particulars The third edition, which was, I understand, printed in 
IJoston, I did not see. But tlie fourth edition, which was extended to two 
volumes, which enlarged on several topics treated on in the former editions, 
and embraced several important subjects, not touched on in them, was so 
highlv satisfactory to me, that I presented the copies I liad, to some of my 
TicMglibours, who had not the ability to purchase for themselves, and procur- 
ed this for myself. Its utility to me'ha:: been veiy gi-eat. It has reminded 
me of many thing's I had forgotten, and acquainted me with many others I 
was ignorant of. I think the same beneficial effects must be experienced by 
every man who reads it, with a desire to have his memory refreshed, and his 
mind enlightened. If our government is worth maintaining, and the intclh- 
gencc of the people is one of its safe -guards, those who employ their time, 
and talents, in diffusing that intelligence in the most correct and acceptable 
manner, and form, are really entitled to the gratitude of every friend ot the 
government." Treiiton Tnie Jlmerkan, May 22, 1815. 

" The 01i%'e Branch is a serious appeal to llic two great parties which di»- 
yide our country, on the necessity of mutual" forgiveness and harmony. In 
.pursuing his plan, the writer has, with great industry, collected and arrang- 
'ed his materials; and with no small share of talent, has illustrated his sub- 
ject in the most striking manner, by arguments drawn from official and an- 
»thentic documents of various klndv>—iVom national and state archives — Whe- 
ther a.s a repository ofautlientic fact-i and references, — as an historical sketch 
of the rise and progress of party spirit, from the consummation of our inde- 
pendence, to the present day; — as a memorial, wliich ought never to be for- 
gotten, of the pernicious effects of that spirit, v/hen carried beyond the 
ijtiurid'; of reason and justice: — in short, v.-hether we view tlie Ohve Bnuich 
as a political appeal to the good sense of the nation, or as a record of historical 
events, with which everv' American ought to be acquainted — wc consider it 
a work of the highest ^alue, the circulation of wliich every friend of his 
country- is bound to promote. 

"It is not the republicaj| alone, who will derive satisfaction from tlie pe- 
rusal of this vohime. The federalists will find in it, many egregious fauUs 
pointed out, which have been committed by the rej)ublican party, hoxh in 
tlie national and .state governments; otlierwise the work would not be con- 
sistent with its title, which is— 1 HE OLIVE BRANCH; OR, FAULTS ON* 
BOTH SIDES, FEDERAL AND DEMOCRATIC— A SEHIOUS APPEAL ON 
THE NECESSITY OF MUTUAL F0RG1>. ENESS, AND HARMONY :— 
And It mu.st be confessed, that the best way to correct the faults of both 
sides, is to induce both, if pcssible, to open their eyes to their own faults, 
as well as to those of their opponents. This laudable work Mr. Carey has 
the credit of attempting. Whether the attempt is a visionary one, or not, 
time must determine. At all events, let everv honest, independent man, of 
both parties, read the Olive Eriinch, if he would know the whole truth."— ^;- 
bamj Be^ster, Jime 13, 1815, 



<■ In the warmth aiul violence oi" u pol'iLical contest, it ravely happens that 
either party is entirely fruitless. Imperfection, in a greater or less degree^ 
1 stamped on every thing human : und the individual, much more the party, 
who should claim an entire exemption from it, would betray the gi-ossest ig- 
norance. In times of turbulence, howevc-r, few arc sufiiciently elevated above 
the influence of party passion, to expose eiTor, wherever found. The fault.«i 
of a favorite party are t»)0 commonly passed over in silence, and those of tlie 
opposite, unreasonably miigiiificd. 

" The author of the Olive IJranch has taken a stand beyond the reach of 
party influence. The groveling' notions of the bar-room politician constitute 
no part of his politjcal system. When, in his oninion, the republican admi- 
nistrations or the repul)lic:ui party have deserved censure, he has freely bes- 
towed it. His work carries on its face the most convincing proof not merely 
of strength of genius, and depth of research, but the most stern political in^ 
tVgrity." JMidciUburtj Gazette, May, 1815. 



"There is perhaps no book extant, that in so small a compass contains so 
great a quajitity of momentous political truth. Like the two edged sword, 
said to have been wielded l.\v the angel of light against " Satan and his an- 
gels," it dispels and puts to flight an army of error and falsehood." — Weekly 
ile^ister, vol. vii. page 371. 

" The Olive Branch, or F.aults on Ixrth sides, federal and democratic, is no 
party pui)lication : it contains a lucid examination of the faidls of both par- 
ties, and c:ills loudly for union in defence of our territory and the dearest in- 
terests of all. — We have never seen a publication in this country tliat so justly 
merited the patronage of all. Federalists and Repubhcans will both see their 
faults clearly pointed out and commented on. We admire the independent 
spirit of the publication. Although we do not subscribe to all the tenets, ob- 
jects, and recommendations contained in the OUve IJranch, yet we thinksuch 
a publication particularly valuable, as it comprisjes in a succinct view a v/ell- 
itrrangcd mass of public and political documents on the subjects which led to 
the war, particularly that of Impressment, the Orders in Council, correspon- 
dence of Mr.Erskiiie and Mr. Smith, previous to the war, and important cor- 
respondence beween our public functionaries and those of tlie enemy since 
die wai-. Kvery man should possess this book, and read it carefully through 
without prejudice." — Boston Patriot. 

'« ncforc I proceed further, however, I must do justice to a writer so ob- 
/lously disintere.sted, independent, .-uid patriotic, as the .author of the 'Olive 
Kranch,' by saying, that- he has done ample justice to the character of Mr. 
.TefVcrson, in casting back upon his assailants the foul charges of ' French 
Influence and enmity to trade :' this he does in a maimer that must bring con- 
viction home, to every bosom that possessi;s a single drop of the milk of 
tinman kindness ; and let me add, that the justice thus done to that gi-eat 
ami good man, will not be the le.ss usefid in coming forth in a volume, 
A'hich censiwes -wittimitfear, and praises -wit/ioiit adulation" jhaora. 



/•yvtractof a letter from James Madison, Esq President of tfic United States. 

Wa'jjiington, Jan. 28, 1815. _ 

•• T have not been able as yet to do more than glance at, the plan of the 
.vork, andrui! over a few of' its pages. The course adopted of assembhng 
•uihentic and striking facts, and addressing them inii>,u-tialK- and indepen- 
.tently. but v/ith becoming (■mpliasis, to the attention of the public, was 
f)i:st fitted to render it a valuable and se;is(mable service: and it appears that 
■ne success of your labour wiil well re wavd the laudable views with which 
't was undeilaken." 



Extract of a l-tterfrom Thornas Jijersmi, Esq. cx-president of the United States^ 

•' Monticello, Feb. 9,1815. 

•' I thank you for the copy of the Ollvf Branch you have been so kind as 
►osendrae. Many extracts from it which I had seen in the newspapers, had 
■\\-cited a wish to i»rocuri- it. A cursory vl«w over the \\ork Iwis contirnicd 
♦he (fpi;i:w^;e.x'^;te4.'{yikecstjracte,.Uiy.t;itcv>iJldo great ggod." 



^a f/^^ ^ ^^^^ 



THE 

OLIVE BRANCH, 

OR 

Faults on both sides. 

FEDERAL AND DEMOCRATIC. 

A SERIOUS APPEAL OX TliE NECESSITY 

OF 

MUTUAL FORGIVENESS AND HARMONY. 



BY M.^'CAREY 



NIXTH EDITION. 



«*F action is the madness of the many for tlic benefit of tiie few,'* 

irenzied be the head palsied be the hand that attemps td destroy 

the union." Geiu EtUmi. 

" Truths would you teach or save a sinking- land : 

" All tear none aid you and few understand.". Pope. 

" Every kingdom divkkd against itself, is brought to DESOLATIOJ^i'." 

Matt. xi!. 25. 

'« In dissetisione mdla sahis conspicitiir." Cxsar. * 

"If we may pay a proper recfard to truth, we shall find it neceasaiy not 
only to condemn our friends upon stnie occasions, and commend our enemies, 
but also to commend and condemn the same persons, as different circum- 
stances may require ; for as it is not to be imagined, that those who are en- 
gaged in great affaii-s, should always be pursuing false or mistaken measures ; 
so neither is it probable that theu* conduct can at all times be exempt from 
error." PoUlius. 

" Neither the law of Christianity nor of Reason requires us to prostrate 
our national independence, freedom property and honour at the feet of prowl 
tyranical oppressors." Address of Rev. Dr. David Osgood, May, 1798. 

"Watch those ungrateful souls who murmur about taxation aiid op:- 
pression — the burdens of government and religion. They have felloTv- 
ship ivith our enemies. They are traitors to God and Christianity." .Id- 
dress by tlie Rev. Dr Elijah Parish, July 4, 1799. 

" .^.s citizens, we ought with one heart to cleave to mid support our oiun 
goveiiiment . It is a government of our oivn foiining, and administered by 
■men of our vwn choice." Sermon by Rev. Jedidiah Mors*, May 9, 1798. 



£hin^d axd published BT T. rOSTXR, 



1817. 

1, ^ ■, 



Extract from Governor Strong's Speech, 17th'. Jumtari;, 1S06. 

("-hangX'S in the constitution of g'overninent are more inji.rious tlian in the' 
system of laws: — fivii a small innov at i<m may dcatroii its (jrincipk'r: Thefni* 
niers of tlic coiistJt<ition had before tliem not only the forms which had 
been prefen-ed by tlie several states ; but those also, which, before that 
lime, had been devised in otlier ag"es and nations. And thoug'h the re-* 
jjeatcd cxpenments which have since taki n place in Europe, may suff- 
g'est matter for warning, thcv afford nothing for imitation, it, notwith- 
standing, it is found by experience, that tiie constitution o])pc:-ates very 
unequally, or the construction of any pait is doubtful, an^'ndments may 
be necessaiy to alter or exjjlain it. — Jiut it is in vain to erpect that ail 
■zvill be satisf.ed. Free governments admit of r.n endless variety of mod- 
ifications ; and the oppinion^ entertained of th-'ir respective merits are 
equally vai'ions. When the constitution was established, perhaps no man 
that became subject to it was perfectly pkascd with every part — it 
Tuas t/w result of mutual concession : and such, indeed, must always be the 
case, when a form of govenunent h voluntarily accepted by a com- 
munity. 

'•^Xjr' ^'i the 7ninds of some men, their seems to be a restlessness, ivhich renders 
them dissulis/ied tviUi ami uniform course oftlungs, and . makes them eager in 
the pursuit of noveltii. Thei/ abound in projects, and, are ever meditating 
some fanciful change in the jjlan of government, ii'hick their immaginalions rf pre- 
sent as nstful. — Ihit men of great ambition are still more dangerous ,- they com- 
monly make the fairest pretences to principles, though they are actuated only by 
self interest. If the constitution or iaivs of their country present obstacles to the 
accomplishment of their icinhes, they employ every artifice to alter or abolish them ; 
and, if individuals oppose their attempts, they are equally artful and solicitous 
to destroy their infucnce and render them odious to their fello~v citizens. 

'■* Few men, even in a prosperous community are full}- satisfied with 
their condition. A great part are easily induced to believe, that there 
is something wrong in the government or law.s, vv'hich might be rectifi- 
fd to their advantage. They therefore readily embrace any specious 
proposal to effect an alteration. — The crafty and ambitious knoiu hoiv to 
avail them.ieh'es of this disposition to change, and encourage their follo-ivers 
to expect that the amendments they propose ii'ill perfectly suit tlicir case, 
and produce the very blessings they wish: in tliis way they not only ef- 
fect their immediate object, but acquire an influence which enables 
tlicja afterwaMs to accomplish the most disastrous innovations. Such 
peJUhs encourage hopes that can never be realized, and excite com- 
plaints which the most wise and benevolent administration is unable to 
remove. 

" Our forms of government are doubtless like all other Imman insti- 
tutions impeiiect; but — they will ensure the blessings of freedom to tlie 
citizens, and preserve their ti-anquility, as lonp; as they are virtuous ; 
and no constitution that lias been or can be fonned will secure those 
blessings to a depraved and vicious people." 

Extract fiom the ansii'er of the Jlassachusetts Senate to the 
Governo"''s Speech of 17th, January, 1806. 

« "\Vc shall look with a still more cautious eye upon every innova- 
tion attempted to be made upon our national constitution. The integ- 
3'ity, experiance, and extensive information discovered by the iUustrious 
characters who framed that valuable instvun.cn' and the series of public 
prosperity enjoyed under it, entitle it to our highest veneration ; its excel- 
lence appears with still greater lustre, when ccmipared with the ephe- 
meral constitutions of many nations which have Hltted across the eye 
in rapid succession, and then sunk into total oblivion. We arc not in- 
sensible, that our form of government must be imperfect, as was the 
initure of its autlioi-s : but we recollect, at the same time that ««t/ 
proposed alteration under the name of amendinvnt is liable to the same im- 
peifrrtion. 

" Melieving therefore that the principles of the constitution are as -ocll 
uiljn-^trd us human infirmity will permit, and that a small innovation may 
esucntiully perrert Us origittal teiulency, we shall exert ourselves to pn;- 
scrve it in its present form, except in cases where its operation shall 
be fomid c.\trciucly uuc(iual and oppressive."' 



GO, OLIVE IJRANCII 

J!<T0 AXOMAIUNITY, WHICH, DRAGGED IXTO 
- A DEATH-LIKE STUPOR, 
WITH UNPARALLELED APATHY BEHOLDS 

THE 

PiLLARS OF THE GOVERNMENT TEARING AWAY— 

PROPERTY SIInTvING IN VALLTE— 

THE COLTNTRY 

PROSTRATE AT THE FEET OF A RUTHLESS FOE, 

ANARCHY RAPIDLY APPROACHING, 
A NUMBER OF AMBITIOUS LEADERS, REGARDLESS 

OF THE 
COMMON DANGER, 

V 

STRUGGLING TO SEIZE UPON THE GO\'ERNMENT, ^ 

AND 
APPARENTLY DETERMINED THE COUNTRY SHALL GO TO 

PERDITION, 
UNLESS THEY CAN POSSESS THEMSELVES OF POWER; 
AND, WITH THIS \-IEW, OPPOSING AND DEFEATING, 
EVERY MEASURE, 
CALCULATED TO INSURE OUR SALVATION. 

APPEAL TO THE PATRIOTISM, 
THE HONOUR, THE FEELING, THE SELF-INTEREST OF YOUR, 

READERS, 
TO SAVE A NOBLE NATI.ON FROM ^UIN. 

Phitci. Jan. 4, 1815. 



Tins LOOK, 

(ASA MARK OF GRATITUDE FOE 

INESTIM.iBLE BLESSINGS ENJOYEIJ IN 

LIBERTY OF PERSON, LIBERTY OF PROPERTY, APfD LIBERTY Q§ 

OPINIONS, 
TO A 15EGREE NEVER EXCEEDED IN THE \VORLD,0 

IS nESrZCTFCLLT DEDICATED 

TO A BELOVED BUT BLEEDING COUNTRY, 
TORN IN PIECES 
BT 
FACTIOUS, DESPERATE, CONVULSIVE, AND RUINOUS ^ 
STRUGGLES FOR POVMiR. 



XT IS LIKEWISE DEDICATED TO THOSE 
MILLIONS OF HUMAN BEINGS, 
WHO NEITHER HOLD NOR SEEK OFFICE, 
RUT WHO ARE MADE THE INSTRUMENTS OF THOSE 
WHO DO SEEK THEM: 
AND WHO, WHILE A FOREIGN ENEMY PRESSE!^ 
AT THEIR DOORS, 
ARE ENFEEBLED AND KEPT PROM UNION. 
TO GRATIFY THE AMBITIOJJ OF 
A FEW MEN, 
NOT ONE IN FIVE THOUSAND OF THE WHOLE COMMUNflVj 
WHO HAVE BROUGIIl" 
TO THE VERY VERGE OF DESTRUCTION, 
THE FAIREST PROSPECT 

THAT EVER SHONE ON ANY NATION. 

JiY Tim AUTHOli 

.Vor 8,KJ14. 



PREFACE 

TO Tim FIRST EDITIOM 

Thiladelphia, •A^of, &, 1814.* 

I SUBMIT this work to my fellow-citizens with an uncpmmoji 
degree of solicitude and anxiety. The subject it embraces, and 
the objects it has in view, are of inexpressible magnitude. The 
subject is the present critical situation of the United States, 
with the causes that have led to that situation ; tlie objects, tho 
restoration of harmony, and dissipation of party rage and ran- 
cour. 

It cannot be any longer doubted that tliere exists a conspira- 
cy in New-England, among a few of the most wealthy and influ- 
ential djtizens, to effect a dissolution of the union at every haz- 
ard, and to form a seperate confederacy. This has been asserted 
by some of our citizens for years, and strenuou&.ly der.ied by 
others, deceived by the mask the conspirators wore, and their 
hollow professions. But it requires more than Boeotian stupidi- 
Xy and dulness, to hesitate on the subject after the late extraor- 
dinary movements, which cannot possibly have any other ob- 
ject. 

It is eighteen years since tliis dangerous project was promul- 
gated, t From that period to the present, it has not been one 
I) our out of view; And unholy and pernicious, as was the end, 
the means employed were at least equally unholly and perni- 
cious. Falsehood, deception, and calumny, in turn, have 
been called in to aid the design. The passions of the people 
have been kept in a constant state of t!ie most extravagant ex- 
citement. Every act of the government has been placed in the 
moit revoltmg point of view. To the administration have been 
unceasingly ascribed the most odious objects, pursued by the 
most detestable means. 

About two thirds of the p.apers published in New-England are 
opposed to the present administration. They are all exparte. 
I think it is doubtful whether a single number of the Centinel, 
Repertory, Boston Gazette, &c. has been published for years, 
free from attacks on the administration. And I am pretty 
well convinced, that attempts at vindication are hardly ever al- 
lowed a place. The object stefulily, and invariably, and indus- 
triously pursued, is to run down tlie incuml)ents in oliice at 
all events. To this every thing is made subservient. 

* The reader is requested In reading the different Prefaces, to pay 
particular attention to their dates. 

t Li a series of essays, published under tlie sigiiatui'es of rclliam, in 
the Connecticut Courant/ 1796. !^ee page 264. 



9 PREFACE TO THE FIRST EDITION. 

On the injustice, the cruelty of this procedure, it is needless 
to descant. It is treating; the highest public functionaries of the 
countrj', chosen by tlie unbiassed suilVagcs of a free people, worse 
tiian we should treat the veriest rascal in society. It he were 
accused of any crime whatever, his defence would be patiently 
heard before sentence would be pronounced. But our tirst ma- 
gistrate, and other public olficers, are accusedj tried and condemn- 
ed without a possibility of defenpe. 

This is a great and deplorable" evil — an evil so inveterate, as to 
render a remedy almost hopeless. It is hardly possible for any go- 
vernment to stcnd against such an unjust system. It is pregnant 
with the most awful consequences to society. 

1 am not to be tcld, that there .are many papers devoted to 
the defence of the government as well as to run it down. 
Tliis I well know ; bat this does not remove the difficulty. Such 
is the folly of the times, that the mass of our citizens confine 
themselves to those papers calculated to stiengthen their preju- 
<lices. They rarel3P read defences, if any appear. And thus it 
is not surprising that tho=e prejudices become daily more and 
more inveterate — and that through the address and industry of 
artful men, they are prepared to overturn that constitution, to 
whose abuse and pervertion they ascribe all those sutierings which 
have really flowed from the rapacity and injustice of the belli- 
gerents. 

Besides the party in New-England, who are deter'nined on a 
separation of the states for their own aggrandizement — there is 
a party in the midjlle states equally dangerous. They are dai- 
ly engaged in preparing the public mind for seizing tiie reigns 
of government by violence, and expelling the public func- 
tionaries. 

"NVith these gentlemen, it is a favourite idea to send the pres- 
ident to Elba, and supply his place with one of their own friends^ 
and thus save the people the necessity of auotlier election. 
Mr. Fiarcnt Gardenier, of Nev/ York, and a few violent men in 
congress, are the most, active ef this party. All their talents 
and industry are devoted to this vile purpose. 

This (bU>odand murder — lanterns nnd guillotines apart) — is as 
rcvolutJt>nary, as disorganizing, as Jacobinical a project as any of 
these of Dant-^o, liCgendre, Marat, Pction, or Robespierre, in 
ihc early stiiges of the French revolution. And, rc;uler, "/ay 
rat the f-ctterins; unction to your souly^ that we shall in tliis 
e'vfMt V'yr^YC bloodshed. It is as impossible that such a. flagitious 
project should be carrieil into operation, without torrents of 
hlood beJDg shed, as that you can tear awav tlie foundations 
on which a mighty edifice rests, >yithout the edifice itself crum- 
M\:jg \n ruins, or that you can remove the dykes which oppose 
siie progress of a vast body of water, and not have the aja- 
cent country overflowed. 

With Mr. Gardenier, it is a favourite phrase that '• the pre- 
i:('nt administration must come downy Tins is tolerably explicit. 
Jt is impossible to mistake the intention or the mode oTeiTecting 



PREFACE TO THE FIRST EDITION. 9 

it. The latter i?; very simple. History furnishes niiinerous ex- 
amples. It is the mode by uiiich Cromwell expelled tlie Hump 
parliament, and seized the reigns of government himself. It is 
tlie mode by which, after the Rubicon was passed, Julius Gge«ar 
rose to power on the ruins of the commonwealth. And, to cnu\e 
to a latter period, it is the mode whereby Bonaparte made hiiu- 
self master of the destinies of France. 

But, Mr. Gardenier, we are not ripe for tiiat project yet. Can 
vou, or general Wharton, wlio has given the toast—'-' James Mad- 
ison, on the island of Elba'" — ^can you, I say, be mad enouglj to be- 
iievethatthe hardy yeomanry of New York,New Jersey, or Penn- 
svlvania, will subuiittoallowany band of desperadoes with impuni- 
ty to tear the highest public functionaries of the nation from their 
seats — men chosen in strict conformity with the terms of the 
social compact .'* 

If you flatter yourself with any si^ch pleasing delusions, a\yake, 
vintl shake oflf the mighty error. Rely upon it, that those who 
".lay make the sacrilegious attempt will witli their deluded fol- 
lowers sulier condign punishment as traitors. 



The United States have for a considerable time past exhibited 
a spectacle of the most extraordinary kind, and almost unique in 
the history of tlie world. 

Our form of government has probably but one material defect. 
Tt wants a due degree of energy, particularly pending war. 
If it were free from this, it might last as long as tlie Roman 
government. 

This defect niMst be a .subject of deep and serious regret to 
all good men, not merely ou'- cotemporaries or countrymen, but 
to those in future times and distant countries, who may feel an 
interest in the happiness of their fellow men. in perusing 
history, we lament the errors, of our ancestors — ours will be a sub- 
ject of lamentation to oiir posterity. 

Taking into consideration this serious defect in the frame of 
our government, it is the duty of all good citizens to uphold and 
^'upport it. But all considerations of duty apart, mere selfisli- 
ness ought to prompt all men who have any iniei-est in the wel- 
lare of the country, who have any thing to loose by convulsions, 
and tumults, and confusion, and anarchy^ to cling to and uphold 
the government, whereby they are protected in the enjoyment 
of all the blessings of life. 

But it is awful to relate, that a large proportion of the weal- 
thiest men in the community have been as sedulously employed 
in tearing down the pillars of the government — in throwing every 
(Obstacle, and difticulty, and embai rassment in the way of its 
administrators, as if it were a government ecpially oppressive with 
that of Algiers or Turkey, or as if they couJd derive advantage 
from anarchy. Should they be cursed with final success in 
their endeavours, Ihey and then- posterity will moura the con- 
?equences. " ' . 



r» 



l(i PIIEFACE TO THE FrtlSf LDITION 

The national vessel is on rocks and quicksands, and iu ilar. 
ger of shipwreck. There is, moreover, a larj:;er and more formi- 
dable vessel preparing all possible means for lier destruction- 
Yet, instead of efforts to extricate her, the crew are distracted 
by a dispute how she came into "that situation. The grand and 
only object of a part of them is to get the helm into their 
own hands — and rather than not succeed, they are resolved 
she shall go to perdition. This party swears all the dilliculty 
and danger are owin^ to the imbecility, the corruption, the 
madness and folly of tlie pilot, whom they threaten with "a 
halter,** or to put him ashore " on the Island of Elba." The 
others swear with equal vehemence, that the refractory, turbulent, 
and factious spirit of the mutinous part of the crew has run the 
vessel aground. They are accordingly determined to defend the 
pilot. A few individuals, who see that both parties had 
contributed to produce this calamitous event, in vain hold out 
"f/;e* Olive Branch,^* and implore them to suspend all enqui- 
ries as to the cause of the danger till the ship is righted. It 
is in vain. While the parties are more and more inflamed 
against each other, the vessel bulges on a sharp rock — down 
she goes — pilot— and supporters — and mutineers — and peace 
makers — all in one common destruction. 

This I am fearful will be our fate. It may be prevented. 
All that is necessary is for a few influential men in the dif- 
ferent states to step forward—- bury the hatchet — and lay aside 
all minor considerations while the vessel of state is in danger. 
This policy is so obviously just, that one hundred individuals 
throughout the union setting the example, would have suffi- 
cient eflicacy to accomplish the blessed object of saving their 
Coantry. 

Will the Clarksons, the Rays, the Ludlows, the Remsens, the 
Ogdens, the Pearsalls, the Lenoxes, the Harrisons, the Lawren- 
ces, the M'Cormicks, of New York — the Willings. the Francis- 
es, the Norrlses, the Biddies, the Latimers, the Tilghmans, tlie 
Wains, the Ralstons, the Lewises, of Philadelphia — the Gilmors, 
the Olivers, the Sterets, the Howards, the Smiths, the Bryces, 
tjie Grahams, the Cookes, of Baltimore — and other such estima- 
ble federalists throughout the union, continue to regard with apathy 
tlie dangers of their country, and not make a bold and decisive 
stand to rescue her ? No, It cannot be. Heaven has'not, I hope, 
so far blotted us out of its favourable remembrance, as to abanclon 
us to such a frightful destiny. It will at this late hour interpose 
for our salvat'wn, and dispel the horrible mists of passion and 
prejudice — of madness and folly — which intercept from our view 
the abyss that yawns before us, ready to swallow us up in reme- 
diless destruction. 

In England, the opposition to the ministry is always violent, 
and, like the opposition here, is too generally directed against 
all the measures of government, whether meritorious or other- 
M'ise. But their is m parliament a substantial cour.tr ij partij-. 



PREFACE TO TUB FIRST EDmON 11 

vThich occasionally vote with the minister, and occasionally witji 
the opposition — supporting or opposing measures as conscience 
dictates. 

It is a most unfortunate fact, that in congress the number of 
members of tiiis description is very small. That body may be 
<renerally classed into federalists and democrats, who too fre- 
quently vote in solid columns. There are, I grant, laudable ex 
captions. But they are too rare. _ . 

This is one of the worst features in the situation of the coun- 
try. The indiscriminate adherence to party, and uniform sup- 
port of party arrange nents. encourage the leaders to proceed to ex- 
tremities, and to adopt violent and pernicious measures, which the 
good sense of their followers may reprobate, but from which they 
have notfortitude enough to ivitkhold their support. This has been 
in all countries the most frightful of the consequences of the unholy 
and deleterious spirit of faction. Men, originally of the purest 
hearts and best intentions, are by this i^nis futuus, gradually 
corrupted, and led step by step to unite in acts at which, they 
would, at the commencement of their career, have recoiled 
vjith horror and affright, I believe it is a sound political 
maxim, that a thoroughgoing party-man never was a perfectly 
honest politician; for there hardly ever yet was a party free Irom 
errors and crimes, more or less gross, in exact proportion to 
the folly or the wickedness of its leaders. 

The Jews, when besieged by Titus, within the walls of their 
metropolis, availed themselves of the cessation of hostile attacks 
on the part of their external enemies, to glut their vengeance, 
and malice, and factious spirit, by butchering each other — 
and thus both parties fell an easy prey to the invaders. To 
this deplorable pitch of madness we have not yet arrived. But 
that we have hitherto escaped this calamity, is not for want of 
industry on the part of some persons who are unceasingly era- 
ployed as incendiaries in blowing up the flames of discord, 
and preparing us for similar scenes. The cool, and calm, and 
temperate part of the community appear torpid and languid, 
and take no steps to avert the awful catastrophe. Let them 
awake from their slumbers soon; or at no distant day, the 
evil may be remediless, and they will in vain mourn over their 
folly. 

I believe Mr. Madison perfectly upright; that his adminis- 
tration of the government has been conducted with as pure 
intentions, as ever actuated a first magistrate of any couutry; and 
that lord Chatham or the great Sully would have found ita very ar- 
duous task to manage the helm under the difficulties, external 
and internal, that he has had to contend with. But if it were 
a question that related wholly to Mr. Madison or his admin- 
istration, I should never have trespassed on the public. — • 
AVere Mr. Madison as patriotic as Curtius, or the Decii, who 
grace the Roman story — and as immacidate as an archangel — 



12 PREFACE TO THE FIRST KDinON. 

nay, were all the heroes and statesmen of the revolution — res- 
Toied to lite, and entrusted with the administration — 1 sliouUi 
consider their honour, their interests, their happiness, or theiv 
safety, as dust in the balance compared with the salvation of 
eight millions of people. 

It is difficult to conceive an object more worthy of the ef- 
forts of an ardent mind. A review of history will convince any 
reasonable or candid {lerson, that there ncyerwas, and indubi- 
tably there is not at present a more interesting portion of the 
human sjiecies, than the inhabitants of the United States. There 
never was a nation in whicii ali the solid blesL-ir'Oi, and com- 
forts of life were more full}' eiijoyeU than ihey are hei-e, and 
where they were secured by sucii slender sacrilices. Jam not 
so blind an admirer of it, as not to see that it ha.^ defects. 
There never was a nation or individual free from thtm. But 
take all the leading points that give assurance of happiness, and 
afford the necessary indications of respectability : and at no 
period can there be found a nation standing on more elevated 
ground. 

The former points of difforenee between the federalists and 
democrats have lost nearly all their importance. They are 
merged in objects of incomparably higher moment. Evils of 
incalculable magnitude menace us. A powerful enemy, flush- 
ed with success, and with superabundant means of annoyance 
hovers on our coasts, and, through his formidable navy, is en- 
abled to inflict on us deep and lasting injury. And what is 
pregnant with more terror by far, instead of aiding to extri- 
cate us from tliis perilous situation, the opportunity of a sea- 
son of difficultv and danger is seized on to dissolve the 
■•inion, to raise up hostile and jarring confederacies, and to des- 
troy the hopes mankind have formed of out noble governmental 
experiment. 

To continue to dispute about the minor points that have 
divided the parties heretofore, would be madness. How supei-- 
Litiv£ would be the folly and absurdity of two men, who were 
fighting about the interior decorations and arrangements of 
an edifice, regardless of the operations of two others, one of 
v/hom was umlermining and preparing to blow it up in the 
air, and the other providing a torch to set it on fire.'' A strait 
'acket would be too slender a restraint for them. Such is the, 
ioUy and madness of those democrats and federalists, who con- 
tinue their warfare about the mode of administering the con- 
stitution, or the persons by whom it shall be administered, at 
11 time wlien the constitution itself is in daiigcy- of being des- 
xioyed root and branch. 



PREFACE TO IIIE FIftST EDIIION. 13 

Tlie plan of tliis work may require some short explanation. 
J believe the country to be in imminent danger ot a convulsion, 
whereof the human mind cannot calculate the consequences.. 
The nation is divided into two hostile parties, wliose animosi- 
ty towards each other is daily increased by iiiHamatory pub- 
lications. Each char^^s the odier with the guilt of having pro- 
duced the present alarming state ofaft'airs. In private life, 
when two individuals quarrel, and each believes the other whol- 
ly in the wrong, a reconciliation is hardly practicable. JJut 
when they can be convinced that the errors are mutual — as is 
almost universally the case — thejy open their ears to the voice 
of reason, and are willing to meet each other half way. A. 
maxim sound in private aftairs, is rarely unsound in public life. 
While a violent federalist believes allthe evils of the present 
state of tilings have arisen from the guilt of the administra- 
tion, nothing less will satisfy him than hurling Mr. Madison 
i'rom the jeat of government, and sending him to Elba. While, 
on the other hand, a violent democrat persuades himself that 
all our evils have arisen from tiie difilculties and embarrass- 
ments constantly and steadily thrown in the way of the ad- 
ministration by the federalists, he is utterly averse to any 
compromise. — Each looks down upon the other with scoru 
and hatred, as the pharisee in the gospel, upon the publican. 
i have endeavoured to prove, and I believe 1 have fully pro- 
ved, that each party has a heavy debt oferroi', and folly, and 
guilt, to answer for to theii- injured country, and to posterity — . 
and, as I have stated in the botly of this work, that mutual 
forgiveness is no more than an act of justice — and can lay no 
olafm to the character of liberality on either side. 

But even supposing for a moment — what probably hardly 
over occurred, since the Avorld was formed^ — that the error is 
all on onft side, is it less insane for the other to increase the 
difliculty of extrication — to refuse its aid — to embarrass those 
who have the management of our aftairs ? My house is on 
fire; instead of calling for aid — or providing iire-engines — or 
endeavouring to smother the fiames — I institute an inquiry how it 
took fire — whether by accident or design — and if by desi^n> 
who was the incendiary, and further undertake to punish him 
for his wickedness! a most wise and wonderful nrv)cedure — 
and just on a level with the wisdom, and patriotism, and pub- 
lic spirit of those sapient members of congress, who spend 
days in making long speeches upon the causes of the war, and the. 
errors of its management, every idea whereof has been a hun- 
dred, perhaps a thousand, times repeated in tiie newspapers, 
instead of meeting the pressing and imperious necessity of thfr 
emergency. 



34 PREFACE TO THE FIRST EDITIOxV. 

I claim but one merit in this production, and that is by rii> 
xneans inconsiderable. It is, that with a perfect knowledge 
of the furious, remorseless, never-dying, and cut-throat hos- 
tility, with which Faction in all ages has persecuted those 
v/ho have dared op|)ose her — and perfectly satisfied, that 
xvith us she is as implacable, as malignant, and as inexora- 
!)le a monster as she has ever been, 1 have dared, nevertheless, 
to state the truth, regardless of tl\e consequences. 1 was, it 
is true, reluctant. 1 should have preferred by far, for the re- 
mainder of my life, steering clear of the quicksands ofpoli- 
tics. None of the questions that have heretofore divided par- 
ties in this country could have induced me to venture upoa 
the tempestuous ocean. But at a crisis like the present, neu- 
trality would be guilt. # The question now is between the 
friends of social order, and jacobins, who are endeavouring to 
iiestroy the whole fabric of government, with the slender chance 
of building it up again — between peace and harmony on one side, 
and civil war and anarchy on the other. A lamentable delu- 
sion prevails. The community shut their eyes against the truth 
on the subject. But this is the real state of the case, or I am 
as grossly deceived as ever was human being. And unless some 
of our influential men exert themselves to allay the storm, a 
few short months will exchange doubt into awful and dread- 
ful certainty. 

While 1 w^as deliberating about the sacrafice which such a 
publication as this requires, one gerious and affecting considera- 
tion removed my doubts, and decided my conduct. Seeing 
tfiousands of the flower of our population — to whom the spring 
of life just opens vvith all its joys, and pleasures, and enchant- 
ments — prepared in the tented field to risk, or, if necessary, 
sacrifice their lives for their country's welfare; I thought it 
would be baseness in me, whose sun has long passed the me- 
rodian, and on whom the attractions of life have ceaced to 
operate with their early fascinations, to have declined any risk 
tliat might arise from the effort to ward off the parricidal stroke 
:titned at a country to which I owe such heavy obligations. 
With this view of the subject I could not decide otherwise 
than I have doiie. 

On the execution of the work it behoves me to offer a few 
remark'?. I kiiov; it is very considerably imperfect. It is hard- 
ly possibly to prepare any work under greater disadvantage-; 
than have attended the Olive Branch. A large portion ot ir 
is, therefore, crude, and indigested, and without order. Were 
it a treatise on morals, religion, history, or science, which could 
not S'lffer by the delay necessary to mature and methodize 
it, I should be unpardonable, and deserve the severest castiga- 
tion of critici«rii. for presenting it to the public in this unfin- 
ished state. K'lt the exigencies of tlie times arc so pressing, 
that were it df'nyed till I could digest it properly, it might 
be wholly out of i-fa<»on. 



PREFACE TO TlIE SECOND EDITIOX. IJ 

it would be unjust were I not to acknowledge the numerous 
and weighty obligations I owe to" The Weekly Register," cUt- 
<fed by H. Niles, tlie best periodical work ever published in 
America, from which I have drawn a large portion of the facts 
and documents which 1 have employed. I venture to assert 
that no American library can be complete without this work. 



I have carefully studied to be correct in point of fact and 
argument. But the circumstances under which I hate written, 
render it probaWe that 1 may have fallen into errors. I 
§hall therefore regard it as a most particular favour, if any 
gentleman who discovers them, however minute, will frankly 
point them out, and they shall be most cheerfully corrected. 
If of sufficient importance, I shall make a public acknowledge- 
ment in the newspapers. If the cause I espouse cannot be 
supported by truth, candour and fair argument; may it perishj 
ibe-c'er to find another advocatel 



PREFACE 

TO THE SECOND EDITION. 

Fhiladelphia, January 4, 1815. 

Tlie unequivocal and decided approbation with which the 
former edition of this work has been favoured by respectable 
men of both the hostile parties that divide this country, I re- 
gard as among the most grateful circumstances of my life. Its 
numerous defects — its want of method — and the great imper- 
fection of its style and manner — vvere, I presume, regarded as 
atoned for by its obvious and undeniable object — the object of con- 
tributing my feeble efforts towards allaying the effervescence, 
the turbulence, the annimosity that pervade the community, 
and are pregnant with such alarming consequences. 

Of the time that has elapsed since its first appearance, I 
have availed myself, to amplify — to methodize — and to improve 
it. And although I am very far indeed from presuming it to 
be perfect, yet I hope it will be found more entitled to pat- 
ronage than it was in its original deshabille. 

It embraces a very convulsed period of our history; and 
has been written under nu common disadvantages. I have 
laboured under a great deficiency of various materials and 
documents, which no exertions have ejjabled me to procure— 



IP PREFACE TO THE SECOND EDITION. 

.Tiul it hiis been begun, carried on, and completed in moments: 
constantly subject to those interruptions inevitable in the pres- 
sure ot business. To suppose, then^ it wtre perfect, would 
arjjue a df^gree of insanity which the fondest and most dotins; 
deTiiiuin of paternal vanity could hardly palliate. It would 
be a case unparalleled in the annals of literature. The world 
has had numerous instances of men of most splendid talents — 
of laborious research — with abundant materials and documents — 
enioyin"- full leisure to do justice to their subjects — and em- 
ploying" years for the purpose — yet falling into ep-egious er- 
rors. ^It could not then be expected that a work embracing 
such a variety of objects, and written under-tlie circumstan- 
ces I have stated, should be free from them. But the rea- 
der may rest assured that whatever they may be, they have 
not resulted from design. They are the offspring of slender- 
ness of talents — deficiency of materials — inadvertence — or that 
bias to which all men are subject in a greater or less degree, 
■^vhe^l treating on subjects wherein they feel deeply interest- 
ed : of the latter, however, I have laboured to divest myself. 

Had 1 written with any view to literary reputation, the 
work would have made a totally different appearance. In- 
.stead of presenting the reader with so many documents ver- 
batim, I should, as is usual, have given abstracts of theni 
in my own words — and thus formed a regular connected 
Tiarraiive of events, far more agreeable to read than the work 
in its present form, and rather easier to write ; for the rea- 
der may rest assured, that I have written three pages in less 
time than I employed in the search for a single document 
which does not occupy one, and whereof I knew enough to 
give an analysis of it ; and long, laborious searches for a doc- 
ument or newspaper paragraph or essay, have not unfrequently 
been wholly in vain. 

But though a thirst for literary reputation is far from il- 
laudable — and thoug;h it inspires to great exertions, and has 
been the honoured parent of some of the most stupendous 
uffotts of the human mind — it has not had the slightest in- 
iluence on me in tliis case. It would be utterly unavailing tc. 
counteract the loathing, the abhorrence I felt for entering in- 
lo political discussion, or for making myself once more an 
object of newspaper assault, of which few men in private life 
have been honoured with a greater share. 

No, I appeal to heaven for the truth of what I now de- 
clare. 1 soared to higher objects, far beyond sucli narrow 
views. I believed — I still believe — that a dissolution of the 
unicm is contemplated by a few ambitious and wicked men ;. 
that in the state of excitement to which the public mind is 
raised, and which is hourly increasing by the most profligate 
disregard of truth and of the welfare of the country — and by 
♦he utmost prostitution of talents, a mere trifle would suffic**- 



TOiferAGE TO THE SECOND EDITIOV. if 

to produce a convulsion — (as, \Vlien you have collected togetli- 
er a quantity of highly combustible materials, a single spark 
suffices to produce a contiagration) — tliat a dissolution oF the 
union will infallibly produce a civil war; that in the event of 
a civil war, there will be a struggle throughout the country 
for the ascendency, wherein will be perpetrated atrocitiis 
similar to those which disgraced the French revolution ; thai: 
even if we should be so fortunate ns to escape a civil wai , 
or, (if we should not) after its tcrniination, ajid the estab- 
lishment of separate confederacies, tiie country will be cur- 
sed with a constant border war, fomented by the nations of 
Europe, to whom we shall be a sport and a prey ; and that, 
in one word, a nation most highly favoured by heaven, is oa 
the very verge of perdition. 

These views may be erroneous. They differ from those of 
most of my friends. The mass of the community do not ac- 
cord with them. But they are unalterably impressed upon 
my mind. I cannot shake them off. They are all supported by tlie 
instructive but neglected voice of history. I possess not the 
happy faculty with which so many arc endowed. I cannof: 
believe an event will not take place, because I hope and pray 
it may not. I am disposed to envy those who are thus gifted. 
It diminishes the hours of suffering. In a life so chequered 
as ours, this is some advantage. Eut it has, like all other 
blessings, a counterpoising evil. When we disbelieve in the 
approach of danger, we make no preparations to tepcl it. 

With these impressions I preferred risking any consequen- 
ces, however periucious to myself, that might arise from the 
present address, to a state of torpor and inactivity — to per- 
ishing without an effort. In a sanguine moment, 1 indulged 
the flattering, the fond, (pray heaven it may not be the de- 
lusive) hope that my efforts might be so far crowned v/ith 
success, as to make me the blessed, the happy instrument of 
arousing even one, two, or three influential active citizens 
from the tnorbid, the lethargic slumber, into which the com- 
munity has been so fatally lulled ; that these might arouse 
Others ; and that thus the potent spells might be dissolved, 
•which, in a manner unexampled in the history of the world, 
make us regard with stupid, torpid apathy and indifference, 
the actual bankruptcy of our government (produced by a most 
iJaring conspiracy) — the impending destiuction of our glori- 
ous constitution, the wo^k of Washington, Franklin, Living- 
ston, Hamilton, Jay, &c. the depriciation of every species of 
f)roperty — and the approaching ruin of our country. Should 
leaven thus bless me, die afterwards when I may, I shall not 
have lived in vain. Should I fail, on my toaibstoqe shall, be 
graven, i' ma^nis exei^it ausisJ^ 



18 PREFACF, TO TirR SF.coxn F.nmax. 

I offer these great and solemn truths to the consideration of aM 
Mho have an interest in the welfare of their country. 

I. Jl separation of the states cannot be effected without an imme- 
diate CWlh, and an almost continual BORDER WAR; audit 
must inevitably place us at the mercy of England, and make this 
country the sport of the European powers at all future times. 

II. As well miglit we expect to re-unite, without fla'.v, the frag- 
ments of an elegant porcelain vase, shattered to pieces, as to re- 
store the union, if dissolved but for one hour. 

III. A period of war. and invasion, and danger, is utterly unfit 
for repairing or amending a constitution. Nothing but convul- 
sion can arise out of the attempt. 

IV. General Washington, in his legacy, one of the noblest ef- 
forts of human wisdom, impressively urged his countrymen to 
frown indignantly upon any attempt to impair or dissolve the 
union. 

V. To hostile European powers a dissolution would be of im- 
mense and incalculable advantage. 

VI. It would be inexpressible folly and madness to reject the 
policy dictated by Washington, and follow that which would be 
dictated by those powers of Europe who regard our prosperity with 
jealousy. 



PLAN OF AN UNION SOCIETY. 



"Above all tilings hold dear your national union. Accustom yourselves to 
estimate its infinite value to your individual and national ha])piness. Look on it as 
the palladium of your tranciuiUity at home; of your peace abroad; of your 
safety; of your prosperit}'; and even of that liberty wliich you so highly prize." 

Washington's farewell address. 

W^HEREAS many disaffected citizens have lon^ laboured to 
prepare the public mind for a dissolution of the union, and the 
formation of separate confederacies; and whereas they have at 
length publicly and daringly avowed their flagitious designs; and 
whereas the experience of all history to the present time aftbrds 
the most complete proof that such dissolutions of existing forms of 
government, and the formation of new ones, have almost invaria- 
bly produced bl()o<ly civil wars, the greatest curse that ever afflict- 
ed mankind; and whereas the present form of the general govern- 
ment, if duly supported by our citizens, is calculated to produce 
as high a decree of happiness as has ever fallen to the lot of any 
nation; and whereas the separate confederacies, contemplated as 
substitutes for the present general confederacy, even if it were 
possible to establish them peaceably, would be pregnant with 
nitermiiiable future wars, such as liave almost constantly pi*-' 



PREFACE TO TIIE SECOND EDITION. 19 

vailed between neighbouring states, ^vitll rival interests, real 
or supposed, and would hold out every possible inducement, 
and every desirable facility to foreign nations, to array each 
against the other, and tluis subjugate the whole, or at least 
render them dependent upon,' or subservient to those foreign 
nations ; and whereas, finally, it would be absolute madness 
to throw away the incalculable blessings we enjoy, for the 
mere chance of bettering our condition, and still more for the 
absolute certainty of rendering it much worse : 

I'herefore resolved, that we the subscribers do associate un- 
der tlie title of the Washington Union Society, of which 
the following is the 

CONSTITUTION. 

I. We solemnly pledge ourselves to support by every honour- 
able and legal means in our power the existing form of the 
general government. 

II. That we will use our utmost endeavours to counteract 
as far as in our power, iall plots for the dissolution of the union. 

III. That we will correspond and cheerfully co-operate \yitli 
all individuals, and bodies of men, in all parts of the union, 
who have the same views with us on the object embraced m 
the second article, however they may diifer from us on other 
political topics. 

IV. That the officers of the society shall be a president, 
vice-president, secretary, treasurer, committee of correspondences, 
and committee of elections. 

V. That it shall be the duty of the committee of corres- 
pondence, to invite the' good citi'zens of this state and of 
the other states, to form similar societies and to correspond 
\vith them j to investigate and expose to public abhorrence, the 
various plans that have been adopted from time to time, to 
effect the parricidal purpose of dissolving the union; to place 
in the strongest point of light the advantages of our blessed 
form of government, with the tremendous consequences ot 
civil war, and (the inevitable result of a separation) our being 
instruments in the hands of the great powers of Europe, to 
^nnoy, ravage, depopulate, slaughter, and destroy each other. 



PREFACE 



TO THE FOURTH EDITIOjV* 



Philadelphia, April 10, 1815, 

I COMMENCE this Preface, with feelings very different indeed 
from those by which I was actuated, when I penned the far- 
mer ones. Prospects, public and private, have wonderfully 
improved. A revolution immence, striking, glorious, and de- 
lightful, has taken place in the affairs of our blessed country, 
^or which we cannot be sufficiently grateful to heaven. We 
have not— I say emphatically — we have not merited the change, 
I could assign various satisfactory reasons in proof of this opin- 
ion, extraordinary as it may seem. 1 wave them. It is un- 
necessary to enter into the recapitulation. But whatever may 
have been our past merits or demerits, I hope our prosperity 
is now fixed on a basis as firm as the rock of Gibralter. 

In the present tranquilized state of the public mind, when tha 
iears and solicitudes excited by tlie lato alarming state of affairs 
have subsided, it will be difficult for the reader to justify, or 
^ven to account for the warmth which many parts of this work 
vTi^play. It is therefore but justice to myself, to give a rapid 
Retell of the scenes through which we have passed, in order 
■ account for the excitement of my mind, so obvious to eve- 
> reader in the perusal of some of my chapters. 
Tiie government had been nearly reduced to bankruptcy. 
It had been unable to raise money to discharge the most im- 
" perious engagements. There was no general circulating medi- 
um in the country. The banks, from New-York to New-Orleans, 
inclusively, had, with perhaps one or two exceptions, stopped 
ihe payment of specie. The bank notes of Philadelphia and 
New- York were depreciated in Boston from 15 to 25 per cent, 
below par. And every feature in our political aftiiirs wore 
the same awful aspect. Whether the causes I have assigned in 
hapter LII. really produced this state of things or not, is im- 
material. Be the cause what it may, the fact existed. Want 
uf money had partially suspended the recruiting service. And 
le pacification of Europe had quadrupled the disposable force 
f our enemy, and in the same degree increased our danger and 
,':e necessity for energy and vigilance. 

•The tlntd edition, of 1^50 copies, was prlr^ted in Boston. 



PREFACE TO THE FOXJRTH EUITIOX. Li 

I Under these circumstances,con»ress was convened on ihc 19th. 

! of September, nearly two months earlier tlian the period fixed 
by law, in order to make provision for such an extraordinary 
emerii;ency. The state of the nation was fully detailed to tiicm 
in various executive communications, which called, imperiously 
called for energy and decision. 

Rarely Ixas a legislative body had more important duties to ful- 
fil, or a more glorious opportunity of signalizing itself, and 
laying claim to the public gratitude. Rarely have stronger 
motives existed to arouse every spark of public spirit or pat- 
riotism that had lain dormant in tiie heart. And I venture to 
assert, there hardly ever was a legislature that more com- 
pletely disappointed public expectation — that more egregiously 
failed of its duty. 

Tbe imbecility, the folly, the vacillation, the want of system, 
of energy, and of decision, displayed by the majority — and the 
Tinyielding, the stubborn, the violent^ opposition of the minority 
to all the measures for which the occasion so loudly called — ■ 
have fixed an indelible stain on the memory of the thir- 
teenth congress. They v/ill be long remembered with emotions 
neither of gratitude nor respest. No where, 1 am persuaded, 
in the annals of legislation, is there to be found an instance 
of precious time more astonishingly mispent. They had beeq^, 
in session nearly five months when the news of peace arri- 
ved — and had but three weeks to sit. The spring, the sea- 
son of hostility and depredation, was rapidly approaching; 
and what had they done to serve or save their country?. 
"What provision had thej made of men or money.^ Little or »* 
none. Nearly all the measures adapted for the emergency 
that had been brought forward in congress had been defeat- 
ed.* 

That this state of public aSFairs was calculated to excite 
warmth of feeling, and to call forth a strong expression of 
that warmth, must be obvious — -and will not merely account 
for, but justiiy the higli wrought passages to be found in the 
work, which, under other circumstances, might perhaps be inde- 
fensible. 

It will be asked, what good purpose can the re -publication 
of this work answer at present.^ Is it not, it will be said, tar 
better to bury the hatchet, and to consign, these things to obli« 
vion, than to keep alive animosity and discord? 



* I have asiserted elsewhere, that Englaad presents much to ajmire 
and copy. In this point, she is trancendently superior to us. Had parlia- 
ment been called in such a crisis as. existed last September in tliiu 
countiy, all the effective preparations necessary to breast the storm 
would have been made in one week. Some of the declamatory speeches 
of two or three days long, occupied ad much time as parliament would 
have required to nyse iifty millions qf iKon.ey, ajid to provijle jjoeans for 
embodying aji arrny of 50,000 men. 



'^'2 PREFACE TO THE FOURTH EDITION. 

AV'crc the tendency of the Olive Branch to keep alive dis-^ 
cord, I should unhesititingly consign it to the flames. But I 
utterly disbelieve this will or can be the consequence. I can-' 
not admit that a fair detail of the mutual follies of the two 
parties, has a tendency to perpetuate hostility between them. 
It is contrary tu reason, common sense, and the universal ex- 
perience of mankind. 

Peace, or harmony, or conciliation, is not to be hoped for, 
■while both parties clothe themselves in the deceptious mantle 
of self-righteousness — while they not only believe themselves 
immaculate, Ijut their opponents ^^ monsters unredeemed by any 
virtue.''* Nothing but a serious, solemn and deep rooted conviction 
on both sides, ot egregious misconduct, can lead to that temper 
of mind which is necessary to produce a mild, conciliating- 
spirit. While both parties act the part of the self-approving 
pharisee, we might with equal chance of success attempt to- 
unite fire and water — light and darkness — -virtue and vice, as to re- 
concile them. But when both regard themselves in their true 
light, as offenders against their duties to their country, they 
■will be disposed to forgive that they may be forgiven, i his 
idea, which is the basis whereon this work rests, has been more 
than once stated, and cannot be too often repeated, and inculca- 
ted on the public mind. 

I fondly hope this work will have other uses — that it may 
serve as a beacon to other times than ours. When a naviga- 
tor discovers new shoals, and rocks and quicksands, he marks them 
on his chart, to admonish future navigators to be on their 
guard, and to shun the destruction to which ignorance might 
lead. 

'i'his strongly applies to our case. By an extraordinary mixture 
of folly and wickednesg, we had run the vessel of state on rocks,and 
quicksands and breakers, where she was in imminent danger of 
perishing. We had brought to the verge of perdition the no- 
blest form of government, and the niost free and happy peo- 
ple, that the sun ever beheld. But, thanks to heaven; not to , 
our virtue,! our public spirit, or our liberality; we have esca- 
ped. We have arrived safe in port. I have endeavoured tode^ 
lineate a chart of the most formidable of the rock on which 



• Monstra nulla virtutc redempta. 

7 The ilhiRtriovis heroes of the'western country — our gallant nnvy — several 
of our pentrals and armies on the lines — the citizens of Baltimore, uf 
Stonintrton, tlic i^.irrison at ("rany ishnd — and the people of some other 
places— :irc obviously exempt from tliis censure. And never \v;c> tiiere 
theater energy displayed than in New- York, in making preparations for 
the warm reception of an enemy. But when we consider die violence of the 
eastern states against the rulers chosen by the people, tlie torpor aiid in- 
♦lilfercnce of tlie mighty state of I'ennsj Ivania, and other portioBS of ±e 
union, wc must luive u sijjJi, and draw a veil over past scones; 



PREFACE TO THE FOURTH EDITION*. 25 

Our vessel was sti iking, to serve as a guide to future slate pilots. I 
trust the chart can not" be exannned attentively without benefit. It 
establislies an important, but most awful political maxim, tliat dur- 
ing the prevalence of the destructive, and devouring and> 
execrable spirit ol faction, men, otherwise good and respecta- 
ble, will loo frequently sacrifice, without scruple or remorse, 
the motet vital interests of their country, under the dictates 
audio promote the views, of violent and ambitious men! What 
a ferrific subject of contemplation! 

The publication of this book has decided one point of con- 
siderable importance to the truth of history, and to the happi- 
ness of mankind. This point is, that it is not quite so dan- 
gerous as has been supposed, for a writer to draw a portrait 
•of his cotemporaries; provided the features be faithfully and 
impartially delineated. It has been too generally presumed 
that it is utterly unsafe to write of our own times with truth* 
With this idea I w as impressed when I engaged in the work. 
And it required no common stimulus to inspire me with the 
hardihood the undertaking required. 

But the event has falsified the anticipation. Without any 
of the advantages that office, or rank, or connexions aftord. 
i have dared publicly to call faction, and jacobinism, and dis- 
organization, as well as factious men, and jacobins, and dis- 
organizers, by their proper names, without distinction of party. 
And the reliance I placed upon the good sense of the public 
has not been disappointed. My efforts have been received by 
a large proportion of the good and great men of the nation 
with a favour and kindness, Avhich fill my heart with the most 
exquisite pleasure; and amply repay my trouble and my 
♦irisk; the sacrifice of my business and of my enjoy- 
ments, during the progress of the work; and hold out en- 
couragement to political writers to shun that slavish and dis- 
honourable devotion to one party, whereby truth is sacrificed, 
and history made a mere tissue of fables. If no other effect 
had been produced by^this book, I should not have written ia 
vain. 

The advantages of cotemporaneous writing are numerous 
and weighty. When the passing events are recorded and 
commented on, while they are as it were spread before owr 
fcyes, it only requires honesty of intention to make the 
portrait a tolerable likeness. But when we treat on occur- 
rences of " years that are past and gone," it is like tracing 
the features of a deceased friend frOm memory. The greai: 
and leading outlines may be correct — but in filling up the 
drawing, many of the most important characteristics must es- 
cape. 

It may not be improper to warn the reader, that I am at" 
tached to, and in general approve of the political views and 
most part (not the whole by any means) of the conduct ot 
that party which was stigmatized as anti-federajists, before the 



^^4 PREFACE to Tim FOURTH EDITION. 

ailoptlon of the federal constitution, and is now entitled de- 
mocratic or republican. We wcie called anti-federalists, be- 
rause we were eager to have the constitution amended previ- 
ous to its ratification, doubting the practicability of amendment 
afterwards. We were wiid "and extravagant enough to see 
despotism in many of its features, and were so fatuitous and 
blind as not to have the slightest idea of danger from tlje 
state governments. We have lived to see our miserable infa- 
tuation, and to deprecate and deplore its consequences. 

My reason for this explicit avowal is, to induce the reader 
io receive my opinions and inferences with that caution which 
is necessary, from the probability of my being under the in- 
fluence of that bias, which, more or less, every man feels 
Towards the party to which he is attached; and whiclit, not- 
withstanding I have sedulously endeavoured to guard against 
its influence, may have occasionally led me astray. To no 
imman being has heaven deigned to impart infallibility: and 
it would he almost a miricle, if, in such a wide scope as 
I have taken, 1 were not sometimes warped by passion oi 
prejudice. 

liut to this it is proper to add, that I believe no man ever 
^vYoic a book of this extent, and embracing such a variety of 
subjocfs, who made lighter demands on the complaisance or 
credulity of his readers than I have done. For as the sub- 
jects 1 have treated of are of incalculable moment — as the hap- 
piness or misery of unborn millions, as well of this generation, 
depends on the course we steer — as that course will be materi- 
ally affected by the correctness or errors of the views we may 
take of our past system of conduct — and as I have (lared *^ 
to cite before the 'bar of the public, men of high standing — 
great tallents — great wealth— and powerful influence — T have 
judged it proper to support, as far as in my power, and to a 
degree hardly ever exceeded, all my important facts by docu- 
ments' of undeniable authority. Many of my readers -wiR 
probably believe that I have gone unnecessary lengths in this res 
pect. But I trust I have not. It is at all events far better to 
))ro(luce two much evidence than two little. 

AVcre every line of my own writing in this work anni- 
hilated, the documents, which are its bones, and sinews, ami 
muscles, wouhl be amply adequate to establish the positions I 
•neant to prove. 

'J'he strong style I have used in treating of the conduct of 
the eastern federalists, will be censured. But it may be de- 
fended on impregnable ground. In all their lucubrations on the 
motives of the war — the proceedings of the administration — and 
the conduct of their opponents — they uniformly employ the 
most un()ualified terms of reprobation and condemnation. To 
sheer, downright wickedness, all the errors and misfortunes 
that have occurred, are ascribed. There is not the slightest 
-hade of allowance made for human imperfection. A deep. 



PREFACE TO THE FOUKTII EDITION. 35 

wicked, and desperate conspiracy to destroy commerce is assu- 
med as the leading motive of government. And all its mea- 
sures are ascribed to, and accounted for, by this absurd, this 
'unfounded, this often refuted allegation. 

Those who shew ho mercy, have no right to complain if 
■*hov are themselves treated, with strict and unrelentiijg jus- 
Ire. <'VVith what measure ye mete, it shall be measured to 
vou again." 

I have in llie appendix, considerably extended the subjects 
of this work, 

The pacific policy which our local situation affords us rea- 
son to hope we may safely pursue, and which our interest 
Jictates, has induced me to review the restrictive system, and 
.to point out its decisive effects on the prosperity of England, 
It is a most pote.nt weapon — and, had not faction deprived it 
of its efficacy, would have insured us complete justice, and 
iverted the' horrors of wcrfra-e. To the defeat of this mild 
Out powerful instrument, we may justly charge all the car- 
nage and the expense of the war. 

An efficient and safe mode of defence, whereby foreign ag- 
gression may be prevented, and internal tranquility preserve- 
t'd,- is the greatest desideratum in our political system.. It is 
tile key stone of the arch of our freedom and happiness. I have 
therefore gone most copiously into the consideration ot the sub- 
ect. — The authority 1 have produced is irrcsistable. Neither 
Pringlc, nor Cullen, nor Sydenham, on medicine — nor Black, 
iior Lavoisior, nor Ghaptnl, on chemistry — nor Luther, nor 
Calvin, nor Wesley, among their respective followers, on reli- 
gion — are superior authority to general Washington on mili- 
tia service. I have therefore availed myself of his testimony 
to an extent which nothing but the iumien=e magnitude oftlie 
subject could justifyi ' 

1 have, likewise,' in the appendix analized a small pam- 
phlet, which I published last November, entitled, '_• A calm 
address to tlie people of the eastern states," wherein I have 
given a full view of the very erroneous opinions entertained 
respecting t!ie slave representation; and . I think fully proved, 
that notwithstanding the unceasing outcry and clamour on the 
subject in the eastern states" from the time of tb.e organization 
of the government, those states have hud more than their 
share of influence in the legislature of the union, without hav- 
ing any regard to the slave population. In the course of this 
investigation I have made two curious discoveries; one, that 
New-York and Delaware have each a slave representative; and 
the other, that Massachusetts, although she has no slaves, has a 
representative of her black population. 

Before I dismiss the work from my hands, feeling the solici- 
tude of a parent for his offspring, I cannot refrain from once 
more requesting the reader, when he discovers any errors of 
style or matter; any deficiency or redundancy; or, in a word, 

4 



¥ 



26 PKEFACE TO THE FOURTH EDITION 

any thin"; to censure, that he will bear in mind the cUsadvaA- 
tage? under which I liave written; in hours stolen from sleep, 
and during the ])ressure of a business which in no common 
degree requires all the energies of body and mind; that I have 
in my various editions, and in the public papers, solicited the 
suggestion of errors, which, if pointed out, I promised to cor- 
rect; and tliat I have also in the papers, and privately, in vain 
solicited communications from those who could and ought to 
have afforded them. 

On subjects that have employed so many thousand pens 
and tongues, much novelty cannot be expected. It is possible 
that there is not a new idea in the whole work. All that Dj . 
Franklin or Patrick Henry could claim in the investigation of 
topics so long hacknied as those 1 have discussed, is the ar- 
rangement. 

I fondly flatter myself that in this work will be found ma- 
terials for a complete defence of the Anierican nation in its 
intercourse with England. I am grossly deceived if the mild, 
forbearing, pacific system pursued by this country for so many 
years, amidst such grievous provocations, will not universally 
receive, as it deserves, the praise; and the oppressive, outrage- 
ous, and injurious conduct of England to us, the censure of all 
Christendom. 

It would be gross injustice to me to suppose, that I wisli 
to perpetuate the hatred between the two nations. It is the 
farthest from my intention. It is the interest of the United 
vStates, and will be their policy, if treated with common de~ 
«ency or justice, to cultivate peace with all the world. And 
1 am much deceived, if a plain and candid exposure of the 
vexatious, harrassing, insulting, and outrageous policy pursu- 
ed by the successive ministers of England^ from the year 1793, 
will not be the best means of preventing a recurrence of such 
impolitic and unjust conduct. They have deeply injured us. 
But the injury they inflicted on the vital interests of their own 
nation, has far exceeded what we have suftered. 



PREFACE 



TO TJTE SIXTH EDITIOA'.* 



Philadelphia, Sept. 6, 1815. 

ONCE more, and probably for tlie last time, I offer the 

Olive Branch," to my fellow citizens; improved and enlar"-- 
ed as far as in my power. I feel grateful for the kindness and 
iiidulgence extended to its imperfections. 

Of the origin and progress ot a work, which has succeeded so 
farbey&nd all human expectation, I may, perhaps, be permitted, 
without incurring the qharge of vanity, to give a brief account. 
Should the detail be really cliargeable to vanity, (no man can 
judge correctly of himself) I hope it will be regarded as a ve- 
nial failing. 

Early in September, 1814, I was under as great a depression 
of mind, aboui the state of a:ffairs, public and private, as I have 
ever experienced. A deep and awful gloom pervaded the think- 
ing part of the community! Thick clouds and darkness covered 
the horrizon ! The keen^t eye could not behold, and could 
hardly anticipate a singile spark of sunshine! Washington 
had been taken; and its public buildings destroyed with Gothic 
barbarity! Alexandria had been pillaged and plundered! Hamp- 
ton hati suffered rape and rapine! Baltimore was menaced 
with signal vengeaRce, and pointed out for military execu- 
tion, ICT' in papers puhlished by citizens of the United 
States Philadelphia and New- York were held in a state of the 
most alarming suspense, and in daily expectation of a hostile 
visit; and, of perhaps sharing the fate of Washington and Al- 
exandria! 

At this awful m.oment, the horrible, the disorganizing, the 
Jacobinical idea was not unfrequently advanced in our coffee- 
houses, and in our streets, that the war having been begun by 
the democrats, they must carry it on; that they had no right 
to call on the federalists for assistance, which the latter 
ought not to aftord; that if the democrats compromited the 
honour and the interests of their country, by a dishonorable 
peace, the federalists should take the power out of their hands, 
and then contend for the violated honour and dignity of the 



■The MiddJeburr Edition, of 1920, copies, is the Fiftlv 



28 y- PREFACE TO THE SIXTH EDITION. 

countryj that the Biitish couh' not, nor, consistently with ii. 
regard to their honour, ouglit they to treat uilh Mr. Madi- 
son, who should be compelled to resign; with a vast variety 
for the same patriotic doctrines, which were publicly promul- 
gated in some of our newspapers. At the same time, a few 
desperate men were preparing to add to the general distress 
and difliculty b^^ a dissolution of the union.* 

I was appalled at this horrible violence of some of the 
leaders of the federalists; and equally so at the imbecility and 
inactivity of the democrats. As the government, chosen by the 
free voice of a large majority of the nation, did not exercise 
the energy and dicision, that were requisite to controul and 
coersce the refractory minority; it appeared far better to make 
a change, than let the country become a prey to a foreign 
enemy— or be torn in peices, by intestine discord, which seem- 
ed the only alternative. A frightful and sorrowful alterna- 
tive it wasl But the violence of party and faction seemed to 
force it on the country. 

With a mind, harrowed up v/ith all these terrific considera- 
tions, I sat down to write, on the 6tlk of September, On a 
careful examination, of" the whole ground," the least of the 
mighty evils before the nation appeared to be, to submit to 
swallow the bitter pill presented, and make a radical change in 
tlie administration — so as to hold out inducements to the 
federalists, to unite their exertions to rescue the country 
from impending ruin. This radical change, I thought, ought 
to ;.e introduced by resignation on 'the part of the incum- 
bents. 3 

This confession will excite different emotions in my readers. 
Some of them will smile at my arrogance, in daring to suggest 
sucli a plan; others will abuse my imbecility for tlie proposal 
to give an inch of ground. "TAe?/ je2,t at wounds, ivlio never 
j'c.lt a scary And no man who cannot most distinctly and 
clearly place before his eyes, tlie gloomy and frightful pros- 
pect, then in vi«w, is capable of forming a correct opinion 
of the state of my mind. But I feel the most perfect in- 
difference, as to the judgement that may be formed on 



• It TTiay serve to display the liig-h fever of the public mind, to annex a 
resolution oflered in the liouse of representatives of Massachusetts, about four 
wccts niter this time, viz- Oct. 5, iSM, by Mr. Law. of Lyman, which was. 
liowevcr, withdrawn next day, :is premature at that lime. 

" licsolved that a Committi-e he a]ipointed to confer with all the Ncw- 
Enp^l^nd States, and see if they will apfree to appoint a Committee to 
join them, and repair to the city of Washinj^ton immediately, then -m, 
there personally to make known to the VrcsideTit, the general opinion o.' 
vW the Xew England Slaves in regard to the present war, and the man . 
Jier ill M-liich it has been conducted; and inform him that he must eillin- 
rcsipi his olfive., as Prciident, ov i-eniore those viiiUsters and their office"?, 
v>/io luwe by thcii- vrfarioua plam ruined the nation !" 



PREFACE TO TIIE SIXTH EDITION. 

■: subject. I merely state the fact, neither caring ior, nor 
;)ecting praise, and equally reuiote IVom the deprecations ot 

iisure. 

Tliat evening, I wrote twelve or fourteen pages, contaiu- 
Ui"- a brief review of our past proceedings — reflections on 
out- actual situation — with hints for the proposed new ar- 
rangements. T 1 J 
Desponding as I was, I felt dissatisfied with what I had 
committed to paper. I laid it aside; and did not resume it 
for ten or twelve days. In the interim, the glorious news arri- 
ved, of the complete defeat of the enemy at Baltimore; of the 
immortal M'Donough's victory on lake Champlain; of the dis- 
comfiture and flight of Gen. Prevost's Wellingtonians, at, and 
from Plattsburgh. These wonderful successes made a total 
«.hangc in the face of affairs. By this time my spirits revived. 
I rejected my embryo worfc, and flattered myself into the opin- 
ion, that a candid appeal to men of integrity of both parties, 
might produce a beneficial eftect : that a few might be excited, 
and excite others; tliat at all events, it was worth the trial ; 
that in such a noble undertaking as an attempt to rescue the 
country, from what I regarded as impending anarchy, even, a 
faillre would be honourable; and success would be glorious and 
eminently beneficial. 

1 therefore destroyed what I had written, and began the 
work anew, on its present plan. I had a large stock of pub- 
lic documents; I borrowed some; and with these, and the 
Weekly Register, amidst all the hurry and bustle of business, in 
the leisure hours of six week, 1 patched up the first crude 
and indigested edition. It was published on the ninth of No- 
vember. 

I ought to have observed, that when it was about two-thirds 
printed, I was struck with astonishment at my Quixotism and 
folly, in expecting to make an impression on a community. 
i-orn in pieces by faction; a prey to the most violent pas- 
sions; and labouring under the most awful degree of delu- 
sion. Myiieart sunk within me at my presumption: and the 
reader may rest assured, I was on the point of converting the 
jsht-ets into waste paper. This ague fit went off in a day or two; 
and I determined to give the work a fair experiment. 

The edition was small — only 500 copies. Two motives dic- 
tated this limited scale. I knew the work must necessarily be 
very imjierfect, from the disadvantages under which I labour- 
ed: and I determined, if it met with success, to have an op- 
portunity to improve and extend it: moreover, from the al- 
most universal failure of political publications, 1 was far indeed 
from being sanguine of success. 

My expectations of sale lay principally at Washington. I 
sent one hundred copies there, as a sort of breakfast, calcu- 
lating upon a speedy sale of them, and an order for more. 
There were above two hundred legislators there, and twice as 



:0 ■ pnEFACE TO HIE SIXTH EDITIO>- 

many visitors; and I supposed that whatever might be the 
denicrtits of tlic exocutioii of the work, the importance of the 
topics discussed in it, wouhl insure the sah; of a larg^ part of 
the edition ; more particularly, as I had alread}^ received highly 
ilattering compliments, from the late vice-president, and other 
gentlemen, to whom 1 had sent copies by mail. 

The result disappointed those calculations ; and, had I been 
actuated by the vanity of authorship, would have sufficiently 
moriiiied it; for when I had, in Philadelphia. New- York, and 
Baltimore, disposed of the remainini^ four hundred, and wrote 
down to Mr. Weightman, at Washington, to *»n4uire into the 
success of tlie work, I learned that four of the hundred had 
been stolen on the road — tliat fifty-nine remained unsold — and 
that thirty seven copies had fulhj satisfied the curiosity of a 
president, three secretaries, thirty-six senators, one hundred and 
eii!;htii-two reprsentatives, one or two hundred clerks, the whole 
of the population of the metropolis of the United States, and 
all its mmerous visitors. It is probable, that in such circum- 
stances, so great a degree of apathy and indifference, on to- 
pics, of such magnitude never before existed. I ordered back the 
remaining fifty-nine. 

A new edition was, however, called for, notwithstanding the 
discouraging coldness and indifference of the members of*the 
government. I used all possible expedition, and published orj 
the 11th of January, one thousand copies. 

The success of this edition exceeded that of the first. In fi>'e 
weeks there were not twfenty copies unsold. And a day or 
two previous to the blessed, thrice blessed news of peace, fore- 
seeing tlie demand would require another edition, 1 contrac- 
ted" vvith a printer, to print me a third. When the joyful 
tidings came, I tliought the public would no longer feel any 
interest in it, and for a time abandoned the idea o( republica- 
tion. But I was mistaken; the demand increased: I printed 
a new edition, which was published on the 13th of April, and 
was sold out in about three months, except a few copies in 
Georgetown, and elsewhere. 

As the eastern states were the scene, where such a work ^yas 
most necessary, l was very desirous of giving it a circulation 
there. 1 saw that to afford it a fair chance, it ought to be 
printed in Boston ; for otherwise only a few hundred copies at 
most, of my editions, would ever reach that quarter, and no 
person there being interested in the disposal of them, the ef- 
fects of the book would be greatly circumscribed. I therefore 
ofVercd the editors of the Chronicle, the Patriot, the Yankee, 
my Irieiid Mr. Caleb Bingham, and Mr. A. Dunlap, the gratui- 
tous privilege of printing an edition, jointly; merely on condition 
of prcsentin;; ten per cent of the copies to persons unable to 
purchase. The two first, and Mr. B. ilcclined ; they proba- 
bly doubted the su<^cess of the enterprise. The editors of the 



PREFACE TO TIIE SIXTH EDITION. 31 

Yankee, and Mr. Dunlap, jointly printed an edition, which, al- 
tliougli it did not appcai- till after the peace, has been some time 
wholly sold oil". 

An edition, the fifth, consisting of 1920 copies, is publishing 
at Miildlebury, Vermont : and another is about to be put to 
press at Cincinnati, in the state of Ohio. 

No political work, to my knowledge, has ever had an equal 
degree of success in America, except " Common Sense." 
Four editions were sold in eight month; two more are at this 
moment in the press; and a seventh, as I said, is about to be 
printed. Nevertheless, it is not quite twelve months since the 
work was begun, and not ten since the first edition was pub- 
lished. It may, however, be fairly asserted, that there never 
was a greater, dispropotion between praise and patronage, than 
this work has experienced. 1 have received quires of encomi- 
ums on it ; many of them most enthusiastic and high wrought ; 
and yet I do not believe that ten men, perhaps I might say sis, 
have made any exertions to promote its success.* 

The variety of assurances, I have received from a great vari- 
ety of respectable quarters, of its beneficixil tendency, preclude" 
all doubt in my mind on the subject. Among others, ajudgei 
of the Supreme court of Pennsylvania, a decided fed- 
eralist, (whose name I have no hesitation in stating to any 
enquirer) emphatically declared, in a circle of gentlemen of 
the bar, that it was the honestest and fairest book on politics 
he had ever read. 

Under this impression of its usefulness, I am very desirous 
of extending its circulation: not from motives of interest, as 
tiie reader will readily admit, when he is informed that be- 
sides the Boston, Middlebury, and Cincinnati editions, for 
which I have not, and will not receive a dollar; I have of- 
fered the gratuitous privilege of printing the work, in Raleigh, 
Richmond and Hartford ; and perhaps I may say, without im- 
propriety, that if it deserve one-fourth of the praise which has 
been lavished on it, some decided exertions ought to have 
been made to give it a general circulation. Enough of this. 
Let me turn another leaf. 

Mr, Coleman, the editor of the New-York Evening Post, has 
lately asserted in the most dogmatical manner, as if of his own 
knowledge, that I am not the author of this work; and that it 
was written by some " confirmed New-York misanthropist." 

* There are persons worth 30, 40, .ind 50,000 dollars, who have ex- 
pressed the most extravagant approbation of the work, and yet never dis- 
tributed a copy, nor ever owned one. Borrowed copies have fully gratified 
their curiosity. Let me bestow a tribute of gratitude to a different order 
of beings. Their scarcity enhances their merits. A gentleman in New- 
York pui-cliased one hundred copies of the second edition for distribution, 
Mr. Wilson, of Trenton, engaged one hundred and fifty, and another Book 
seller purchased fifty dollars vvortli. I know of no otbw persons that niMle 
any effort whatever to extend its circuktien. 



32 PREf ACL TO HIE SIXTH EDriTO]sr, 

I sent him a calm and candid reply, for which I claimed and 
rxpected a place in his paper: bnt lie had neither the generos- 
ity nor the common justice to publish this replj to a wanton 
and unprovoked attack, in which by fair implication, I am 
charged with falsehood and dishonesty, in prefixing my name 
to a work as author, which he asserts I did not write. I 
leave Mr. Coleman, to justify this odious mode of managing a 
press, to his own conscience, and to the public. 

I have more than once conducted a newspaper. I have stu- 
died the duties of an editor with attention ; and am firmly 
persuaded that this conduct on the part of Mr. Coleman, is a 
gross and flagrant violation of one of his fundamental duties. 
Mr. Coleman has no right to make such a daring attack on 
me or any other citizen, without aftbrdiug a full and fair op- 
portunity of vindication. 

On this subject of authorship, I shall merely state, that the 
allegation is utterly destitute of truth — tliat there is not a sin- 
gle line in the work, except the documents and extracts, writ- 
ten by any person but myself; and that the confirmed misan- 
-thropist, whoever he be^ is as innocent of it as Mr. Coleman^ 
or Major Russel. 

The very simple mode of 7Y///fi??^ a book, by ascribing it to 
some other person than the real author, is rather stale. It 
had lost all the merit of novelty many centuries sincej and 
iiowevcr it may have answered the purpose, on its '■^ first ap- 
"pearance,^^ it is now wholly unavailing. Mr. Coleman may 
rest assured, that when the Olive Branch charges him witii 
♦' preferring war and all its horrors to the exclusion of his 
friends /'iH>m power;^^ there is not a man in the country, who. 
will conceive that the charge is refuted by his peremptorily 
asserting, that it was not Mr. Carey, but " a confirmed misan- 
tliropist,-' that has made the accusation. This dogmatical and 
utterly-groundless asserlion will not refute a single line of the 
work. The leader will require arguments of a very different 
kind indeed, to be convinced that I am in error. 

AVerc the spirit of persecution in possession of as sovereign^ 
authority over the axe, or the gibbet, as formerly; 1 should most 
indubitably be destroyed-, for the very strong and unpalatable 
trutlis in this book, it I had'* as manij lives as a cat,^' oi-, '• as 
one Plutarch is said to have had.^' But thank heaven those 
days are past; the spirit, however, remains; but it caii only 
state its malice, by slander and abuse of a man's character j 
and by attempts to destroy his business, or his prospects in life. 
But to a man who has passed fifty-five, with a constitution 
never very good, and now considerable impaired, it is not ve- 
ry important what befals him, in the short remainder of 
life. When tender women, some of them pregnant, have freely 
gone to the stake, or to the gibbet, for dogn^as, which they 
could not understand: it does not require a very extraordinary 



PREJ'ACE TO THE SIXTH EDITION. 03 

degree cf heroism, for a man of fifty-five, to run any risque, 
of person or character, that may attend a bold appeal to 
the good sense of the nation, witli a view to acquire the Ben- 
ediction, pronounced in the declaration, " Blessed are the peace 
makers." 



M. CAREY. 



*,» It would be ungenerous not to acknowledge the obligations I am un- 
der to sundry gentlenten, for documents of various kinds. Richard Kush, 
Caesar A. Rodney, Joseph Nourse, and Adam Seybert, Esq'rs have beea 
uncommonly kind and attentive. Whatever they have had in their power, 
they have furnished. To Mr. Duponceau's pampldets I have had free ac- 
cess. From Mr. Binns 1 have had various newspapers higlily serviceable. 
And Mr, Andrew Dunlap, Jate of Boston, now of Cincinnati, furnished mo 
with tlie chief part of the extracts from the Boston papers. These gentle- 
men, and others whose names I need nut rawition, will, I hope, accept this 
public testimony of ipy gratitude. 



THE 



OLIVE BRANCH, &c 



CHAPTER I, 



(}iisis of the affairs of the Unit&d Stat&s. Dangers of parties 
and factions. Similarity of our situation to that of FrancBy 
Italy and England, previous to their civil wars. To excitQ 
insurrection easy. To allay it difficult,, Dangerous tendeU' 
cy of injlamm atory publications, 

• 

M_ HE situation of the United States was irt the fall of 
1814 highly critical. Party and faction, the bane and destruc- 
tion of all the old republics,* were carried to such extrava- 
gant lengths, as to endanger the public tranquility— ^and per- 
haps lead to civil war, the greatest scourge that ever afflicted 
mankind. Unceasing efforts were used to excite our citizens 



* Aa idea has been propa.s;ated by superficial writers, and pretty 
universally believed by superficial readers, that party and faction are pe- 
culiar to republics. Never was there a greater error. There is hardly a 
body of men, how small or insignificant soever, that is not disturbe d 




been carried to the extreme length of absolute separation. And to 
mount Iiig'her, who can forget the violent factions at the commencement 
of the reign of George III. when England was on the veiy verge of 
insurrection — and let me add the religious crusade of Lord George Gor- 
■ don, which was the offspring of faction, and terminated in enkindling 
thirty six fires at once in London — of which city the mob had undisturb- 
ed possession for several days. All the felons, and other tenants of 
the prisons had their chains knocked off, and were let loose once 
more to prey on the public. The en'omei-ations were endless. Let tbi.'i 
slight sketch suffice. 



50 THE OLIVE BRANCH. 

to open resistance of the government.* This principally took place 
in the eastern states; but there was hardly a portion of the 
union in which there were not persons constantly employed 
in inflaming the public mind, and preparing it for commo- 
tions. Thousands and tens of thousands of citizens, upright, 
honest, and honorable in private life, were so deluded by the 
madness of party as to believe that the defeat, the disgrace, 
and the disasters of our armies — the destruction of t\\e pub- 
lic creditf— (as leading to the expulsion from their stations of 
the highest public functionaries duly chosen by the people)— - 
were all " a consummation devoutly to be wished" — and the 
certain means of procuring a speedy and an honourable peace, 
which we could not fail to obtain froni the magnanimity of Great 
Britain, provided we removed those public officers, whom, accord- 
ing to them, she had so much reason to execrate. 

It was in vain that the uniform voice of history proclaimed that 
the generosity of nations towards each other is a nonentity; that 
the terms of a treaty are more or less favourable or injurious in 
propcrtion to the reUtive strength, and energy, and means of an- 
noyance or defence, of the parties; that powerful nations have al- 
most always taken advantage of the feeblenesss of their adversa- 
ries; and that the certain road to a speedy and an honourable 
peace has ever been to wage war with the utmost decision and 
effect. 

Were history wholly silent on this topic, the inherent propensi- 
ties of human nature, properly explored, might satisfy every ra- 
tional mind of the soundness of these political maxims. They are 
fair dotluctions of reason and common sense, to which theuniver- 
Sar experience of mankind bears testimony. Every nation, in its 
periods of debility, has been obliged occasionally to submit to in- 
justice. Every nation, possessing the power to do injustice, has 
nxore or less availed itself of the opportunity. 

* These topics will be fully discussed in specific chapters at tiie close 
of this work. 

■j- To some of my readers this will seem impossible. It certainly appears 
incredible. But there are many things very incredible, that are ntvcithe- 
Jesstrue. And it is capable of the most complete juchcial proof, that j^en- 
tlemcn, hijrhly estimable in private life, have thanked Ciod most fervently 
for the dihuTacefulca))ture of our armies. Others liave prayed to (iod that 
every one of our soldiers who entered CanaiUi, miglit be shuiglitered. This 
is one of the many .stranj^e and unaccountable instances in wliich our his- 
tory is utterly unlike the histories of the oiher nations of the earth. It is 
really a sui gniens. I feel pretty confident tiiat no man of cliaracter or 
worth in Enjjjund or France, ever rejoiced at the discjrace or dis:u>ters of 
his country. Hut i blush to tell it, the disjnice of our armies have been re- 
peatedly a subject of as nuich exultation in our colTce houses aiid our news- 
papers, as in tl«e city of f^ndon. 1 cotdd name indi\iduals of the utmos.t 
worth in all tlie social relations, e:vcf/>t that -ii'Iikh theii bear to titdr comitrn, 
-A-hcse satisfaction at the distresses and embarras'-nK iite of oui' government 
b'^ fX. least equalled that oilord Castlereagh. 



1 



THE OLIVE BRANCH. 31 

I was aware, that my fears of civil war were regarded as vig- 
tonary — as the wild effusions of a disordered brain. I found my- 
self in a small minority. And were the correctness of opinion^; 
to be tested by the numbers who entertain them, mine would ap- 
pear most miserably erroneous. But this is a conclusion not 
warranted by history. It had been a thousand times asserted, 
and will be as often repeated, that the people of the United States 
were too enlightened to fall into such a fatal error, and that they 
knew too well the value of the blessings they enjoyed, to sacrifice 
them so absurdly. Such a delusion was pardonable a few years 
previous to that period. But our then recent, stupendous follies 
ought to have wholly dispelled it. We displayed, in many ca- 
ses, as much insanity as the history of the world exhibits in any 
of its pages. 

Danger is not diminished by shutting our eyes against its ap- 
proach, or by denying its existence. This would be a cheap 
price to pay for security. But it is not to be purchased thus. 
And those who seriously weigh the causes that led to the civil 
•wars which desolated France, under the house of Valois; Eng- 
land under Charles I.; and Italy for entire centuries, with hardly 
any intermission; will have reason to believe that our security was 
by no means so well founded as was generally supposed. In 
numberless points of view, our situation and our proceedings 
bore a very strong analogy to those of the three nations to which 
1 have referred, immediately previous to their respective civil 
wars. Whoever reads with due attention Davila's history of 
France, Machiavel's of Florence, or Clarendon's of the rebellion 
under Charles I., will be astonished at the near resemblance.* 

The difference between our situation a few years since, and 
the late turbid state of the country, was indubitably far greater 
than from where we then stood to insurrection, and separation, 
and civil war. While there were so many combustible materials 
scattered abroad, and such unceasing pains taken to inflame the 
public mind, very trivial accidents might have enkindled a con- 
flagration. — Once unhinge a government — once let loose man- 
kind from the restraints of law and constitution — and the human 
mind cannot readily calculate the tei-rible result. 



* The divisions, and distractions, and factions, that prevailed among, and 
the butcheries alternately perpetrated on each other, by, the contending- par- 
ties in the Grecian and Italian republics, are ably and instructively detailed in 
the Defence of the American Constitutions by the ex-president, John Adams. 
This work has not had the fate it merited. It has been had aside and almost 
forgotten. Yet there is no work extant which ccutxiins more useful lessons 
for an American — none in which the horrors of faction are more forcibly d'S- 
■ played — none that our statesmen and politicians ought to stiidy more carefully. 
A few passages, selected here and there, have been eniployed for the pur- 
pose of decrying it, and with too much success. But there never yet was a 
hufnan production tliat might not be condemned to the flames by tile same 
node of trial. 



32 THE OLIVE BRANCH. 

It v/as saiil, that those who had for years urged the propriety^ 
and necessity, and advantages to the eastern states, of a dissolu- 
tion of the union, did not intend to proceed thus far; and that 
they hehl out tliese tin-eats in tevrorem to awe the administration. 
There is the strongest possible reason to believe that this was a 
pernicious, a fatal error — and that the leaders of the malcontents 
were perfectly serious in their views of a separation. How often 
had the churches echoed with the insurrectional, the treasonable, 
thefanatical, the rebellious cry, "WHERE IS OUR MOSES? 
Where is the rod of his miracles? Where is our Jiaron? Have 
we no Moses to lead 7is out of the land of Egypt;^" Fatiuty itself 
could not mistake the meaning of this species of declamatioHc 
But even were the leaders merely threatening, it afforded us no se- 
curity against the ruinous result. Those who raise the storm of 
civil commotions, possess not the power at pleasure to allay its 
violence — to say with eftect, "thus far shalt thou go, and no far- 
ther.*' This theory was fully exemplified in the civil wars of 
England between Tharles I. and his parliament, and likewise iu 
tiie French revolution. The latter, of which nearly all the early 
leaders perished in jails and on scaffolds, is a very strong case, 
\ery few of these distinguished and illustrious men contemplated 
a recourse to arms. They hoped for a bloodless triumpli over tyr- % 
anny. But they were borne down and destroyed by violent, and 
wicked, and sanguinary men, or rather monsters, whom their pro- 
ceedings released from restraint, but whom their utmost elfortE 
could not restrain or control. 

Never had brighter prospects shone on a nation than those 
iJiat shone on the United States. Never had a nation been more 
iiighly blest. Never had the security of person and property — of 
liberty, civil and religious — been attained by sucli easy sacrifices. 
Never had the weight of government pressed more lightly. It 
was not felt. Never had the fondest theories of philosophers and 
lovers of mankind, been more completely realized. 

Our case was very analagous to that of a youth who in- 
herits a large estate, and, unacquainted with the difficulty 
of its acquisition, cannot form an estimate of its value. This 
can only be done by a due consideration of the condition ot 
those who are destitute of the advantages of fortune. He 
becomes a prodigal. He lavishes away his treasures. He 
only then begins to appreciate them, when they are irre- 
trievably squandered. Tliis was precisely our case. We had 
not sufficiently compared our situation with that of the mass 
of mankind. — We had never taken a full view of the glorious, 
the inestimable advantages we possessed. We had the most 
noble inheritance that ever fell to the lot of a nation, and 
had not duly appreciated our happiness. We iiad jeopardized 



, THE OLIVE BRANCH. 33 

it most wantonly and fatuitcusly. — We were on tiie verge of 
its total loss. ./V. little further progress in folly and madness, 
and we should have been undone. We had by rapid strides, 
approached the banks of the Rubicono Whether we should 
plunge in, and ford the stream, or, stntek with a due sense 
of our errors anil our danger, make a retrograde movement, 
and regain the elysium whence we started, was in the womb 
ef time. Heaven directed us to the blessed alternative! Be- 
I yond the stn-am verges a dreary desert, where anarchy and 
' civil war hold their terrific reign, with all their long train 
of horroi'S, and where the devious paths lead directly to ruth- 
less despotism. 

It was time, therefore,' to make a solemn pause— to retrace 
©ur steps — and, since we retuhcd to profit by the sad expe- 
'rience of otlier ages and nations, to avail ourselves of our own» 
I By honest endeavours — by abating the odious violence of 
i; party -^irit — -by mutual conr promise — by rending asunder 
i| the odious, the aegrading, the pernicious yoke of the violent 
• Bien whose influence and prosperity depended on public com- 
motions — Vv'e might happily regain the ground we had lost — 
we might dispel the delusion tfiat was leading us to tempo- 
ral perdition. 

To vindicate myself from the charge of folly, in my gloom- 
iny apprehensions and anticipations, I submit to the reader a 
few specimens of the unceasing efforts which for years have 
been made to enkindle the flames of civil war. That we have 
not vQt been :uvolved in it, is not justly chargeable to the 
want of a due degree of labour and industry. Never was more 
acti'"lty displayed — never was a cause more sedulously or ably 
advocated. And never was there less scruple about the means 
provided the end was accomplished. 



*'0n or before the 4th of July, if James IVIadieon is not out of office, a 

new form of government -vill be in. operatio?i in the eastern section of the union. 
Instantly after, the contest in many of the states will be, rjhether to adhere 
to the old, or join the 7ie~,v government. Like every thing else foretold yeaie 
ago, and wliich is verified every day, tliis warning will be also ridiculed as 
visionary. Be it so. But Mr.' Madison cannot complete his term of ser- 
vice, if tlie war continues. It is not possible: and if he knew hmnan liS- 
tare, he would see it." Federal Rep-nblican, JVovember 7, 1814. * 



*' Is there a federalist, a patriot in America, who conceives it his du- 
ty to shed his blood for Bonaparte, for Madison or Jefferson, and that 
HOST OF RUFFIA.NS in Congress, who have set their faces against US 
for years, and spirited up the bbxjtal part of the populace to destroy 
Us? Not one. — Shall we then any longer be held in slavery and driven 
to desperate poverty, by such a graceless faction.- — Heaven forbid." 

Hoston Gazette 



34 THE OLIVE branch:. 

" If at the present moment, no symtoms of civil tear appear, {^TUf^li 
CERTMM'LY WILL SOOJ\'', vnless the courage of the war p<irt;/ Jail 
them." SeiTTion by David Osgood, D. D. Pastor of the church of Medford, 
delivered June 26, 1812, page 9. 

" Jl cixil war becomes as certain as the events that happen according 
to the known lav-s and established course of natiire." . Idem, page 15. 

" If we would preserve Uie liberties, by that stniggle [the American re- 
volution] so dearly jiurchased, the call for HESISTjIJ^'CE against the vsw^ 
pations of our own gove7-/unc?it is as vtgent as it wasformerlij against those of our 
mother coimtry."* 

•' If the impending negociation witli Great Britain is defeated by insidi- 
ous artifice; if the friendly and conciUatory proposals of the enemy 
should not, from French subserviency, or views of sectional ambition,'be 
met throughout witli a spirit of moderation and sincerity, so as to ter- 
minate the infamous war which is scattering its horrors around us, and 
arrest the callamities and distress of a disgraced country, it is necessary 
Uo apprise you, that such conduct will be no longer bmme with. The injured 
States will be compelled, by every motive of duty, interest, and honour,- by 
tnie manly exertion of their strength, to dash into atoms the bond of tyr- 
anny. It will then be too late to retract. The die will be cast. Freedom 
preserved."^ 

"Jl separation of the States will be an inevitable result. JMotives mimeroxts 
and urgent will demand that measure. As they originate in oppression, the op" 
pi-essors must he resfionsible for the momentoiis and contingent events, arising 
from the dissolution of the present confederacy, and the erection of seperate 
goveninwnts, It will be their work. While posterity w'lU admire the m- 
dcpendent spirit of the Eastern section of our country, and with senti- 
ments of gratitude, enjoy the fruits of their firmness and wisdom — the 
descendants of the South and West wiH have reason to curse the uifatu- 
ation and folly of your councils." (Idem, page 9.) 

"Hold and resolute, when they step forth in the sacred cause of freedom ■ 
and independence, the J^'orthem people will secure their object, J\'o obstacle 
can impede tliem. J\o force can withstand their powerful arm. The most ' 
numerous armies will tnelt before their 7>ianly stre?tgth. Does, not he piigc 
of history instruct you, that the feeble debility of the South, never 
could face the vigorous activity of the North.' Do not tlie events of past 
ages remind you of the valuable truth, that a si7igle spark of J\orther/i 
liberty, especially when enliglitened by congenial commerce, will explode a 
whole atmosphere of sultry Southern despotism? You well know tlie termi- 
nation of the expidition of Xerxes, with his hundieds of thousands 
against the Greeks! The commercial Athenians taught tlie debilitated ty- 
rant of Asia, on the plahis of Marathon, and at the streights of Salamis, 
of what exertions freedom is capable, when roused by oppression. The 
hardy Macedonians not only defeated and dispersed countless hordes of 
Southern eiieminacy, but traversed their country at pleasuie." (Idem, 
page 12) 

"Vyhcii such are tlie effects of oppression upon men resolved not to 
submit, as displayed in the North and Soutli of Europe, and in all ages 
of the world, do you flatter yourself with its producing a difiei ent opera- 
tion in this country.'' Do you tliink the energies of Northern freemen are 
to be tamely smotliered!" Do you imagine tliey will allow themselves to 
be trampled upon with impunity? And by whom? The Southern and We»t- 

• discourse delivered before the lieutenant governor, the council, and ths 
two houses composing the legislature of the commonwealtlj of Massachusetts, 
May 31, 1809. By David Osj^od, D. D. p. 25. 

t" Northern grievances, set forth in a letter to James Madison, by a NcrtU 
American." Published, May 1814, and circulated with great iiidustr' 
tlirougUout New tnglwiti aud New York. p. 4. 



THE OLIVE BllANCH. 

cm States! hv men whose united eir'orts arc not. sufficient u> ket-p in 
order Uieirowli enslaved population, and defend their own I'ronlicrb' by wai- ^ 
rlors whose repeated aUempts at invasion of a nei;;hbourin^g provine.c, 
have been disgracefully foiled by a iiandful of disciplined iroopb! by 
Generals, monuments of aiTog'ance and foil) ! by councils the essence of 
corruption, imbecility, and madness. 

•' 'I7ie tt^g-ir^ate sH-eiiffth of the South and West, if brought agaimt llu: 
JVovtli, would be driveji into the ocean, or hack to their own sultry -wilds — ajid 
tliey.ntight tltiuk t/icmseh-es forttnuUe if thvi escaped oilier pinnshme7tt tuan a ilc- 
feat, -ivldch their temeriUi would merit. \V'hile the one would strive to en- 
slave, tlie other would ^^ht for freedom. While the councils of the one 
would be distracted witli discordant ijit^resrs; the decisior.s of the other 
would t?c directed by one soul. Ucv/are! Pause! before you take the fatal 
plunffc." — (Idem page 13.) 

"You have carried your oppressions to the utmost stretch. WetuiUno 
longer submit. Restore the Constitution to its purity; give us security for the 
future indemnity for the past. Abolish every tyrannical law. Alake an im- 
mediate and honorable peace. Revive oui- Commerce. Increase our navy 
Protect our seamen. Unless you comply -with tliese just tlemands, -unthout de- 
lay, -uie -iviU idtiidra-.v from tlie Union, scatter to the \nnds the bonds of tyranny 
and transmit to posterity, that Liberty pjcr chased by the Revolutiom." 

(Idem pag-e 16.) 

«' Americans! PREPARE YOUR ARMS— t/o?/ -iuill soon be culled to me 
them. We must use them for the emperor of France, OR FOJl OUR- 
SELVES. It is but an individual who now points to this ambiguous alter- 
native. But Mr. Madison and his cabal may rest assured, there is in the 
hearts of many thousands in this abused and ali:iost ruined country, a senti- 
ment and energy to illustrate the disvinctlon when his madness shall call into 
action." — f Boston Repertory. J 

" Old Afussachnselts is as ternble to the .^inerican, nn-iu, as she -was to the Rri- 
tish cabinet in 1775; for America, too, has fier Butes and her J^'orths. I^et tlien 
tlie commercial states breast themselves to the shock, and knovv' that to themselves 
tliev must look for safety. All party bickerings must be sacrihced on the altar 
of patriotism. Then, and not till thm, shall 'hey humble the pride and ambition of 
Virginia, whose strength lies in their weakness; and cliasttse the in^oknce of 
tliose madimn of Kentucky and Tennessee, ivho aspire to the government of tlicse 
slates, and threaten tu involve tiie country i7t all the horrors 'f 7i'ar." 

fA'e^v York Commercial Advertiser.J 

The language of the writers i,5 plain and unequivocal. It ad- 
mits of no mistake or misconstruction. That they intendetl to 
produce insurrection and dissolution of the union, unless they 
and their friends u-ere enabled to seize upon the government, re- 
gardless of the frightful consccjuences, it would require consum- 
mate impudence to deny; it wouUi be folly, or insanity to disbe- 
lieve. What might ultimately be their success, it was impossible 
to foresee. Every thing depended on the coarse pursued by those 
who had an interest in the ]iublic welfare. If they were not want- 
ing to themselves and to their country, we were sure to rise tri-. 
umphant over our difficulties and embarrassments. But if the 
then prevailing wonderful apathy continued; if we remained 
sluggishly with our arms folded, while our situation became daily 
more awful and alarming; ruin was inevitable. We should have 
afforded one of the most striking instances in history, of prema- 
ture decay and decrepitude. The Lord in his mercy has averted 
such an awful fate ! 



36 THE OLIVE BRANCH. 

Kcliance AVas placed by those who denied the existence of the 
danger which I deprecated, upon the sober character of the 
nation. They regarded that character as a guarantee against 
civil war. 1 was well aware of this circumstance. I allowed it a 
»lue share of inflaence and importance. But the strong inference 
drawn from it, was unwarranted by history. And let it be ob- 
served, once for all, that the only unerring guide in government, 
or politics, is history, to the neglect of whose lessons may be as- 
cribed mors than two thirds of our errors and follies. 

The Adienians were a highly polished, and a refined p'eople. 
No nation in ancient times, ever excelled them in these respects. 
Yet they were occasionally seduced into the most frightful cruel- 
ties by their Cleons and other enrages. They often massacred 
their prisoners in cool blood, and long after they were taken. 
And the proscriptions and butcheries the adverse parties perpetra- 
ted on each other, as they gained the ascendency, are frightful 
subjects ofreHection,and to us hold out most invaluable warnings. 

]Vo nation of modern Europe excelled France, few equalled her 
—in courtesy' — in mildness- — in urbanity. And yet never did 
mankind exhibit themselves under a more hideous aspect — never 
did they change nature mor6 completely Avith wolves, tygers, and 
hypenas, than the French under Marat, Danton, Couthon, and 
Robespierre. iCr" Theae ure awful lessons, to tvhich those ivho 
were lending their aid to tear down the pillars of our govern- 
ment, ought to have attended. 

Man is the same every where, under the same excitements 
We have our Cleons, and our Couthons, and our Dantons, and 
our Robespierres, who only required suitable occasions to have 
given scope to their energies. Mild and gentle as is the American 
character generally, tht revolution in this country exhibited in 
various places, where the parties were rancorously embittered 
against each other, many terrifying scenes. Prisoners were often 
liung up without trial by the partisans on both sides. Men and 
women were treacherously shot down in their houses. And not 
unlVequently private malice, to sate its rage, disguised itself un- 
der the cloak of public spirit. Let us ponder well on those cir- 
cumstances. They are fraught with important admonitions. 

To apply a remedy to any evil, moral or physical, it is indispen- 
sably necessary to explore its nature — to ascertain its causes — 
and to trace its consequences. Any other procedure arises from 
error and folly, and is pregnant with defeat and disappointment. 

Willi lliis view I respectfully solicited tlie public atten- 
tion. I took a rapid retrospective glance at the folly and 
guilt, which the factious and discordant state of our country 
had generated. As far as in my power, I divested mvself 
of any party bias, and treated the subject as if it belong- 
td To another age or iiAtiou. Whatever errors I fell into> 



THE OLIVE BRANCH. sr 

arose not from sinister intention: they were cliarneablo to in- 
advertence and human imperfection. On my fn'ctlom from 
partiality, I felt the more reliance, from my unalterable con- 
viction, that botli the hostile parties that divide this coun- 
try, and who regard each other witli so umch hatred and jea- 
lousy, had largely contributed towards tlie misfortunes that 
had befallen us — the melancholy change that had taken place 
in our situation — and the dangers that threatened us. It was 
impossible for a candid mind to review the scenes througli 
which we had passed for some years, witliout a thorough 
conviction, tliat each had been guilty of most egregious er- 
rors and follies, and occasionally of something worse than 
either; and that JC/"" whenever the interests of the nation and 
the interests of the par^y came in collision^ the former had been 
too freqiientlij sacrificed* by both federalists and democrats to 
the latter. No man who has any public spirit, can take a re- 
view of our history witliout feeling the deepest regret at the 
extent of the mischief this miserable system of conduct has 
. produced. It has deleated many of the noblest plans that the 
wisdom of the country has ever devised. I may be wrong in 
my calculations; but I believe it has prevailed to at least as 
great an extent here, as in almost any other country, or at any 
other period of time. When the present generation sits for its 
picture to the historian, it will form a strong contrast to that 
which is past and gone. The errors or follies, however, of 
either party would have produced but little injury compara- 
tively, had not those of the other conspired to give them ma-> 
lignity and eftect. 

From this exposition of my views, it was obvious I should 
steer a course very different from the generality of writers on 
political topics. With hardly a single exception, their object 
is, having espoused a party, to justify and emblazon its suppor- 
ters, whether right or wrong , and, if needs be, 

"To make tUe worse appear the better causp." 

In pursuit of this object, their own partizans are all angels of 
light, — wliose sublime and magnificent plans of policy are cal- 
culated to produce a political millenium; and their opponents, 
demons incarnate, intent on the destruction of the best interests 
of the country. These portraits are equally unjust and incor- 
rect. One is all beauty, with little resemblance to the preteh- 
<led original — the other a hideous caricature, equally foreign 
trom honour, truth, and justice. 

Among the frightful consequences resulting from this odi- 
ous practice, a plain and palpable one presents itself. These 

' This is one of tlie most lamentable and humiliating facts in our Ui!»tor>-. 



.,S THE OLIVE BRxVNCH. | 

horrible portraits engendered a satanical spirit of hatred, ma- 1 
lice, and abfiorrence in the parties towards each other. Citi- 
zens of adverse oj)inions, whose views were perfectly pure and 
public sj)irited, were to each other objects of distrust and jea- 
lousy. We attached all possible guilt and wickedness — political 
at least — to our opponents — and then detested the hobgoblins 
which Ave ourselves created. 

It is not thus society is constituted. The mass of mankind 
perhaps of all parties, and in all aj^cs, have meant well, ex- 
cept in very corrupt states of society. And little more is 
necessary to produce harmony between them, than to under- 
stand eacli other correctly. IJut hostility is excited and per- 
petuated by the intrigues and management of demaii'ogues, 
whose influence and consequence depend on fomenting discord, 
and who would sink into insignificance in times of tranquility. 
Mankind, as 1 have hinted, hate each other, not for real ex- 
isting dilierences, but for phantoms, the production of heated 
imaginations. Experience has frequently evinced \hat the ve- 
ry plans of policy which parties out of power have reprobated 
and denounced as pernicious, they have pursued tliemselves 
as soon as they had vanquished their opponents, and seized 
on their places. And 1 believe every man of reflection v/ill 
acknowledge, that if the federalists had retained the adminis- 
tration in their hands, they would have advocated the .rights 
of tlieir country as firmly as their successors have done; and 
would probably have adopted measures to resist the arrogant 
and destructive claims of England, similar to those, fornvhich 
they have so strenuously, though not very honourably or consis- 
tently, opposed the present administration. 

This is not mere supposition. It is historical fact. It will 
be seen in the sequel of this work, that the federalists tuok as 
lii9,h ground on the subject of impressment, and as firmly anil 
patriotically resisted the unjust, the claring, the degrading pr(«- 
tensions of England, as Mr. Jefferson or Mr. Madison havo 
done. Yet tlie resistance of the two latter presidents has been 
among the strongest accusations alledged against them by their 
political adversaries. It is impossible to reflect on these 
tiipics without sighing over human weakness and folly. Feder- 
alism has in these transactions sulVercd a stain never to be ef- 
faced. 

CHAriER II. 

Errars of the Democratic. Parti/. Federal Constitution. Oppo- 
sition to a JV'ax'if. Mien ami Sedition Law. Jay's Treati/. 

in pursuance of my plan, I proceed to a review of those 
errors of the democratic party, v.hith contributed to produce 



THE OLIVE BRANCH. ) 

the change in the prospects of this country, and to darken tlio. 
political horri/.on; and I trust it will appear (hat I have nof 
done them injustice in charging a large portion of the foil- 
and jruilt to their account. 



FEDERAL CONSTITUTION. 



Ill the convention that formed the federal constitution, tiie 
clemocratic party sowed the seeds of a premature dissolution 
of that instrument, anil of the American confederacy. Regard- 
ing society more as it ought to be, than as it lias ever been, 
or is ever likely to be — led away by tlieories more plausible 
than solid — applying to a free elective government, deriving all 
jits powers and authorities from the voice of the people, max- 
ims and apprehensions, and precautions, calculated for the me- 
ridian of monarcliy, they directed all their eftbrts, and all their 
views, towards guarding against oppression from the federal 
government. Whatever of authority or power, they divested it 
of, to bestow on the state governments, or reserve to the j)eo- 
ple, was regarded as an important advantage. Against the 
federal government their fears and terrors were wholly direct- 
ed. Tliis was the horrible monster, which they laboured to 
cripple and chain down, to prevent its ravages. — The state 
governments they regarded with the utmost complacence, as 
the public protectors against this dreadful enemy of liberty. 
Had they succeeded in all their views, they would have deprived 
the general government of nearly all its efficiency. Alas! little 
did tliey suppose that our greatest dangers wouh^ arise from the 
usurpations of the state governments, some of which have since 
most awfully and treasonably jeopardised the union. Unfor- 
tunately this party was two successful in the convention. 
Its endeavours produced a constitution, vvhich. however admi- 
rably calculated fur a period of peace, has been found incom- 
petent in war to call forth, at once ami decisively, the ener- 
gies of the nation, and the administration of which has been re- 
peatedly bearded, bitflled, and thwarted by the state govern- 
ments. Had the real federalists in the convention succeedeil, 
and made the general government somewhat more energetic — 
endowed it with a small degree more of power — it might en- 
dure for centuries. What fate at present awaits it, is notiri- 
hutnaii wisdom to foresee. I fervently pray, with the celebra- 
ted father Paul, esto perpetua. 

This error of the f/^juocra^ic p«rf?/ arose from a want of due 
regard to t!ie history of republics, and from a profound study 
of those political writers who have written under monarchical 
governments, and whose views were Wholly directed to guard 



40 THE OLIVE BRANCH. 

against the danger of tyranny flowing from the overweenin- 
regal power, especially when possessed by men of powerful 
talents and great ambition. The theories whence they derived 
their views of government were splendid and sublime — the 
productions of men of great public spirit, and regard for the 
general welfare anil happiness — and had they been duly attem- 
pered by maxims drawn from experience, would have been of 
inestimable value. 

ESTABLISHMENT OF A SMALL NAVY. 

The steady and factious opposition made by the democratic 
party, to the establishment of a small navy, adequate at least 
to the protection of our own coasts, has been proved by the 
events to have been most wretched and miserable policy. It 
arose, as well from a spirit of hostility towards tne party in 
power, as from a sordid and contemptible spirit of economy, 
which has in many instances disgraced and dishonored this par- 
ty, w-ho have frequently proved themselves, to use a very 
trite but very expressive proverb, " penny wise — pound fool- 
ish."' When we analyse the boasted spirit of eronomy, to 
■which the 6piK)sition to the navy may be in part ascribed, 
Ave shall find it arise from two sources: the one, from men 
of narrow minds carrying into public, the huckstering habits of 
private life. The otlier, a base spirit of courting popularity by 
husbanding the public treasure, even on occasions when liber- 
ality is true economy, which as frequently occur in public af- 
fairs as in private life. Both motives are equally contemptible 
but the latter is the more pernicious, and produces the most 
ruinous consequences. It starves and smothers public under- 
takings, and public spirit; and often defrauds illiistrious men of 
their due rewards. It is the characteristic vice of oui- times, ana 
of our nation, and ouglit to be hunted down by every man who 
has a real regard for the honour and interest of his country. To 
this vile spirit we must ascribe the never-enough-to-be-despised, 
debate whether Eaton, the glorious and immortal hero of Derne,* 



* Pcrliaps my estimate of this exploit may he erroneous. I cannot 
but regard it us one of the most ilhistrions events in America n niiht;uy 
affnirs by land — when all the circumstances of the case are taken into 
riew. T never reflect without amazement and admiration on tlie heroism 
ot tlic Ji^allant band, who, under this intre])id chief, jjicrced throusfli tlie 
irightful desert, .and shook a powerful usurper's throne to the centre. I 
have always deplored the in.auspicioiis interference tlsat da.shed the g-lori- 
oiis prize to tlie earth just as Kalon had strcched out his hand and was 
j-^ariy to .seize it witiiout the .smallest danpcr of an tnifavonr.ahle result. 
I'hc .state of RIassachu setts acquired a high degree of honour by its li- 
berality to the warrior of Uenie, on whom it bestowed 10,000 acres of 
land as a mark of its esteem and admiration. This act of generosity, 
by the contrast, made the miserable con<iuct of Congres.s appear worthy 
of additional contempt. 



THE OLIVE BR\NCn 41 

shdiilil be rewarded with a sword or a rpedal ! a debate which 
broUf'lit down on the congress in which it took place, the con- 
tempt of every njagnanimous and liberal man in the nation ; a 
debate which would have disgraced the common council of the 
[ most petty borough in the union. To this spirit it is due, that 
I votes of thanks, and swoids, and urns, and other cheap modes ot 
displaying our gratitude, have tranquilized our minds, and de- 
ceived us into the opinion, that we have paid the boundless debt 
I due to the Hulls, the Bainbridges, the Dccaturs, the Perrys, the 
'Porters, the Macdonoughs, the Joneses, the Ripleys, the 
! Browns, the Scotts, the Coffees, the Carrolls, the Macombs, 
tlie Jacksons, and the other heroes whose glory will live as lon^ 
: as public spirit, consummate talents, and bravery command the 
[ veneration of mankind. 

The modest, the unassuming, the youthful Perry rescued a 
f whole frontier, men, women, and children, from the murderous 
I tomahawk. Macdonough certainly rescued another, and prevent- 
j ed the enemy from establishing his winter quarters far within our 
; territory. And Jackson achieved for hiuiself and his country 
■ immortal honour, by an exploit certainly never exceeded, per- 
haps never equalled. He preserved one of the most important 
keys and emporiums of the country, from the power of the ene- 
my, by the most consummate prudence, talents, and bravery. 
The interest of the property he saved from depredation, is pro- 
bably above S 750,000 per annum. Yet I doubt whetlier there 
is gratitude enough in our public bodies, who hold tlie purse 
strings of the nation, or in the individuals whose property has 
been preserved, to make him any adequate return. I hope and 
pray I may be deceived. I deprecate being correct in this cal- 
culation. But I have fearful misgivings on the subject. 

To enable us to form an estimate of the immense debt v/e owe 
our illustrious heroes, it is only necessary to call to recollection, 
the prostration of the public mind, and the degradation of the 
national character in the early part of the war, when our opera- 
tions on land were " one continued stream" of disgraces and dis- 
asters ; and when but for the exploits of Hull and a few others 
on the ocean, the name of an american would have been a pass- 
port to shame and disgrace. The national character was sup- 
ported tliroughout the war by our little navy, vvhose exploits may 
challenge comparison with any of the most signal acts of hero- 
ism recorded in history. And on land it was towards the close 
nobly retrieved by the heroe.^ vvhose names I have given, and 
others who will grace their country's annals. And is it possible 
that congress will be base enough not to give some substantial 
proof of the nation's gratitude for benefits so far beyond all 
price ! 



42 THE OLIVE BRANCH. 

In no instance, hitherto, have congress or the people of the 
United States discharged their duiy in this respect, or dis- 

{)layed a suitable degree of gratitude. Of votes of thanks tliey 
lave been abundantly liberal. These cost nothing. A few 
swords and medals too have been awarded. But of aU the ben- 
efactors of their country — those men who have preserved it 
J'rom the bottomless abysses uf disgrace and dishonour into 
which it was •precipitously falling — who have given it a rank 
among the natioivs of the earth, there is not one on wliom the', 
nation has bestowed a reward worthy of him or it. Who was he 
that said, "the sin of ingratitude is witchcraft.'^" AVhoever he 
was, honoured be his name. 

Tlie debt due to the illustrious men with whose names I have 
honoured my page, and others, who have trod the same patli of^ 
glory, can hardly ever be discharged, even on the ground of mere 
calculation of benefit to the nation, exclusive of the elevation of 
its character. 

If England, whom in this respect we ought to aspire to emulate, 
gave 500.000/. sterling to her Wellingtons and Nelsons, let the 
United States give some solid and substantial proof ot their 
gratitude, to their illustrious heroes. I need not add, that I do 
not calculate upon such very extravagant rewards as the British 
Parliament voted '• the great lord," as he has been styled. But 
the gift ought to be worthy of the donor and acceptor: ought to 
operate as a reward to the meritorious, stimulus to excite others 
to emulation. 

This is in some degree a digression. But I hope the feelings 
of my readers will be sufficiently in unison with these sentiments, 
not to require any apology. I therefore make none. I return 
to the navy. 

I feel confident, that the nation has lost one hundred times as 
much throudi the want of a small navy, as it would have cost. 
Numbers of^ instances have occurred, of valuable merchantmen 
liaving been captured by petty pickaroons or pirates, with one or 
tvo guns. Our ports have been insulted and outraged, and the 
!?hips and cargoes of our merchants been plundered by privateers 
and sloops of war, which a few armed vessels would have forced 
to keep a respectful distance. There is none of the points on 
whicli the two liostile parties have differed, therein the democrats 
liave been so far below their adveisaries in consulting the real, 
the permanant honour and interest of the country, as in the es- 
tablishment of a naval force. The policy of the federalists in 



THE OLiVe BRANCIL 4S 

this respect was dignified and honorable; that of the democrats 
miserably coutracted. 

Alien and Sedition Laios, and Eight per cent. Loans. 

The factious clamour excited against the sedition and alien 
laws, and against the eight per cejit. loan — wliicli clamour was 
the principal means of clianging the administration, and taking it 
from the hands of the federalists, to place it in thoseof the demo- 
crats — may be justly reckoned among the sins of the latter party. 
A candid review of the so-styled sedition law, at the present 
hour, when the public ferment to wldch it gave rise has wholly 
subsided, will satisfy any reasotiablc man, that so far from being 
an outrageous infringement of liberty, as was asserted, it was a 
measure not merely defensible; but abaolutely necessary and in- 
dispensable towards the support of government.* To enable the 
reader to judge for himself, without the trouble of referring to a 
volume of the laws, I annex the document itself. 

"Sec. 1. Be it enacted by the Senate and House of Representatives of 
the United States of America, in Cong-ress assembled, That if any pers-ins 
shall iinlaxvfulhj combine or conspire ioq-ether, 7vith intent to oppose any ined. 
6ure or .-neasures of the government of the United States, tvhich are or shall. 
be directed by proper authority, or to impede the operation of any laiu of the 
United States, or to intimidate or prevent any person holdintj a place or office 
in or under the government of the United States, from undertaking-, per- 
forming, or executing his trust, or duty; and if any person or persons, witii 
intent as aforesaid, shall counsel, advise or attempt to procure any insurrection 
riot, unlawful assembly, or combination, whether such conspimcy, tlireatening, 
covmsel, advice, or attempt shall have the proposed efTect or not, he or they 
shall be deemed guilty of a high inis;lemeanor; on coaviction before any court 
of the United States having jurisdiction thereof, shall be punislied by a fine 
not exceeding five thousand dollars, and by imprisonment during a term 
not less than six months, nor exceeding five years; and further, at the dis- 
cretion of the court, may be holden to find sureties for his or their good 
behaviour in such sum, and for such time, as the said court may direct. 

«*Sec. 2. And be it further enacted, That if any person sliall vvTitc, pi-int, utter 
or pubUsh, or shall cause or procure to be written, printed, uttered, or publish- 
ed, or shall knowingly and willingly assist or aid in writing, jSrinting, uttering 
or publishing ^;;^ any false, scandalous and malicious -.vriting to imtings agai^ist 
the government of the United States, or either house of the Congress of the U. 
States, or the President of the United States, with intent to defame the said 
government, or either house of tlie Congress, ov the said President, or to 
bring them, or eiUier of them, into contempt or disrepute; or to excite a- 
•gainst them, or either or any of them. Hie hatred of the good people of the 

* It is but justice to avow that the writer of this book was as ardent in 
his opposition to, and as much alarmed at the probable consequences of 
the alien and sedition laws, as any man in the community. As it requires 
an extraordinary degree of corporeal sanity to resist the effects of a violent 
epidemical disorder, so it requires great strength of mind to keep out of 
the vortex of factious contagion, when prevalent with those whose opinions are 
?:enerally congenial with ovir own. Of this strength of mind tlie writer was 
destitute in common with a large portion of hi« fellow citizejis. 



14 THE OLIVE BRANCH. 

United States, or to stir up sedition within tlie United Statesi or to excil'e 
any unlawful combinations therein, for opposing or resisting any law of the U. 
Stiites, or any act of tlie president of the United States, done in pursu- 
ance of any such law, or of tlie powers in liim vested by the constitution 
of tlie United States; or to resist, oppose, or defeat any such law or act; or 
CCf'to aid, e/icoiirag-c, or abet any hostile deni^ns of any foreig-n nation against the 
U.' States, their people or govn-nment, then such person, being thereof convicted 
before any court of the United States having jurisdiction thereof, shall be 
punished by a fine not ex'^eeding two thousand dollars, and by imprison- 
jnent not exceeding two years. 

*' Sec. 3. And belt further enacted and declared. That if any person shall be 
prosecuted under this act, for writing or publishing any libel as aforesaid, 
iXj* it shall he lauful for the defendant, vpon tlie trial of the cause, to give in evi- 
dence,bihis defence, the truth of the inatter contained iyi the publication charged 
as a libel. And tlie jury who shall try the cause, shall have a right to de- 
termiue Uie law and the fact, under the direction of the court, as in other 
cases. 

"Sec. 4. And be it fiirtlier enacted. That this act shall continue and be in 
force until the third day of March, one thousand eight hundred and one, 
and no longer : Fror<idcd, that the expiration of tlie act shall not prevent 
or defeat a prosecution and punishment of any offence against the law. 
during tlie time it shall be in force. — Jidy, 1798. 

The fate of this law holds out. aii all important lesson on 
faction and paity spirit. Laudable and necessary as it was, 
and guarded, as far as a law can be guarded, against abuse, the 
opposition to it was as violent, and it excited as much horror 
and indignation, as if it had wholly destroyed the liberty of 
the press, and " left net a trace behind." And in this sense- 
less and disgraceful clamour, were engaged vast numbers of 
the best and most intelligent members ot the community. The 
Alien and Sedition Laws were made the subject of an elegant, 
bat violent and inilammatory report, agreed to by the legisla- 
ture of Virginia, as respectable and enlightened a deliberative 
body as any in the United States, or perhaps in the world. 
But tiiey wore bitten by the mad dog of faction in commoa 
with so large a portion of their fellow-citizens, and were seized 
with the prevalent disorder. They regarded the two obnoxious 
laws as inroads upon public liberty, which required to be repell- 
ed with the utmost firmness. 

It would be uncandid not to state, that the trials under this 
act, for libels against the president, and, as far as my recollection 
serves me against some of the other public functionaries, were 
managed with very considerable rigour; and, from the abuse of 
the law, tended to give, an appearance of propriety and justice 
to the clamour against it. The case o{ Thomas Cooper and 
Matthew Lyon, Esqrs. who were l)oth treated with remarkable 
severity, excited a high degree of sympathy in the public mind 
f liave strong rjoubts, whether, uiuler all the circumstances, a 
jury could be found in London to pronounce a verdict of " guilty'- 
against cither of them. Of the two cases, it may be justly said — 
summum jus, summa injuria, liut the censure did not attach 
to ('>•• la'v. It lay at the door of the juries. 



THE OLIVE BRANCH 45 

ihave little to oftei- respectin,; the alieu law. It was undoubt- 
edly liable to strong objections. It invested the president with 
powers liable to great abuse. But it certainly never warrant- 
ed the awful outcry that was raised againt it. To enable the 
reader, however, to form his own opinion — and, if mine be er- 
roneous, to reject it altogether, I annex, the most obnoxiou-, • 
clause of the act. 

"Sec. 1. Be it enacted by the Senate and House of Reprc tentative j 
of the United States of America in Congress Assembled, That it shall be law- 
ftiltbrthe President of tlic United States, at any time dnving the continu- 
ance oftliis act, to order all such alieius as he shall judt,^ dangerous to the 
peace and safety of the United States, or shall have reasonable grounds to 
suspect are concerned in any treasonable or secret machinations agam.st the 
government thereof, to depart out of the territorj' of the United States, 
within such time as shall be expressed in such ordei-; which order shall bet 
served on such alien by deliverinty hhn a copy thereof, or leaving- the 
same at his usual abode, and returned to the office of the secretary ot 
st;\te, by tlie marshal or other person to whom the same shall be du-ected. 
.<yjid in case any alien so ordered to depart, shall be found at large 
\vithin the United States after the time limited ia such order for his de- 
parture, and not having obtained a license from ihe president to reside there- 
in, or hnvmg obtained such iieense shall not have conformed thereto, every 
such alien shall; on conviction thereof, be imprisoned for a term not 
Lxceeding three years, and shall never after be admitted to become 
. a citizen of the United States. Provided al-ways, and be it further enacted, 
That if any alien so ordered to depart, shall prove to the satisfaction oi 
the president, bv evidence to be taken before such person or persons as the 
president shall direct, who are for that purpose hereby autliorized to ad- 
minister oaths, tliatno injurv or danger to the United States will arise trom 
sun'ering such aUen to reside therein, the president in ly t^-i-ant a license to 
such alien to remian within the United States, for such time as he snail 
judge proper, and at such place as he may designate. And the president 
may also require ot such alien to enter into a bond to the United States, m 
such penal sum as he may direct, with one or more sufficient sureties to 
the satisfaction of the person authorized by the president to take the sanie, 
conditioned for the good behaviour of such alien during Ms residei-ce in the 
United States, and not violating his hcense, which license the president may 
revoke, whenever he shall think proper." July 6, 1798. 

The ei"ht per cent. loan remains. It was united with, and in- 
creased the clamour against, the alien and sedition laws : and 
these obnoxious measures, as 1 have already observed, precipi- 
• tated the federalists from power. Yet we have since found that 
their successors, the democrats, have themselves given about eight 
per cent, on tlieir loans. This would afford a glorious triumph 
to federalism over her inveterate rival, democracy, were it not 
that tlie annals of the former can furnish many instances of sim 
ilar frailty, and inconsistency, and departure from professions. 
And it is a melancholy truth, that the histories of all the parties 
and factions, that have, since government was first instituted, 
cursed and scourged mankind by their senseless, envenomed, and 
implacable hostilities, are replete with instances of errors etjual- 
Iv disgraceful and dishonourable. A history of the madness, the 



46 THE OLIVE BR.\NCH. 

/ folly, and the depravity of party faction, is a grand desidera^ 
turn. 

JAY'S TREATY. 

The violent opposition of this instrument, which pervaded the 
anion, and greatly disturbed the administration of Gen. Wash- 
ington, was a highly factious procedure on the part of the de- 
mocrats, who were led away by objections, plausible, but not 
substantial — hardly any of which hare been realised. This af- 
fair evinces the danger of yielding to the sudden impulses of 
national feeling, which bear down every thing before them, and 
which wholly overpower the reason and understanding of even 
the wise andf the good, who on such occasions, are only oh a 
level with the most uninformed and uncultivated part of the 
community. Nearly all the predictions respecting this treaty 
have been the sooth-savings of false prophets; of men, some led 
astray by their prejudices — others by perturbed imaginations. 
Such of them as have been realised, have been more than 
counterbalanced by the solid advantages resulting from the ad- 
justment of the differences between the two nations. 



CHAPTER III. 

Monroe and Pinkney^s Treaty with England. Separation of the 
States. Treasonable Publications. Embargo. JVon-inter" 
course. 

'LrF the errors of Mr. Jefferson's administration, it is unneces- 



sary to mention more than three, denoting two very opposite ex- 
tremes of character — the one highly bold and daring — the other 
displaying an equal degree of feebleness. 

MONROE AND PINKNEY'S TREATY WITH ENGLAND. 

Two ministers appointed by Mr- Jefierson, had negociated a 
treaty v/ith England, the best they could procure. It had 
been transmitted to him in due form. WiiHiout consulting the 
co-ordinate branch of the treaty-making power, he, on his own 
responsibility rejected it, and transmitted to these ministers 
instructions to begin the negociatiou anew. This was a raigli- 
ty and a fatal error.* It may be doubted v.hether it were not 
a violation, at least of the spirit of the constitution. It was al 

• It has been attempted to justify this procedure, by the circumstance, that 
rhe negoc'utors had violated one exphcit item of :Mr. Jeficrson's instructions 
to conchide no treaty without a specific article guarding against imprcss- 
;iient<:. This is no justification, !t is barely a palUatioii 



THE OLIVE KRANCU. 47 

all events a case that probably did not enter into the conceptions 
6f the tVamers of that instrument. If it had, it is likely tliey 
iarould have provided against its occurrence. 

A calm reflection on this subject can hardly fail to convince 
the reader that probably to this source may be fairly traced nearly 
all our present difficulties. Had this treaty been, as it ouj;;ht, 
laid before the senate, they v/ould in all likelihood have ratified 
the chief parts of it, and, as had been the case with Jay's treaty, 
have referred the obnoxious clauses to a new discussion. Our 
disputes with England would liave been thus comproiuised— ■ 
lanu our party divisions could never have been excited to such 
U height as to endanger the peace and security of the country. 

It has been inferred from the rejection of this treaty, that it 
arose from Mr. Jefferson's desire of a cause of war with England. 
This is radically wrong. At no period since the commencement 
of the French revolution has there been a deficiency of a real 
cause of war with England, in the impressment of our seamen, 
, and the violent proceedings against our commerce. But a preg- 
nant proof of the fallacy of this charge arises out of the attack 
of the Leopard on the Chesapeake. 'Ihis circumstance settles 
the (luestion forever. Had Mr. Jefferson been desirous of war 
with England, nothing more was necessary than to have con- 
vened congress immediately after that event, during the ex- 
traordinary ebullition of the public mind which it created. 
All parties were then clamorous for, and would have heartily 
united in a war. And war would certainly have been declar- 
ed by congress almost unanimouslvo But with a desire oi 
peace, deserving of the highest praise and gratitude of his 
country, which he has never received, be deferred the con- 
vening of congress about four months, within wiiich period the 
public ferment had subsided. This important fact has been 
whollv overlooked in the fiictious discussions that have taken 
place respectuig his administration ; so true it is, that in times 
of turbulence, reason raises her voice in vain. It is drown- 
ed in tlie obstreperous brav. lings of noisy factionists. 

The justice which leads to this vindication, compels me 
unqualifiedly to censure the very extraordinary and unprece- 
dente<l measure of rejecting the treaty on !us own resjjon- 
sibility. 

Besides the want of an explicit clause on the subject ot 
impressment, the friends of INlr. Jefferson assign another plea 
to justify him for the rejection of this trcatv. After it was 
agreed to by both parties, there was a rider annexed to it 
by the British commissioners, which was calculated to give 
the treaty-sanction to the celebrated . orders in council, which, 
even then, it would appear, were in contemplation. 

To enable the reader to decide correctly, I annex the rider. 



48 THE OLIVE BRANCH. 

NOTE 

Of the British Commissioners, accompanying' Monroe and 

Fi)ik'ney's Treaty. 

LoNDov, Dec. 31, 18C6. 

" The undersigned, Ilenn' Richard Vassal, lord HolLind, and WilliaiB 
" iol"d Auckland, plenipotentiaries of iiis Uritannic majesty, have the honoiir 
to inform James Monroe and William Pinkney, conimissionei's extraor- 
dinarv and plenipotentiaries of the United States of America, that they are 
r.ow ready to proceed to the signature of Uie treaty of amity, commerce 
and nr,vigation, on the articles of which they have nmtually agreed. 

" But at the same time they have it in command from his majesty, 
to call the attention of the commissioners of the United States, to some 
extraordinary proceedings which have lately taken place on the continent 
of Kurope, and to communicate to them officially the sentiments of liis 
majesty's government tlien:upon. 

" The proceedings alluded to are certain declarations and orders of tlie 
French govenmient issued at Berlin, on the 21st of November last. 

"In those orders, the French government seeks to justify or palliate 
its own otijust pretensions, by imputing to Great Britain principles, 
which 5.he never professed, and practices which never cjiLsted. His ma- 
jesty is accused of a systematic and g\;neral disregard of the law of na- 
tions, recognized by civilized states, and more particidarly of an unwar- 
rantable extension ot tlic right of blockade. Whereas /its majesty may con- 
^dently appeal to the -world on Ids wdforin respect to ne^itral rights, and hL 
general and scntpidoiis adherence to the laiv of nations, witliout condescendi""' 
to contrast his conduct in the.se particulars with that of his enemy: " 
with regard to the onl}' spcciiied charge, it is iiotorions that he has n 
declared any ports to be in a state of bhckade, xvithout cdhttinq- to that Oi 
iect a force suflicleiit to make the entrance into them manif'slly dangerous. 
* "By such alleg-ations, unfounded as they aio, the enemy attempts 
justify his pretensions of confiscating as a lawful prize, all produce of Eni 
iish industry or manufacture, thpugh it be the property of neutrals; of 
eluding from his harbour.s every neutral vessel, which lias touched at 
poll of his majesiy's dominions, though employed in an innocent co 
uierce ; and of declaring Great Britain to be in a stitc of blockade, thou 
his own naval ports and arsenals are actually blockaded ! and he is unable 
V3 station any naval force whatever, before any jwrt of the united kingdoms 

" Such principles ai-e in themselves extravagant and repugnant to the 
law of nations; and the pretensions founded on them, though professed- 
ly directed solely against Great Brit:dn, tend to alter the practice of war 
i.mong civLUzed nations, and utterly to subvert the rights and incUpendaict 
■f neutral po-.jei-s. The undersigned cannot, therefore, believe that the 
r^ncmy will ever seriously attempt to enforce such a system, it he 
should they f-re confident that the good sense of the American govern 
nient will "perceive the fatid consequences of such pretensions to neutni 
eon)merce; and th.at its spirits and regard to national honour will pre 
■"•ent its ac(ji:ie.scencc in such palpable violations of its rights, and injuri 
tius enoroachmejits on its interests. 

" If, liovvever, tlie enemy shoidd earn* these threats into execution 
:»ml if neutral nations, contraM' to all expectations, shoidd acquiesce it 
*»icli asurpations; his majesty might probabl) be compelled, however re 
(.uctantly, to retaliate in his just defence, and to adopt, in regard to th 
commerce ot :..-utral nations with his enemies, the same measures, wliici 
.i'lose natio.is sliall have permitted to be enforced against their con 
/iierce with his subjects. The commissioners of the United States wi 
therefore feel, that at a moment when his majesty wid all neutral naliot 
are threatened tuith inch an extension of the belligerent pittensions of his eiu 
viies, he cannot enter into the stipalations of the present treaty,' witli a 
explanation from the United States of their intentions, or a rcscrvatio 
on thg puft oI'Iuj majesty hi the cate above mentioned if it should ever occu 



THE OLIVE BRANCH. 49 

*« The iindcrsigneJ, considering* that the distance of the American gov- 
ernment, rendci-s any immediate explanation on this subject impossible, and 
"inimated by a desire of fonvunlini;- tiie beneiiclal work in which they are 
ngag'cd, are authorized by liis majesty to conclude the treaty withovit de- 
lay. They proceed to the sig'nature under the tuH persuasion that be- 
tore the treaty shall be returned from America with the ratihcation of 
the United States, the enemy will cither have formally abandoned or tac- 
itly relimiuished his unjust pretensions; or that the g-overnment of the 
I'nited States, by its conduct or assurances, will have given securety to 
his majesty that it will not submit to such innovations in the established 
system of maritime law: and the undersigned have presented this note 
from an anxious wish that it should be clearly understood on both sides, 
that without such abandonment on the part of the enemy, or sueh con- 
duct on tlie part of tlie United States, HIS ISIAJESTY WILL NOT CON- 
SroF.R HIMSELF BOUND, BY illE PRESENT SIGNATURE OF HIS 
CO>L\IISSIONERS, TO RATIFY THIS TREATY, OR PRECLUDED 
FROM ADOPTING SUCH MEASURES AS MAY SEEM NECESSARY 
jFOR COUNTERACTING THE DESIGNS OF HIS FNEMY. 
I " The undersigned caimot conclude, without expressing their satisfac- 
jition on the prospect of accomp'ishing an object so important to the 
J interests and friendly connection of both nations, and their just sense of 
J the conciliatory disposition, manifested by the commissioners of the Unit- 
ed States, during the whole course of the negociation." 

CSilnied.) VASSAL HOLLAND. 

AUKLAND. 

To jAiraS MOXHOE, &C. &C. SiC. 

William Pinknbx, Stc. &c. S;c. 

However exceptionable the terms of this note may be, I can- 
not persuade myself that it justifies the rejection of the treaty 
without consulting the senate. Men of powerful minds defentl 
the procedure. Their arguments have never convinced me. 
To the reader's judgement I submit the subject. 

SEPARATION OF THE STATES, 

The next error of Mr. Jefferson's administration, involves a, 
very great neglect of duty. During nearly the whole of that 
period, the insurrectional and treasonable doctrine of a separa- 
ation of the states, was publicly advocated in some of the 
gazettes to the eastward, and, wonderful and shameful to tell, 
preached from the pulpit. These publications and sermons, 
having a direct tendency to the destruction of social order, 
and the introduction of tivil w^r, demanded the severe ani- 
madversion of the law officers of the government. It was 
thft incumbent duty of the President to have had the laws put 
in force, to repress the offences, and to punish the offenders. 
And if there were no law to reach the offence, he ought to 
have submitted the case to congress, for the purpose of sup- 
plying the defect. A re-enactment and enforcement of the 
sedition law were imperiously required. And the good 
sense of the nation would have supported a measure which 
the public welfare rendered so necessary. It may be fairly 
averred that there is no country in the world but the United 
•"^tates, in which an open attempt to subvert the government-. 



I 



5[j THE OLIVE BRANCH, 

and tear down the pillars of society, would have cscapol 
condign punishment. Every society ought to possess within i( 
self, and to exercise whenever occasion calls for it, the fun 
daniental principle of self preservation- 
It is impossible to censure too highly the error here adver 
ted to. The jeopardy in which the nation was lately placet!; 
when our nearest and dearest interests were in the most inuni 
fient danger, may be fairly ascribed to this most fatal and per- 
nicious misconduct. In every science there are some great, 
leading truths which cannot be controverted. And in politi- 
cal economy there is no maxim more indubitable than this, that 
lO"" treason never icas, and never will be — and in truth hard- 
ly can be propitiated by forbearance. Since the world was for- 
med never did a conspiracy meet with the same degree of im- 
punity. " Our Palinurus slept at the helm.-' The mutineers 
had "full scope for their activity. They made their arrange- 
ments at leisure, as undisturbedly as if they were engaged in 
promoting the salvation of the state. To whatever cause this , 
neglect may be ascribed, whether to torpor, inactivity, or re- ^ 
liauce on the good sense of the nation, it casts an inVelible ^ 
stain on the administration of Mr. Jefferson. | 

Tlie last of the errors of that administration which I shall 
notice, arises from its neglect of enforceing 



THE EMBARGO, 



Which was a most efficient weapon for procuring redress from 
England. Its effects upon her colonies by privations of the ne- 
cessaries of life — and upon her trade and naval power, by with- 
holdirg supplies oPraw materials and naval stores, were very 
considerable. And had it been duly enforced, as the duty of 
the chief magistrate required, it could hardly have failed to im- 
pel the British to relinc^uish those pretensions, which so high- 
ly an<l perniciously infringed our rights. But it was openly 
and fliigitiously violated: and of course its intended operation 
on England utterly counteracted. . It became a mere brutwn 
fulmen. Its effects on this country were hiddy pernicious. While 
it curtailed the trade and profits of the Fair trader, it enabled 
smugglers, and those who set the laws of their country at defi- 
ance — whose god was gain, to make rapid and unhallowed for- 
tunes. In a word, it sacrificed the interests of some the bestj 
to those of the very worst members of the community. In pro- 
portion as a citizen held the laws sacred in proportion as he 
honestly vielded them obedience — in the same proportion did he 
sacrifice his interests. And by this political arithmetic, in pro- 
portion as he disregarded the law — in proportion as he sacri- 
ficed +ln» p\iblic interest to his . thirst of gain— in the same 



THiE OLIVE l^KANCM. M 

proportion did he aggrandize himself. The export trade, vvhichi 
was fraudulently carried on to a considerable extent, was 
wholly in the hands of persons of the latter description. 
Their vessels^ laden with abundant supplies for the British 
colonies were very conveniently driven to sea by westerly 
winds, and forced into the West Indies. 

It has been said, in vindication of Mr. Jeflferson that he had 
not surticient power to enforce the execution of the law. This 
is utterly incorrect. His powers were amply adequate for this 
purpose, Kut even if this defence were valid, it exonerates him 
not fnnn the higii degree of censure attached to this derelictiou 
j of duty. Ue ouglit in that case, to have stated the defect to 
1 congress, who had the power of applying, and undoubtedly at 
hii i-equisiiion would have applied a remedy. 

Besides the non-enforcement of the embargo act, there was 
j a radical error committed by the government in continuing it 
so long. Its inadequacy to eftect the purpose its friends had 
contemplated, was fully established. And, failing that, its eftect 
was to punish ourselves for the lawless proceedings of others. 
It ought to have been considered principally as a preparation 
for war. 

The measure substituted for the embargo, that is, the non- 
intercourse with both belligerents, has been generally regard- 
ed by the democrats as a feeble one: and the tenth congress, 
whicli made the change, has been on that ground stigmatized 
by them almost universally, as imbecile and contemptible. 
This is a most egregious error. It is inconceivable how it 
could have found such general credence. The non-intercourse 
law was as bold, as manly and as energetic a measure as the 
annals of Christendom can produce for a century. An infant 
nation, with five or six frigates, and a number of gun boats, 
forbids the entrance into her ports, under penalty of confisca- 
tion, to the vessels of the two most powerful nations in the 
world; the one absolute by land — the other by sea, and own- 
ing a thousand vessels of war! and this is, forsooth, a mea- 
sure dictated by imbecility! The human mind can hardly con ^ 
ceive a greater instance of folly. 

CHAPTER IV. 

BANK OF THE UNITED STATES. MISERABLE PO 
LICY NOT TO RENEW THE CHARTER. 

A.Mo\G the great sins of the democratic party, must Ire 
numbered the »on-renewal of the charter of th<^ liank of the 

8 



f.vj THE OLIVE BRANCH. 

I'nitrJ States. This circumstance injuriously affected th« 
n edit ami character of this country abroad — produced a great 
degree of stagnation, distress, and diflicuhy at home — and 
was among the causes of the late embarassments and difficul- 
ties of the pecuniary concerns of tiie country. Had tliis 
bank been in existence, its capital might readily at any time 
liave been increased by congress, ten, twenty, thirty or forty 
millions, so as to aid the goverRment most effectually, and 
support the national credit. 

To the renewal of the charter there were various objections 
offered, on the ground of inexpediency: but these had not 
much influence— nor were they entertained by many of the 
members. The grand difficulty arose from the idea so steadily 
maintained by luust of the democratic party, that the con- 
stitution imparted no power to grant charters of incorpora- 
tion. Many of the niem!>ers who on this ground voted in the 
negative, most unequivocally admitted the expediency of the 
renewel of tlie charter. 

Tliis constitutional objection was obviated, it would appear;, 
unanswerable. All the departments of the government, le^ 
gislative, executive, and judiciary, had recognized the institu- 
tion, at various times during the twenty years of its exist' 
ence. 

|C3^77?e courts of different states, and of the United States^ 
had sustained various suits brought by the bank in its corporate 
capacittj — by which, so far as (bipended upon the judiciary, 
it had had the seal of constitutionality stamped on it. This 
was a very serious, important, and decisive circumstance. 

In addition to this, a democratic legislature of the United 
States had given it a most solemn sanction. In March, 1804, 
an act had passed to authorize the institution to establish 
branches in the territories of the United States, vi'hich power- 
was not embraced by the original charter. ^:y='This act wo' 
passed icithout a division, ichen nearly all the members were 
present. No constitutional objection could have been then 
bupgcstcd; for such members as believed the measure unconsti 
Uitional. would indubitably have called for the yeas and nay^ . 
in order to record their dissent. 

The act was signed by Nathaniel Macon, speaker of the 
house of representatives; .lessc Franklin, president of the sen 
ate; and Tliomas Jefferson, president of the United States 

■rhe>c rase.s, \v\t\\ others which might be cited, produced 
this dilemma. They eitlier, as I have stated, afforded a com- 
plete recognition of the constitutionality of the charter, or a 
«rross, palpable violation of the constitution, by the three -" 
'eral grand departments of the government' 



THE OLIVE BRANCH. as 

i presume it caunot be doubted, that if a. charter of incorpora- 
tion be unconstitutional, every extension of tlie i»o\vers of the 
corporate body must be equally unconstitutional — perhaps I' 
mio-ht o-o so far as to assert that every act recognizing the char- 
tei^is in the same predicament. But it is not necessary lor my 
purpose to proceed thus far» 

It therefore irresistibly follows ihat every member of congress 
who voted for the act of March 1804, and afterwards voted 
ao-ainst a renewal of the charter, merely oo the grounds of un- 
constitutionality, was guilty of a manifest, if not a criminal in- 
consistency.* 

A circumstance connected vith tliis transaction, rendered 
the impropriety of the rejection of the application of the bank 
for a renewal of its charter, still more striking and palpable. 
The government till the year 1802 held 2200 shares of the 
stock, which they sold to Sir Francis Baring at 45 per cent, 
advance, whereby they made z clear profit of §396,600 beyond 
the par value. Those who purchased of Mr. Baring, and held 
the stock till the dissolution of the bank, lost all thi« sum, ex- 
clusive of a considerable difference between the dividends and 
legal interest on the purchase money. They could never have 
entertained any doubt of the continuance of the charter. They 
must have conceived it to be as permanent as that of the bank 
of England. Had they supposed otherwise, they would not 
have bought at so great an advance. And it would not be easy 
io satisfy the candid and impartial, that our government could 
with propriety of justice, make such profit out of their igno- 
rance and their confidence in its integrity and fairness. 



CHAPTER V. 

ARMISTICE PROPOSED BY ADMIRAL WARREN. 

JL HE next of the errors of Mr. Madison's administration, 
that I notice, is the refusal of the armistice offered by admiral War- 
ren, on the 12th of September, 1812, nearly three months after the 
declaration of v.ar. 

Never, probably, was war more just. Never bad a country 
more patiently borne the most humiliating accumulation of out- 
rage and injury than the United States had done. Her charat- 
ter had in consequence fallen in the estimation of mankind. She 
was universally presumed to be so lost iu the sordid pursuit 

• For further details on this sabject the reader is referred to "Seven let- 
ters to Dr. Seybert on the renewal' of the charter of the Bank of tJie Unitf;l 
States." By M. C. 



54 



THE OLIVE BRANCH. 



of gain, as to be callous to oulrage, to insult, and to contumely. 
She hail appeared to have foiieited all regard to national lionoui 
and dio-nity. Her mendicant ambassadors liail beea, for years, 
"a vain suing for justice and forbearance at the portals of St. 
James' palace. The pusillanimity of the government liad be- 
come a subject of reproach to the federalists — of shame to the 
demctcrats. And it was a bye word among the opposers of 
the administration, ihat it " could not be kicked into war." 
This genteel expression was used in congress by Mr. Josiali 
Quincy, and w as quite common out of doors. — It is impossible 
10 for<»-et the torrents of reproaches heaped upon the cabinet at' 
'NVashin<'ion, on this ground. The pusillanimity and cowardice 
of the federal nxl ministration furnished an inexhaustible fund oi 
rhetorical embellishment to flowery speeches innumerable. 

The declaration of war was therefore really as just as any 
similar document from the days of Nimrod. 'The expediency 
of it was, however, not equally clear. The risk was immense. 
It was putting to hazard the vital interests of eight millions 
of people, on the very uncertain chances of war. Yet 1 do 
not pretend to decide the question of expediency in the negative; 
for let it be observed, that every argument against this war, 
would apply with nearly equal force against resistance to any 
degree of insult, outrage, and injury from England; as the 
chi"ef arguments against its expediency, are predicated upon the 
immense naval force of that nation, and her ccmsequent means 
of inflicting incalculable injury ujjon the United States: and 
whatever cogerjcy there may be in these arguments, would equal- 
/ ly exist let The injuries sustained be what they might. 

But whatever might be the justice, necessity, or policy of the 
war, it was a great error, when the orders in council were re- 
pealed and an armistice offered by the British government, not 
to accept it. Nei»ociations for the removal of the- rest of our 
grievances might have taken place; and would undoubtedly 
have been conducted under more favourable auspices, than those 
thut preceded them: for England having discovered that sh& 
had calculated too far on our passiveness, would have been far 
iiHtr'- •li«]M>sed to do us jusiice. 

Unfortunately the proposition was rejected— a rejection preg- 
nant with most injurious consequences to us and our posterit* 



• Canilniir an.l itistVc to Mr. Madison require Hint I should] state thai 
l.r pUtred to ar;^rcc to an iirmi slice witli Sir Jiilin Borlxse Wavicn, on condi- 
uoi) that the practice of unoressmeiit sljould be suspended dunng the negc : 



TIIK OLIVE BRANCH. as 

I 

Wlicn the preceding article was written, T had not suffici- 
iently examined the celebrated repeal, as it is styled, of the 
brders in council, which is very difterent indeed, from what I 

cialion. From the letter of tlie Secretary of State to Sir John on tljis sub- 
ject, I annex an extract — 

««Uie claim of tlic British government is to take from the merchant vessels 
of otlic!" coiuitries. British subjects. In the practice tJie comnianilcrs of Bri- 
tish ship's of war often take ti-om the merchant vessels of the United 
States, American Citizens. i^Ifthe United States prohibit the employment 
'' Tintish subjects in their sen-ice, hud enforce the prohibition by suitable regiila- 
and p'entdtits, the motive to the practice is taken away. QCj It is in this 
lo that the President is willing^ to accomodate this important controversy 
1 the British government and it cannot be conceived on what ground the 
. . :aiigeinent can be rchised. • _ . 

•A suspension of the practice of impressment, pending tlie armistice. 
Ills to be a nocessaiy consequence. ' It cannot be presumed, while the par- 
- are engaged in a ncgociation to adjust amicably tliis important diticr- 
c, that tlie United States would admit the riglii, or acquiesce in the 
-tice, of the opposite party; or that Great Britain would be unwilling to 
-ain hor eruasers from a practice which would have the strongest tcn- 
,cy to defeat the negociation. It is presumable, that both parties would 
■r into tlie negociation with a sincere desire to give it eftect. For this 
•lose it is necessary tliat a clear and distinct understanding be first ob- 
od l>etween them, of the accommodation which each is prepared to make. 
//' the British government is laiUing to suspend the practice of impressment 
:i Jmerican vessels on consideration that the United States will exclude liri- 
seamenfrom their service, the rpgtdatioms by ~i'hch the compromise shotildbe 
led into effect, ivould. be solely the object of negociation. The armistice 
;ld be of short duration. If the parties agreed, peace would be the re- 
; If tlie ncgociatioi> tailed, each v/ould be restored to its former slate, 
i to all its pretensions by recurring to war. 

■The President desires that the war which exists between the two coun- 
tries should be terminated on such condltion3 as may secure a solid and du- 
jirable peace. To accomplish tliis great object, it is necessaay that the 
I great subject of impressment, be satisfactorily arranged. (^Jle is -MlHng that 
Great Britain should be secured against t/ie evils of which she complains. He 
seeks, on the other hand, that tlie citizens of the United States should be 
protected agaiubt a practice, which, — while it degrades tlie nation, dcpnren 
'■■"in of their rights as freemen, takes them by force from tJielr families and conn- 
iiito a Joreign sen-ice, to fght the battles of\ a foreign power, perhu/ji- 
against thrir own kindred and country."* These proposals were perfectly faii- 
md honourable — and it is to be lamented that Sir J. B. Warren's powers 
re not extensive enough to allow him to accept them: but as they were 
)i thus extensive, it is equally to be lamented that the suspension of im- 
pressment was insisted on. 
1 As *th's is a most important feature in our public proceeding;, it is proper 
p to state txirther, that so sincerely desirous ■ was Mr. Madison to close the 
breacii, that on the 26th or June 1812, only eight days after the declaration 
of war he authorised Mr. Russel to make the same proposition to the go- 
vernment of Great Britain. The communication was made to lord Cas- 
tkreagh by Mr. Russel, in the following words: 

London ^htgust, 24th. 1812. 
♦•As an inducement to- Great Britain, to discontinue tlie practice of 
impressment from American vessels, lam authorised to give assuvancs;^ 

*Message of tlie President to Congress, Nov. 4, 1812, 



5tJ THE OLIVE BllANCIL 

"jiad coHceived it. It is liable to strong objections, vvliicu i 
believe have never becti fully stated, and of which the pub- 
lie are not probably aware. To enable the reader, to com- 
prehend my meaning, and to form his own oppinion correctly 
on a point of such o;reat magnitude, independent of any im- 
pression to be made by statement, I annex the paragraph 
of the instrument to which I allude, and which I am conhdent 
never was generally understood or attended to. 

"His royalhigliness is hereby pleased to declare, in the name and on the 
behalf of ills majesty, that nothing in tliis present order contained shall be 
understood to preclude his royal liighness the Prince regent. IF CIR- 
CUMSTANCES SHALL SO REQUIUL." [mark these words, reader— "if 
circran3tances^ shall 30 i-eqiure,"] "from restoring, after reusoimbk notice, tlit 
arder of the 7 th of JaniMry^ 1807, and 26th of April, 1809. or amj part 
thereof, to their full effect; OR, from taking such other measures of retal- 
iation against the enemy, as may appear to his roj-ai highness to be just and 
necessary." 

This is a most extraordinary clause^ The prince regent 
has received an authenticated document, containing the repeal 
of the Berlin and Milan decrees, on which he deems himself 
bound to repeal the orders in council. But in the instrument 
which he issues on the subject, he expressly reserves the 
right of restoring those orders," if circumstances shall so re- 
qtiire.^^ On these "circumstonces" he, of course, is to decide, 
These ^^ circumstances^^ are wholly independent of '■'retaliation^'' — 
as provision is made in the subsecjuent part of the paragraph ex- 
pressly for " retaliation'^^ in a distinct clause. It therefore 
appears that the orders in council were, in strict technical 
!an;;uage, never repealed. They were merely suspended till 
'' circumstances should require" their revival. 

No candid reader will deny that the above is fair reason- 
ing. This therefore, cannot be regarded as a " repeal,^^ in 
tiie sense in which this nation had a rijj;ht to expect tlie 
orders in council to be " repealed''' according to the British 
})ledge, to proceed pari paiisa with the repeal of the Fjencl^i 
decrees. The orders in council might have been *■' restored'^ 
in one montli, after tlie date of this instrument, according to 
its tenor, ^^ if circumstances should have so required,'^ without 
our government having any just reason to complain of breach 
of faith on the part of that of Great Britain.' Tliere never 
was a public document more cautiously wor^leu. And hail 1,: 

that a law shall be passed (to be reciprocal,) to prohibit the employment 
Bnt ish seamen, in tlie public or commercial service of the United Stsi 
"It is sincerely lielleved, tliat such an arrangement v.oiild prove jr^ 
effii iicioiis in securing to Great UriUiin her seamin, that tlie practice of ^ 
j)rissmcnt, so derogatory to tlic sovereign attributes of the U'rated Sli'i -^ 
;in«i so incompatible with the personal I'ights of her citizen': " 
This proposition w:is rejected 



THE OLIVE BRANCH, 57 

anived here prevIoTis to the tleclaration of wav, this conntry 
woultl have been pei-fectly warranted in refusing to regard it as 
a repeal. To meet and ful'il the idea held out in the previous 
pledoes of the British govirn'nent, the repeal ought to have been 
unconilitional, except tlie reservation of a right to renew the or- 
ders ill council in the one speciiic case of the revival of the 
French decrees. 

It is a remarkable fact respecting this repeal, that in tlie de- 
•bates upon it in the British parliament, the mighty wrongs in- 
jJlicted by the orders in council upon tliis country formed hard- 
"ly any part of the reason whereon the adoption of the measure. 

was urged. Even Mr. Brougham, the powerful opponent of the 
•orders, and the mover of the address for their " n^/jea/," found- 

pA his arguments, in his published speech, wholly on the inju- 
irious effects experienced in England by the loss of our trade. 

It is true, he once glances at the injustice of the orders, but it 
r. is very slightly and merely incidentally. He does not boldly 
•and magnanimously expose them to reprobation on the ground 

of the violation of our rights, as Mr. Baring had done in his 

celebrated pamphlet. 

But ICP as the president admitted the instrument to he a re- 
v^al, it was, I repeat, to be deeply regretted, that he did not 
cept the armistice, and trust to subsequent negociation for 
dress on the subject of impressment. His admission of it in 
-uat point of light, precluded him from employing the i olid ob- 
jection to which it was liable. 



CHAPTER VL 

[Appointment of Mr. Gallatin as Minister to treat icith Great 
Jiritain. Mgociatiun at Goitenhurg, Secent neglect of due 
Preparations. 

X HE appointment of Mr. Gallatin as minister to treat 
with the. court of St. James, was a very considerable error. This 
gentleman has had the reputation, probal)ly with justice, of being- 
one of the ablest tinanciers in this country. For twelve years, 
he had presided over the financial concerns of the nation, during 
which period moderate talents were adequate to the duties of 
that station. But a crisis had arrived when the abilities of a 
Colbert^ or a Sully, or a Ximenes, might be necessary ; and 
most injudiciously and indefensibly he was then despatched to 
another hemisphere; and the duties of his devolved ad interim, 
on another oiticer, whose proper official duties require! all his time 
^d all his talent^. 



68 THE OLIVE BRANCH. 

This measure was liighly preposterous. It was incorrect ir. 
the president to confer, it was equally incorrect in the secre- 
tary to receive, the appointment. It was the less delensifcile, 
from the circumstance, that nearly all the democrats in tlie 
United Spates had, in 1794, utterly disapproved of, and declaim- 
ed a"-a'nst, the appointment, by General Wasliington, of Judge 
Jav, t') negociate a treaty with Great Britain, jiending his con- 
tirluance as a judge. It is moreover obvious, that the absence 
of one judge cannot produce any material inconvenience: as 
there are always others to supply his place. But there are high 
and responsible duties attached to the office of secretary of the 
treasury, which can never, without very great impropriety, be 
devolved on a deputy. I pass over all but the transcendant one 
of remitting fines and forfeitures, too high a power probably to 
to be trusted to any individual Avhateyer, not excepting even a se- 
cretary himself.* 



NEGOCIATION AT GOTTENBURG. 



At a period when it was of immense importance to th^ Unit-,, 
cd Stales to close the war as speedily as possible, the president! 
had the alternative of London or tottenburg as the scene on 
negociation. We had been unfortunate by land, through trea-j 
son, incapacity, or some other cause. It was our interest to ac-| 
celerate — it was that of the British to procrastinate the nego-j 
cialions. The chances from delay were much in their favour.! 
AA'ar is, moreover, a component part of their system. Ours isj 
calculaled for peace. These observations acquired treble force 
from a reflection on the disaft'ection of the Eastern portion of^ 
the union, and its aversion to the war. Of course, we ought tofl 
have shunned everything that might cause delay. It was there-H 
foie most .extraordinary and unaccountable that the president" 
should have chosen Gottenburg in preferrence to London, under 
all the obvious delays resuUing from the necessity that would 
probably arise, or be pretended, to consult the court of St. 
.Jameses, by the ministers of that court. It appears almost as 
absurd as it wouUl be to choose the Havanna, or Port Royal, 
we ethe negociationsto be conducted on tliis side of the At- 
lantic. This was the more erroneous, from the consideration 
that the fate of large portions of our territory, and the lives of 
hundreds of valuable citizens, might depend upon tlie delay of 
a single day. 



* See the luminotis essays on this subject by ^V. B. CJiles, esq wluc'A 
are rcplfte witli the most oonviucijijj iukI unanswerable argument'-- 



THE OLIVE BRANCH. S^J 

* Sliortly after the annunciation of the choice of Gottenburg, 
tiiere was a paragraph published here, extracted from a Lon- 
don news-paper, stating that twenty n^ails were then actiuilly 
due from that place at London, owing to the continued pre- 
valence of adverse winds. This was an unanswerable proof, 
if any were necessaiy, of the impropriety of the choice Oi 
Gottenburg. 



RECENT NEGLECT OF DUE PREPARATIONS. 

Under this head, the president and the heads of depart- 
ments were still mere culpable than under any of the former 
ones. 



From the period of the downfall of Bonaparte, anci 
tmplete triumph of Great Ilritain and her allies, it 



and the 
complete triumpn ot ijrcat Jiritain and her allies, it was 
obvious to the meanest capacity that lier powers of aniummce 
I)ad increased prodigiously. The immense forces raised to aid 
the coalition against France, v/ere liberated from all employment 
but against us. And of the disposition of England to 
[ continue the war, we had the most convincing indications. 
The British newspapers were replete witia denunciations, of 
vengeance against us, and with statements of immense prepar- 
ations for our chastisement. And to crown the whole — to re- 
move all possible doubt on the subject—to deprive us and 
our rulers of all plea in justification of our torpor, and 
apathy, and neglect, an address was published from the lords 
j of the admiralty to the navy, stating, as a reason tor not 
! discharging so many seamen as the return of peace in Eu- 
i rope might have warranted, that the war existing with tiiis 
j country for the maritime rights of the British ICmpire, rendoi-' 
[ cd such a measure iuipropei-. 

ij - . Londm, April 30th. 1814. 

I " The lords commissioners of flie admiralty cannot announce to the fleet: 

the termination of "hostilities witlioiit expressing- to the petty officers, seamen 

land royal marines of his majesty's shipr,, the iiigh sense which their lordships 

! ••ntei'tain of their j^allaui and g-iorious services during- the late war. The pa 

j • iencc, perseverance, and disciphne,- the skill, courage, and devotion, with 

j! w hich the seamen and mannes have upheld the best iutcresis, and achieved 

I file noblest triumpiis of our country, entitle them to the g-ratitude, not only of 

Their native land, whicli they hav-e preserved inviolate, but. of the other nation-; 

of Europe, of whose ultimate deliverance their success maintained tlie hope 

and accelerated the accomplishment. Their lordships regi-et the unjust and 

improvshed aff^Tession of the AMERICAN GOVERNMENT, in declaring' war 

upon this country, ^^ttv nil the causas of its original coinpUdnt had been removed, 

does not pcnnit them to reduce the fleet at once to a peace establishment But 

as the question now at issue in this war, is, the maintenance of (hose 7naritime 

rights, which are (he sure foundation of our naval glortj, their lordships look with 

confidence to that part of the fleet wliich it may be still necessary to keep in 

[commission, fnr a continuance '^f that spirit of "I'^'-inline aiid gallantry, which 

I 



00 THE OLIVE BRANCH. 

lias raiscfl the British navy to its present pre-eminence. In the reducing' tiir. 
fleet to the cstublishnient necessary foe the Amtrican ifo/-, the seamen and ma- 
rines will tinil tlieir lordships attentive to the claims of their respective services. ' 
'ihe reduction will be first made in the crews of those ships which it may , 
be found expedient to pay oft; and from them the petty officei-s and seamen ', 
will be successively discharged according to the length of their bervices; be- ' 
ginlng in the first instance with all those who were in his majesty's sei'vice ^ 
previous to the 7th of March, 1803. and h;'ve since continued in it When 
the reduction sliah have been tlius made, as to the ships paid off, their 
lordsliips Will direct tlieir attention to those which it may be found necessa- 
ry to keep in commission, and as soon as the circunistnanccs of the war 
Mill admit, wiJl bring home and discharge all persons having the same, 
standing and periods of s-srvice, as those discharged from the ships paidj 
oft; so that in a few months the situation of individuals will be equalized 
al) men of a certain period of service will be at hberty to retuj-n home tc 
iheir famines; and the number which it may be still necessary to retain, will 
be composed of tliose who ha^'e been tlie shortest time in the service 
An arrangxment in itself so just, cannot m their lordships' opinion fail to give 
universal satisfaction: and they are induced to make this communication to the 
fleet, because they think '■lut tlie exemplary good conduct of all the pettj 
officers, seamen, and mariiies, entities theni to eveiy confidence, and to this 
full and candid explanation of their lordships' intentions Their lordships 
oannot conclude without expressing their hope, that the valour of his majes 
ty's He<tsar,d aiiriies will speedily bring the American contest to a concluJ 
^lon, honourable to the British name, safe for British interests, and conducive 
to the lasting repose of the civilized world. 

♦'By command of their lordships. 

«J. W. CROKER 



Notwithsfanding these symptoms of a near approaching hurj 
licane. a delusion almost universally prevailed through tli( 
nation, o{ wliich it is hardly possible to produce a parallel] 
r*?uuibcrs of our most enlightened citizens, knowing that th( 
restoiation of peace had removed all the ostensible causes o| 
v.-.'ir, and placing full reliance upon the magnanimity of Greaj 
Britain, prctlicated all their arrangements on a speedy am 
honourable peace. Purchases and sales of property to ah incal- 
cTjlablc amount, were made under this soothing expectatio-n, 
Antl we \\cre lulled into a state of the most perfect securi- 
ty, as if all our dangers had utterly subsided — the temple oi 
Jantis was about to be closed- — and every man was to con^ 
^e^t his sword into a plough-share. 

'To sTich a degree was this infatuation carried, that authcit- 
lie information of the sailing of hostile armaments produced 
no ellect to diminish it. '^^ e were gravely told, that it was 
• juitc in character for nations to assume an energetic and for- 
midable attitude when they were negociating; that the e .- 
peiise to England of sending these armaments was inconsider- 
able: that they would be recalled as soon as a treaty \\:i& 
^igned; and in fuie that she was too magnanimous to* take 
advantage of the existing state of things— withlciprtn end- 
less variety of arguments and as^ertion^, equally 'profound, 
< onvincing, and cogent. ' 



THE OLIVE BRANCH, 61 

There were infinite pains taken by the frienils ot Englaiuj 
in this country to foster and extend this delusion. Their ctlbrt'? 
iwerecrouned with the most complete success. The nation fell 
!into the snare with a degree of Gullibility that aiTorded a practi- 
cal commentary on our pretensions to illumination superior to the, 
rijstof the world. 

These deceits were varied with an address and industry, wor 
tiiyofabettercau.se. They assumed every shape from an hum- 
ble sir»penny paragraph, extracted from a London paper, to an 
important public document. Extracts of letters innumerable, 
from ^* eminent merchants^' in London, Liverpool, and Glasgow, to 
lerchants of equal eminence in Boston, New- York, Philadelphia 
nd Baltimore, were published with n:ost conlident assurances of 
the immeihate appointment of commissioners, to negociate with 
burs, 01! terms couiporting with the hiagnanimity of England, and 
[perfectly honourable to the United states. lietters were said 
iikevvise to have been received from Mr. Gallatin, full of assur- 
ances of peace, which Great Britain would grant on terms more 
ilavourable than when she was pressed by the power of Bonaparte. 
\A\\ these tales, how wild or extravagant soever, were greedily 
(Caught at and believed by our citizens, as thej^ flattered and coin 
^cided with their ardent desire for peace. So justly sings the poet 



'•'What we wiah to be true, we are fond to believe.' 



Several times we wer** deluded with information that Admiral 
iCochrane had received despatches announcing an approaching ar- 
mistice, and his consequent recall from the American station. In 
^a word, no pains were spared to lead us into a most profound 
sleep; and the opiates operated most powerfully. 

During all this deceitful calm, through which every man of di«- 
inment might readily and unerringly foresee the approaches of 
fearful storm — as every indication from England, deserving of 
■^dit, portended a long, a desperate, and a vindictive warlare; 
■; governmeno of the United States took n6 measures to dispel 
e delusion. In vain the public looked to Washington for in- 
rmation on the prospect of affairs. Ail was there profoundly 
Mlfent. Government must have liad all the information on the 
subject that was in this country: aud it was their incumbent duty 
I to have disseminated abroad the result of their intelligence, that 
the public might regulate their proceedings, and predicate their 
measures on rational and prudential calculations. But this im- 
perious duty was, 1 venture to assert, utterly neglected. There 
was not a line of official communication on the subject. And 



62 THE OLIVE BRANCH. 

nothing appeared in the National Intelligencer, that strongl) 
marked either a probability of peace, or of a continuance of the 
war. As far, however, as conclusions could be drawn, from 
that semi-official paper, they warranted much more the hope of a 
restoration of peace, than fear of the contrary. 

This conduct, on the part of the administration, was to the last 
degree culpable. It was a dereliction of duty that exposed our 
citizens to ruinous consequences. The Philadelphians were 
among the most deluded poition of the people of the United 
States. There were no preparations made for defence except 
the embodying a number of volunteer corps, very inefficient in- 
deed to protect us. As I shudder to think what might have been 
the consequences, had the enemy assailed us while we were thus 
napping in a state of stupid and most irrational security. 

The crash of the conflagration at Washington, awaked us out 
of our slumbers, and dispelled the delusion —We were then 
aroused to a full sense of our dangerous situation, and of the folly 
and supineness that had caused it. We went manfully to work— 
and in a few weeks made such preparations as renewed public 
confidence, and promised fair to enable us to repel the enemy- 
should he make his appearance. 



CHAPTER VII. 



Geripval Wilkinson and General Hamilton. Proceedings of Con- 
gress. Lameniabh torpor^ delay, and indecision* JVegtect of 
public ojiinion. 

Xn military affairs, when combined operations arc undertaken, 
it is indispensably necessary, in order to insure success, that a 
good understanding should prevail between the commanders who 
are to co-operate. A want of due attention to this obvious tlictate 
of prudence and common sense, has caused the failure, among va- 
rious nations, of expeditions of the utmost importance. Itis one 
of those plain rules, which can hardly eseapc the discernment of :t 
man of even mediocre capacity. 

Nevertheless, the northern campaign of 1813, was intni^-t- 
ed to Gen. Wilkinson, and Gen. Hampton, between whom 
existed a high degree of hostility, which was suUiciently 
well known, to have pointed out the absurdity of the proce- 
dure. The issue of the campaign was disastrous. And it is 



THE OLIVE BRANCH. 6S 

not improbable <h:it a large portion, perbaps the whole of tlie 
<lisaster, arost- IVoiu tlie neglect of a rule so very rational, that 
it is astonishin"; how it could iiave beea overlooked. 



PROCEEDINGS OF CONGRESS. 

Among the grievous sins of the ruling party, l know of none 
much more culpable than the shocking and miserable mode in 
which the proceedings of Congress are managed.— Whatever 
may be the urgency of the public business, how ruinous soever 
mav be delay, it appears utterly impossible to inspire that body 
witK a due degree or energy or promptitude. Week after week, 

I and month after month, pass over — and the public anxiously. 

' but in vain," expect remedies to be applied to the disorders oi 
the state. To a most culpable spirit, of procrastination, and 
the itch of speaking, this wretched waste of time and neglect 

ijOf the public embarrassments, may be fairly traced. ^ 

Two or three powerful orators on eacli side take a compre- 
I hensive vievv of a subject. They exhaust it completely. 'Ihey 
are followed by a crowd of speakers, who are unable to throw any 
new or important light on it — and whose speeches stand in tlio 
same relation to those of the early orators, that a hash warmed 
over a second or third time docs to the original, noble sirloin, of 
whose fragments it is formed. And thus is the money of the 
nation expended, and its hopes frustrated, merely that Mr. A. 
and Mr. B, and Mr. C,and Mr. D, may have an opportunity oi' 
making long speeches to prove to their constituents how wisely 
'ley have selected representatives! 

I have not before me the debates of the British parliament — 
!id therefore cannot, with full confidence state what is actually 
;,eir mode of proceeding. But it is strongly impressed on my 
lind, that they generally decide on questions at one sitting. 
'his at least I can aver with the utmost certainty, that raanv 
i the \nost momentous questions, involving the interests (If 

',000,000 of people,* have been thus decided, after a debate 
rora three o'clock in the afternoon,till three or four in the morn • 
iig. And in the debates on these subjects, some of the great- 
•<t men in Europe have displayed their talents on both sides — 
i'.rskine, and Fox, and Grey— ^Pitt, and Burke, and Wyndham. 
'Vhereas one of our speechijiers will sometimes occupy eight, ten, 
r twelve hours, sometimes two days, with a single speech. 



A large portion of the people of this country have taken op- 



* Including its East India possessions, the abovp is the niunber of the sub- 
"ctsoithe British Empire 



64 THE OLIVE BRANCH. 

posite sides respecting Kngland, its nianuers, and its custorn.- 
One party admires and copies — tlie other censures and despi 
ges almost every thing liritislu — They arc both in equal error. 
Englantl prer-enis much to admire and imitate — much to cen- 
sure and avoid. It is highly desirable we should imitate her 
in the mauugement of her parliauientary proceedings. 

As respects the business of Congress, a remedy ought to be 
ap|)lied immediately. The debate enght to be limitetl within 
reasonable bounds. When they have been extended far enough, 
they ought to be terminated by the previous question, notwith- 
standing the clamour and outcry of the minority. And when- 
ever tlie emergency oi tlie case requires promtitude, the sitting 
oujLht to be continued till the subject is derided, unless its compli- 
oation and difficulty may render an adjournment necessary. 

What a lamentable prospect the country exhibited at the mo- 
ment 1 wrote these iinest it was the sixth of December. Con- 
gress had been in session nearly three months — I'liey tound the 
creilit of the government laid prostrate — the sea-board exposed 
to depredation — tlie pay of the army in arrears-^— and every thingj 
in a situation that was calculated to excite energy and deci- 
sion among a nation ot Sybarities. And v/liat was the result?) 
There had probably been one or two hundred fiowery speeches' 
made' — amendments and postponements innumerable — and only] 
two important acts passed— one for borrowing three millions of] 
dollars — and the other for buying qr building twenty schooners.] 

To those who were actuated by a sincere regard for the] 
welfare and safety •>< their country, these proceedings were ai 
source of the most |.uignant uneasiness. They were utterly un- 
accountable, and irreconcilable with the plainest dictaties of rea-| 
son ai.d common sense. Laying aside all considerations ofpub- 
lic spirit or patriotism, a due regard to personal interest and 
personal safety, ought to have prescribed a totally different Wwi 
»>f conduct. 

Tiie majority endeavoured to shelter tliemselves by ccnsu - 
ing the minority who made thoic long speeches for the j)ii'- 
pose of embarrassing them, and protracting their debates ai!<i 
jproceedings. 'I'his plea would i>ot stand cxan^ination. VVer<^ 
it valid, a minority of six or eight persons, possessed oi 
the faculty of making " long talks.'- might at all tir.. > 
tolally baflle a majority, and paraiize the motions of n:'-. 
government. Suppose each member of the minority lo 
make a speech of a day or two on every subject that aros>; 
for discussion — allow a reasonable time for replication to the 
majority — and the wh«le year would be inadequat*^. for ^1 ;)t 



niE OLIVE BllANCH. 



portion of business vvluch the British parliament would with 
ease despatch in a month. 



Besides the delay arising- from tlie displays of oratory 
Avhich 1 have stated, there is another boiuce of delay, equal- 
ly injurious- Private antl trifling business obtrudes itself on 
the attention of congress, and occupies a large portion, of the 
time which is lou(ll_y cidle^l for by the iniportant affairs of 
the nation. The former ought to lie postponed till the other 
is all despatched. 



'Here I must notice one particular case, of the most extra- 
ordinary kind that ever occupied the attention of a public bo- 
dy. Never was there a greater mocker}' of a deliberative as- 
sembly. A stud horse, called Romulus, belonging to a Mr. Da- 
ijvidDardin, was impressed by a continental officer, in the year 
1781. Having been valued at 750 pounds specie, General Green 
!| returned him, on account of the extravagant price. He was af- 
Iterwards taken by another officer, and never returned. His 
widow, Mrs. Amy Dardln, has been a very assiduous applicant 
;to congress for remuneration from that period; and the subject 
'has at various sessions, occupied a large portion of the time of 
hat body. The wages of congress, during the time of the de- 
|bates, would,! am persuaded, purchase horses for the best ap- 
pointed regiment of dragoons in Christendom. A worthy mem- 
ber from Virginia used to ride Romulus into congress in great 
•?tate, every yeav during his life. He is fcow no more. Who 
has been appointed " master of the horse" in his place, I can- 
not decide. But that he has a successor, is beyond a doubt; 
for Dardin's horse was curvetting and prancing as usual, even 
during the late very important session. 

I A gentleman to wiiom I mentioned this circumstance, in- 
H'orms me that in the years 1802 and 1803, there were two pam- 
!{phlets published on this subject at the expense of the nation^ 
\for the use of the vicmbers, the cost of which would perhaps have 
I paid for the horse. 

To render this procedure more culpable, as well as more far- 
cical, the senate of the United States were on ^.he 7th. or 8th. or 
9th. of February, 1815, when every moment of their time was 
inexpressibly invaluable, gravely debating a bill for the remu- 
neration of Mrs. Dardin! And they were then within a month 
of the close of their session — and had made no provision for the 
defence of our cities, liable to hourly destruction, nor for the 
restoration of public credit! The mind is lost in tlie most pro- 
found astonishment at the contemplation of such a futile, such a 
puerile mode of managing public business. 1 am mistaken if the 
annals of legislation can produce any parallel. 




66 THE OLIVE BRANCH. 

One of two things. The claim is just or unjust. If the 
former, it is disgraceful and dishonourable not to have dis- 
charged it. If otherwise, it is really insufterable to have 
the [iublic taxed by such importunity. 

NEGLECT OF PUBLIC OPINION. 

Of all the errors of the two administrations of Mr, Jefft 
son and Mr. Madison, the least criminal, but probably tl 
most pernicious in its results, is, the indiiference they ha' 
displayed towards the unfounded allegations whereby the 
were borne down, and their reputation and usefulness de 
stroyed. Tlus may have arisen from an absurd reliance o 
the good sense of the public — or on the rectitude of their own 
intentions — perhaps from their indolence or inattention. I 
was probably founded, if it arose from either, of the two firs' 
motives, upon a trite, but fallacious maxim, which antiquitj 
hath bequeathed us — Truth is great and will prevail. Millii 
oils of times has this captivating maxim been pronounced^ 
and it is almost universally admitted as incontrovertable. Yet 
the . history of the world in almost every page bears testimo- 
ny to its fallacy. Truth, unaided by industry, and activity, 
and energy, combate. at very unequal odds against falsehood, 
supported by these auxiliaries. Tliat truth, " other things be- 
inix equal," is an overmatch for fals^'hood, I freely grant 
But tlie friends of the former, if the}! rely wholly on its iii» 
trinsic merits, and do not exercise a due degree of vir:il- 
auce, will be miserably deceived in their calculations. 

A suppossed case in point. A matron is charged with luivJi 
ing been seen entering a brothel in the face of day. wit!) a 
notorious seducer. The story spreads. It is universally i ■ 
lievcd. Ber character is destroyed. She is shunned as co.i- 
taminatory. Six months afterwards, she produces a host of 
nnexceptionable witnesses to prove an alibi. They establish iu- 
contiovcrtibly, tliat at the time stated, and for months before 
and after, she v<as in China or Japan. It is in vain. Her 
character is goiifi. The waters of the Atlantic would not pu- 
rify her. She pdvs for her neglect and her folly, the migh- 
ty forfeit of a (destroyed reputation. 

Tiias has it been with the administration of Mr. Jefterson 
„,..} ^fJ._ MuUiion. They have been charged with criminal 
< fii^que^tly of the most flagrant kind. The charges 

^ m1 over in silence for a considerable time. 

,cd, they were presumed to be admitted. And 
i 'W can ,the public determine, whether silence un- 

tier i.t-uo<*tion arises from conscious guilt, a reliance upon 



I 



THE OLIVE BRANCH. fi: 

wnscious rectitude, or an absurd and criminal neglect 'of public 

opinion? 

I say, " a criminal neglect of public ofnnion. This dcclara* 
ion is not ii">-htly liazarded. The character of a public olliceris 
fU some sort public property. A private person may allow iiis 
to be destroyed, perhaps without inflictin;^ misfortune on any 
Lerson but- himself. But the destructon of that of a public olli- 
^ '^r is really a public injury — as it materially impairs, if it docs 
destroy, his usefulness. 

There is in the histor}- of General Wajihington, a circumstance 

lich appears a departure from the sound, masculine good sense 

I' at almost universally presided over his comluct. During the 

revolutionary war, some of the British emissaries published a 

:ollcction of letters ascribed to him, which were partly genuine, 

>ut interpolated with forgeries, and partly letters altogether 

orged. They were calculated to inspire strong doubts of his 

ittachment to, and confidence iu the revolution- They were 

jfdited by a masterly pen. 

I The attack was unavailing. The attachment to, and confi- 
ilencc in, the genera!., were unimpaired. Tlie pantpit'ct sunk 
into oblivion. 

In the year 1795, «iur.[ig uic discussion excited by Jay';-: 
rcaty, it was reprinted as a genuine collection, and had art 
Extensive circulation. General Washington did not at the time 
notice it. He allowed it to take its course, apparently indif- 
ferent as to the consequences. But at the close of his publi( 
unctions, he recordedin the oflicc of the secretary of state a 
bnnal declaration of the forgery. I feel convirtced the procedure 
' ''as injudicious. If the pamphlet were intitled to any aui 
ulversion^ the proper period was when it was republished, and 
. '. course when it would produce all the effect that could result 
rom it on his public character. 

I The instances of neglects of this kind on the part of Mr. 
iferson and Mr. Madison, are numberless. I shall only in- 
• lance two. A charge was all edged againt the former, ofhaviniv 
;cnt two millions of dollars to France for some secret and siu- 
jister purpose, which I cannot now recoUec.t. It had been in 
lliniversal circulation throughout the union, without any formal 
br satisfactory contradiction, for months. At length, after it 
;uddone all the mischief it was calculated to produce, an au- 
fntic documental disproof crept out, $Cj^e.vactlif like the la- 
's alibi, and |C7" with the same effect- 

One other, instance, and I have done with this part of nv. 
pubject. The offer of the Russian mediation was made b^* 
[M. .Daschkoff in March, 1813. Mr. Pickering in Boston. 

')rtly afterwards published a series of letters on the subject, 
iv'iiich were reptiblished in almost every to^vn and city of the 
i i(\ ' . " 



tJ8 THE OLrV'E BRANCH. 

Unifecl Slates. He openly and unqualifiedly asserted that he 
whole transaction was' a fraud and imposture— solely calculated 
to delude the citizens into subscriptions for the pending loan- 
He denied the oiler of ujediation altogether: and boldly refer- 
red to M. DaschkulV, and to Dr. Logan, to prove his statements 
correct. If ever an accusation demanded attention and dis- 
proval, thrs was of that description. It was advanced under 
his own signature^ by a man who had held high official sta- 
tions, and v'ho possessed very considerable standing with the 
opposers of the government. But the same fatal and unpar- 
donable neglect prevailed as in so many other instances. The 
allegation was allowed to produce its full effect without any 
other attempt at counteraction, than a few anonymous para- 
gons phs of denial. 

To render this error more palpable, a motion was made in 
the senate of the United States, on the 2d, of June, 1813, for 
a disclosure of the corre^^pondence, of which the government 
ought to have gladly availed itself. But it was rejected. 

At length, when the hffair h;^d in some measure sunk into 
oblivion, on tlie 18th. of Jan. 1814, a motion was carried in 
the hou:«e of Representatives of the United States, for the pub- 
lication of the ccnespondence on the subject. It then appeared 
that the whole of the charges were caluminous and unfounded—^ 
ond that tlie transaction reflected a high degree of credit as. 
well on the potent monarch, who took so warm an interest 
in our ailairs, as on our government, for its prompt acceptance 
of tho mediation. 15ut the disclosure >vas too late to counteract 
any of the pernicious effects that had resulted from the'accusation. 
Many-persons to thi«; day believe the whole transaction a de- 
f option. 



CHAPTER Yin. 

i'aplnreofWashbiglon. Causes. Mismanagement. Fort Wash- 
■hi'^ton. Trial of Captain Dyson. Extraordinary Sentence 
Loans. Injury to Public Credit. Retrospection.^ 

IIIK CAPTURE OF WASniNGTON. 

On the 24th. of August, the capital of the United States 
was taken i)y the enemy. Their force was by no means of 
sucli magnitude as would have prevented the disaster from 
being accompanied by <lisgrace. Ha<f it been overwhelming, 
the loss mi'iht have excited regret; but we should have been 
spared mortification and disgrace. But as t stands a sub- 
ject for historieal rectrd, the loss, although very great, is 



THE OLIVE BRANCH 6!> 

V:.Hdesfrnng of consideration. Placed beside the dishonour, 
it sillies into insignificance like a molehill beside a nioimtaini 

The force of the enemy is variously stated. Tile highest 
estimate is 6,000. Dr. Catlett, who had -a tavourable oppor- 
tunity of assertaining with precision, states it at 3,540. Eve- 
ry person with whom I have conversed, that saw them, has 
been of opinion that they were so jaded with their marcl 
and so dispirited, that, had suitable preparations been made, 
they might have been easily defeated, and probably captured. 

They landed at Benedict, on the 18th. of August, and pro- 
ceeded in a tolerably regular course -towards Washington, 
which was the only object worthy of their attention. Tiiey 
were six days on their march. And there was hardly any 
attempt at efficient preparation made for their reception, tiil 
three or four days before their arrival at that city. The se- 
cretary at war ridiculed the idea of their attacking Wash- 
ington, till within three days of the battle of Bladen s- 

One obvious plan of defence, which would have struck «.»'' 
mind of .a mere tyro in military attaiis, was to have ^ar.'i 
soued the capitol and the president's house, with as povvetr?: 
ful a force as could conveniently oppt-rate there. The stren^ii 
of these two buildings would have enabled the garrisons to 
hold out a long "time, until troops could have been colieci"4d 
to encounter the enemy. 

It is not- for m« to decide on whom the censure ought tw 
fall— on the president — the secretary at war — on' the district 
general, AVinder — or on the whole together. But let that 
point be determined as it may, it cannot be denied, trat 
nothing but the most culpable neglect could heve led to t'.ie 
results that took, place— results which could not fail to prov-*- • 
injurious to the national character in Europe, and vvliich, had 
not the news of the exploits of the brave and illustrious 
Macdonough and Macomb, arrived there at the same time as 
the account of this disgraceful disaster, v»'ould have materially 
and perniciously atlected the iiegociatiou at GluiMt. 

When the preceding strictures were written,. I had not 
seen the Report of the Committee appointed to investigate 
the subject, which [ have recently examined with attention. 
It -is clearly established by the documents annexed to this 
report, that the disaster arose from a series* of the most 
Extraordinary and unacountable mismanagement. I shall enu- 
merate a few of the instances in brief. 

Let me previously observe, that the president stands excul- 
pated from censure in the affair; for a cabinet council was hold 
at Washington, on the 1st. of July, wherein it was resolved to 
establish a new militiiry district, to comprise the cities of Wash- 
ington, Baltimore, tnd the adjacent country. The command ot 
it was given to general Winder, who had explicit directions to 
make preparations to repel the enemy, should he make aa^; 



:o ^rHE OLIVE BRANCH. 

attempt on the seat of government, which the council judged 
highly probable. 

Among the errors committed, the following are the most pro- 
iient: 

*. There was no attempt made to fortify those parts of" the 
" ntry calculated for defence,- although General Van Ness, on 
alf of the citizens of the District of Columbia, made repeat •- 
and earuest applications to the secretary at war on the sub- 
:, and although he as repeatedly promised to pay attfention to 
ir requests, 

.. There was not the slightest effort to arrest the progress of 
enemy, from the time of his debarkation till the day of the 
le of Bladensburg, although the country through which he 
sed was admirably ealculated for the purpose. 



. There was no camp formed equidistantly between Balti- 
le and AVashington, so as to be able to cover and protect 
er or both places. 



. The troops from Baltimore were not ordered out in due 

(on. Had the orders been; as most indubitably they ought to 

iB been, issued at least on the debarkation of the enemy, these 

ips would have arrived in proper time — been fit for duty — 

probably rescued the country from the disgrace. 

, The orders for the Baltimore troops to. march, were re- 
ed in Baltimore on Saturday the !30th. of August. They 
; up the line of march the next day, Sunday the 21st. 
* that evening they received an order from Gmeral Winder, 
wpress TO halt until further ordkis! Next day, the\ 
rene\\'cd orders to inarch with full speed to ?Bladensburg.~- 
sc to General Stansbury were received at 10 A. M. and 
ttiose to Colonel Sierrett at 9. P. M. The former reached Bla- 
densbuig on the22d. at nigdt — the latter on the 23d. at night, 
Tlie fatal delay arising from the orders to halt, was among 
the principal causes of the disaster. Colonel Sterrett's corps 
an ived on the ground jaded, and fatigued, ami harrassed. They 
luul but little rest the night previous to the buttle, owing to" 
some false alarms, and were in every respect unSt for being 
led into tlie ensra^rement. 



•«"o'^ 



6. Colonel Young's brigade, by -order of Gcneial Win- 
der, was statiomd at a distance from the field of battle, 
'.•here it rrm.iii<t'd inactive dwring the whole time of llr. 



THE OLIVE BRANCH. 71 

rjgagemcnt, althougli within hearing of the report ot ihe 
lannon. 

7. An eliicient ' corps of 600 infantry, and 100 cavalry, 
under Colonel Minor, arrived at Washington on the evening 

.preceding the battle. The Colonel applied to General Ann 
strong for arms, and was directed to ^CT^ report himSelf the 
next inorning!!! to Colonel Carberry, who liad the cave of 
ihe arsenal. This gentleman spent the night at his countrV 
seat, and was not to be found in the morning, although inval^ 
uable hours were spent in the search for him. At length an 
order for arms was procured (Vom General Winder. Even 
then delay occurred, from the scrupulosity of Colonel Carber- 
ry's^ deputy in counting the flints — and further delay in giv- 
ing receipts for them. The consequence was that this corps, 
which would almost to a certainty, have decided the fate of 
the* day in favour of their country, began their mafch so late, 
that they had no share wiiatever in the action, and met the 
retreating army after its defeat! 1^! 

8. Had a "stand been made in Washington, and the wliole 
force, even discomfited as it was, been collected together, there 
is no doubt but the loss might have been retrieved. But there 
was not the slightest effort of the kind made. The retreat 
was conducted in a disorderly manner, and as much like a 
j'ight as could be. 

Throughout this work, in all important cases, I do not 
.aerely refer to my authorities, as is usually done. The rea- 
der must observe that I quote as well as refer to them. I am 
desirous of silencing incredulity herself. In pursuance of tliit 
plan, 1 submit a few short extracts from the documents pub- 
'ished by Congress, on which the preceding views are founded. 

Extracts from the letter of' Gen. Van J\:'ess' to the cdminittee of Congrem, apfmtU' 

ed to enquire into the causes of the Capture of Washington, dated JN'oVs 23, 

1814. 

"About the opening of the present campaign, I pressed again upon tl.e 
ecretaiy tlie subject of our defence; sug'gesting' in addition to the occl usion 
"if the river, the convenience and importance of a c<;ntrdl camp, interrr,ediatc 
'etwecn Snitimove, AniialiuU-s, IPaahinglojt^ ^Ikxandiici, Georgeio-ivu, end th- 
. eigltbourivg to-,vns and coicntrij. And in frequent interviews, (in number, to 
'le tunc, very much increased by the importvmate applications and solicita- 
"ions to me, of both the civil and military branches of the community; 
whose confidence in die scci-etary appeared at an earl}' period, at besi 
'.vaverinc;; if not dccUning-,) sometimes official, at other time not so, Vihitl;. 
[had with liim, as the campaign progressed, I did not fall to repeat \\:i- 
suggestion. I still received assurances, generally verbid, favorable, acconijvam 
d by an otli^rvvise apparent indifference, and confidence in our security.'"' 

" Thus had the campaign progressed;' without any visible steps toward:^ 
works of Jefence, eithfer permanent or teniporarj', either on" the land oi 
the water side, C I never having heard of a spade or an axe being struck: in 
any such operation, ) or towards forming a rendezvous or camp of rcgulai- 
troo|is in the neigubourhood, to the '^reut an-vie/n, mquietude, and alarm, of 
the difitrict and surrounding cozmtrv; the seo'etarti generalli/ treating,, with iu 
difi'.Tf'^r^ ,,f least, if not ivith levity, the idea of an attack by ih^ enemy -f" ^* 
* Report, page 287. t Idem, page ^Kb'. 



72 THE OLIVE BRANCH. 

" In Aug-iist last, when tlie increased and reinforced fleet, ivith the 
fj-oops, ascended the Chesapeake, and were known, from authentic int'or- 
inution, to have entered tlie Tatuxent, I "called on Secretary Armstrong 
again; and expressed, as usual, my apprehensions, arising from want of 
means and prc])aration adding, that tiom the known naval and repatedland 
force of the enemy, lie probably meant to strikpa serious blow. His re- 
ply was, " t)h yes! by — d, thei] rvould 7tot come tvilh suc/i a fleet witkotit 
meaniii:^ to atnke somexvhere: but they certainly will not come liere IVhat the 
,1—1 {nil they do here'" &c. After remarking that I dirtered very much frojii 
him, as to the probable interest they felt ia destroying or capturuig oiu- 
scat of government, and that! believed a visit to_ this place would, for seve- 
ral reasons, be a fa voui'ite object witli tliem,- he' observed, "No, no! Bal- 

• tjmore is the place, sir; tliat is of so much more consequence'.'* 

«'l continued to see general Winder occasionally as before, and to beaston 
ished at the apparent slugis}iness or procrastination in the preparation tor 
ihe reception of the enemy, who was on Ills advance. I recollect well,*that 
even after he had, according to authentic and undoubted information, as- 
cended to the head of the ship navigation of the Patuxent, and had, for 
about twenty-four hour^, been debarking .on the hither bank of that river, 
and marching his troops to their encampment on the heights of Benedict, 
' (about-40 miles from tliis on the usual route,) general W. in answer to au 
inquiry of mine, whethoir he had ordered on any troops from Baltimore, and 
whether he thought they woidd be here in time, said, THAT THEY VVEKE 
OIIDEUEU ON; AXD THAT ALL HIS FEAU WAS, THAT THEY 
WOULD BU HERE TOO SOOJW Expressing to liim my astonishment at 
the apprehension, he said, he thought it ^'cry probable tliat the enemy 
would suddenly, turn about, and make a blow at Baltimoref ." 
Extract from General Stdnsbunfs Jiep(/rt. 
-• The men under my connnand were worn down and nearly exhausted 
from long ajid forced marches, wantoffcoU, and watchnig. TAe;/ had been, 
'■Atli very Uttle intermission under arms, and marciiing,fritm the time of their depar- 
lurefrom Jiuhimove, -pith but little sleep, dud provisions, undbvt Uttle opp§rf)i7Uty 
.'0 cook. 'I'liey certainly were not in a situation to go into battle; but my or- 
ders were positive; and I wasdetcnninedto obey them.' 

" Before and during tlie action, J did twt see any of the force lions led to ex- 
pect -would support me. I understood since, tliey v/ere pa their way to my as- 
sistance, and I presume exertions were made to bring them upj.'' 
^ . Extract fivm Colonel ^[Jhiors Report. 

"I took lip my line of march, and ai-rlvod at the .capitoi between sunSet 
and' dark, [Aug, 23d.] and immediately made iwy way to the president, and 
i-eported my arrival ; wlien he referred nie,to general Anustrong, to whom 
1 repaired, and informed him as to the Strength of tlic troops, as vvell as to 
the want of arms, anmumiUon, &c. which made it as late as iearly candle 
light; v/hen I was informed by tliat gentleman, the arms, &c. could not be 
had tliat night, and directed to repvi-t mysc/fhext moivun!^- to colonel Carberry, 
■who -would fwnish me -with arms, &c. which g4;ntlenian, from early nextmorn- 
ing, I diligently sought, until a late hour of the forenoon, without being able 
to find him, and then went in seaVcli of general Winder, whom I found 
near the Eastern Branch; when he gave an order to tlie arn)ourer lor the 
munitions wanting, witli orders to return to the cmiiol, there to iutdtfvrthet' 
orileisW:' ■ ■ " ' 

■ Extract from the Report of Doctor t'atlett. , • 

"Itespecting tlie contlition of the enemy's troop.';, I was .inforaied by sevt- 
raloftlie British officers,- that just previous to thtir reatlilng BlSflensburg. 
(with excessive fatigue or entire exhaustion) //;t-^7wre<.' -"' './/' in conni- 
durable numbers,- that in the action, it-uus only by the most t'.. ryexertitms 

that the main body could be goaded on. Altliough I observed bou.c oi their flank- 
tis at times advance on the run a small distance, these wore said to be only 
tlie most active of their light coaipanies of) and attached to, tlicir 85tli. rc- 

• Keport,page 292 f Idcin.page 296. *V\fm, nng'- 1«5, JlWem, page IJoJ 



THE OLIVE BRANCH. rS 

•jment, commanded by lieutenant-colonel Thornton, acting as brigadier; they 
appeared to me to halt, as if exhausted with faiisfite, at or near the place where 
ihefirino- ceased on ourpaii, ixhont a mile and a half on this side of ^Bladcns- 
burg, about two o'clock, P. M."* 

• ■ ■ 

"Extract from the Report of the Committee' of . Congress on the capture of Wash' 

• 'ington. 

"Our forces at this time at the Old l-'ields, are variously estimated, witli 
no material diflcrencc, at about 3,000 men, in the following' corps: about 
-400 horse, under the command of the foUotvins^ officers: lieut. col. LavalJ, 
col. Tilman,. capt;itns Caldwell, Thornton, Herbert, Williams, &c.: 400 reg- 
ular troops, under the command of lieut. col. Scotl, viz. 36th, 38th, and 
capt. Mor<yan's company of the 12th, infantry; 600 mai"ines and flotilla-men 
under com. narney and capt. Miller, with five pieces of heavy artillery — 
two 18 pounders and three twelve povmders: 1,800 militia and volvmteers, 
gen. Smith's brigade of Georgetown and city militia, and Maryland militia 
under col. Kramer, of which there were two companies of artilleiy under 
capt. Burch and major Peter, with six 6 pounders each, making an ag'gre- 
j^ate of 3,200, with 17 ]>ieces of artillery. TIlc enemy 7Mts without cavulrij, 
and had two small field pieces and one Jioivitzer, drawn by men; and the whole 
covniry well caladatedfor defence, aklrnusMng, and to impede the march of ctii- 
eiiemirf." , * * * * 

"The march of oui" army to the city was extremely rapid and precipitate, 
and orders occasionally given to Captains of companies to huny ou the men, 
Avho were extremelv fatigued imd exhausted before the camping ground 
was reached, near the Eastern Br.Ttnch bridge, within tiie district of Colum 
biai." * * * # • ■ ■- 

" Colonel George Minot, with his regiment of Virginia militia, composed 
of 600 infantry, and lOOLcavahy, arrived at the city of Washington in the 
twilight of the evening of the 23d; he called on the president who refen-ed 
him to the secretary of war for orders; the secretary informed him tlvit arms 
could not lie Jtad tluit 7tight, but gave orders to report himself to colonel Carberry, 
early in. the morning, who would furnish him with cuvns and ammunition,- as he 
was charged with that duty by gen. JVinrler. From eai'ly in tlie n.orning till 
late in the forenoon, col. Minor sought col. Carberr'/ diligently, but he could 
not be found. He rode to head-qtiarters, and obtained an order from gen. 
Winder upon the arsenal for arms, &.C.; marched to the place with his regi- 
ment, and its care he found cemntiitted to a young man, who.se caution in 
giving out arms, &c. very much delavinsr the arming and suppl}ing this regi- 
iiientjl.-' * * * ■ . 

" The (hstance from Benedict to the city of-W^ashi.ngton,"by Bladensburg, 
is upwards of fifty miles. The enetny was witho7it hac'gage-v.'dggons or mean's 
•f transportation; his troops much exhausted with fatigue; many . compelled to 
quit tlie ranks, extraordinary exertions used to keep otliers in motion; tt?id, as 
f unable to pursue our forces, remained 07i the battle ground: .the enemy's 
advance reached the city about eight- o'clock in the evening, the battle hav- 
ing eiKled about two o'clock, or before."§ * * * 

" The enemy, on the evening of the 25th, made the ga-eatest exeftions to 
leave the city of Washington.- They had about: 40 indifferent looking hor- 
ses, 10 or I'i carts, and waggoris, one ox-cart, one coach, and several gigs. 
These were. sent to Bladensburg to move off the wounded. A drove of 60 
or 70 cattle preceded tlus party. Arriving at Bladensburg the British sur- 
geon Was ordered^ to select the wounded who could walk; the forty horse 
laere mounted by those who could ride; tlie carts and waggons loaded; and up- 
. wards of 90 wounded left behind Abont 12 o'clock at nig'ht tlie British ainiiy 
passed through Bladensburg; and parties continued until morning, and strag- 
glers until after mid-day. The retreat of the enemy to his slapping was pre- 
cipitate and apparently zmder an alarm: and it is supposed that it was known to 
him that our forces had marched to Mofitgomeiy court-house."^ # * * 
*ldem, page 311. t^eport,page21. +Idem, page 23* 

!!Idem, page 26. 'ildem.. page 34. '■ Idem, page 3S. 



74 THE OLIVE BRANCH. 

" On th« 12th •f July, jren. Winder was autliorised, in case of menaced 
or on act'ial invasion, to call into servicTc tl.c whole, quota of Maryland 
On the irth g'cn. W'nder wasuiithorlzed to call into actual service notles?. 
than 2 nor more than 3,000 oftlie drafts assig'ned to his command, to fomi 
a pcrmaneat force to be stationed in some central nosilion between Baltimore 
and the citj- of Washington. On the same d:iy, l7tli of July, gen. Winder 
ivas authorised to call on the state of ^nrtsyhania for 5,000 men;* on A'ir- 
s^finia, 2,00'J; on the miliiia of the district of Oolumbia, in a (hsposable state, 
2,000; to^,vlhcr with the 6,000 from Maryland, making an aggi-egate force 
of 1j,0*)0 drjifted militia, o,000 of which authonsed to be called into actual 
service; the residue in case of actiial or menaced invasion, besides the re- 
gular troops estimated at 1,Q00, making 15,000; independent of marines and 
Hotilla men. This was the measure of defence contemplated for the mili- 
tary district Xo. 10, and the measures taken by- the wai' department up 
to the 17th of .liUy in execution of it.*'* 

DESTRUCTION OF FORT WASHINGTON. 

One extraordinary c.irGumstance attended this disastrous af- 
fair, which I cannot refrain from stating to the public. Fort. 
Wasliington was commanded by captain Dyson; when the Bri- 
tish took tiie city of Washington. He had recieved orders 
fro4u general Winder, in case the enemy came into his rear, 
to blow up the fort, and retreat -with his garrison. The ene- 
my came. His orders were clear and explicit. He obeyed 
them — as it appears he was in duty boiAid. 

For this act, he was brought to trial-^and sentenced to be 
disnus?ed the service. 

I am no military man, I know little of military affairs. 
I am therefore liable to error when I priinounce opinions on 
them. But with due deference to this court martial, where- 
of "brigadier general Smith, of the militia of the District of 
Columbia, was president," I cannot but believe captain Dy- 
son's case to be peculiarly severe: and judging on plain 
principles of reason and common sense, I think the sentence 
most extravagantly unjust. Were I in his situation, I would 
appeal to the v/orld against such a condemnation — and "make 
the wt*lkiji ring with my complaints. 

Extract from the Report of Geneiml Winder, 

"1 s«nt, by major Hite, directions to the commanding officer offoit 

Washington, to advance a guard up to the main road ujion all the roads 

If-ading to.thc fbrt^ and in the event of Idx bcini^ takm int/ie rear of the fort 

hi the ejiemif, to blow upt/iefort, (ind retire across tfie river," — Report, nagr? 

■172. *. ^ ••' 

I wish to hnve it understood that I have no personal know- 
ledge of general Armstrong, general Winder, or Captain 
Dyson — nor do 1 believe 1 have ever seen any of then). 

'*Rc.port, page 38. 



THE OLIVE BRANCH, 75 



DEPARTURE OF GEN. IZARD FROM PLATTSBUR^. 

One of the, most extraordinary measures of war — a measure 
utterly mdefensible, — lias, as far as I know, almost wholly es- 
caped censure. It affords one among ten thousand instances, to 
prove how seldom approbation or censure is m.eted out with due 
regard to justice. 

Greneral Izard had ai> army of about 8000 regulars in the 
neighbourhood of Plattsburg. General Prevost, at no very great 
distance, had the command of about 14,000 troops, principal- 
ly veterans. While the eyes of the nation were direct- 
ed towards that quarter, and every man interested for the ho- 
nour, the happiness, the independence of his country* was 
tremblingly alive to the future, and filled with the most awful 
forebodings of a ruinous result, from the fearful odds against 
Qur little army, amazement and terror filled every breast, to 
find that 5 or 6000 of our troops, under the general who 
had directed his utmost energy to train them to service, 
and to acquire tlieir confidence, were ordered to a remote sit- 
uation, on<an unimportant expedition, in which no laurels were, 
or probably could be acquired. '1 bus Was a most invaluable 
frontier exposed to all the horroi"s of desolation. 

The annals of warfare present no instance of greater fatuity. 
It is diffic'ilt to conjecture what could have been the object con- 
templated by this wonderful movement. But whatever it might 
have been, had the utmost success crowned the undertaking, it 
could not possibly have compensated for the issue which vVas to 
be rationally calcttlated on at Plattsburg. 

The result, however, was highly glorious to the nation. Noth- 
ing could be more fortunate. But this does not diminish an iota 
of the censure due to the measure. — The character of an action, 
good or bad, is not affected, except with the canaille,* by its 
successes, whether prosperous or the reverse. Many of the. 
wisest schemes ever devised have failed of success. Many of 
the most absurd and ridiculous have prospered. But every man 
whose approbation is worthy of regard, commends or reprobates 
a measure according to the wisdom or folly displayed in plan- 
ning it. 

Had general Izard's army remained at Plattsburg, and aided 
in the discomfiture of governor Prevost, the triumph of the United 
States at the8aranac would not have been so transcendently great. 
Their removal, therefore, how absurd soever it waSj is subject 

* It may be proper to state, that the time distinction of the Canaille, is not 
dress, or station. Itismiijd. There ai-e men wortU ten tJiousiUid a year, who 
«re of the canaUle: 

11 



re THE OLIVE BRANCH. 

of the most serious rejoicing. It lias added immensely to the 
laurels the nation acquired in the war. 



LOANS. 

The last and perhaps the most grievous and unpardonable er- 
ror of tlie democratic party — an frror, pregnant with baleful 
Lonsequences to the finances and credit of the country, was, de- 
pending on loans for the support of the war, and deferring the 
miposition of taxes adequate to erect the superstructure of pub- 
lic credit npon. This nrOse from the miserable and pernicious 
dread of forfeiting popularity, and losing the reins of govern- 
ment — a dread often the parent of the most destructive mea- 
sures: The consequences of this highly reprehensible error was, 
that the loans were made to very considerable loss, and that the 
public credit of the nation was most lamentably impaired. 



1 liAVE now gone through a review of the principal errors and 
i'oUies, the neglects and the mismanagements of the democratic 
partv. I have detailed and canvassed them with the boldness and 
indtpentience of a freeman. I have followed the sound advice 
of Othello: 

•'Naught extenuate — nor aught set douTi- in malice." 

On many of these points I am greatly at variance with men of 
jowcrful taleuts^belonging to that party. Some of my facts and 
(pinions have been controverted by a critic of considerable acu- 
w.en, ni one of the daily papers. I have re-examined the va- 
rious subjects embraced in this volume; and, where I have found 
. ause to change my opinion, I have unhesitatingly done so, 
^!v object is truth. I have pursued it steadily — and, as far 
as" I can judge of myself, without undue bias. But I well know 
l,o\v difficult it is for human weakness to divest itself of pre- 
judice and partiality. To the candid reader, I submit the deci- 
sion. 

This detail of misconduct has been a painful task. Far 
iHore agreeable would it have been to have descanted on the mer- 
its and talents of the president and other public functiona- 
ries. To a man of a liberal mind it is infinitely more agree- 
able to bestow the meed of praise, than to deal out censure. 
But a rough truth is preferable to u smooth falsehood. And 
whatever chance we have of arriving at tiie haven of peace 
and happiness, depends upon a fair and candid exai»inatio» 



THE OLIVE BRANCH, : ; 

of ourselves, which must infallibly result in a conviction, that, 
so great have been the errors, the Ibllies, and the madness on 
both sides, that mutual forgiveness requires uo effort of gene- 
rosity — it is merely" an act of simple justice. 



Before I quit this branch of my subject, it is but proper to ob- 
serve, that it is hardly possible to conceive of a moie difficult 
and arduous situation than Mr. Jefferson and Mr. Madison have 
been placed in. They have had to struggle with two belligerents, 
one supremely powerful by laud, and on that element holding in 
awe the chief part of the civilized world— the other equally pow- 
erful by sea : — and each, in his rage against the other, violating 
the clearest and most indisputable rights of neutrals, and inflict* 
in<^ upon us, in a time of pretended peace, nearly as much injury 
«is if we were ranked among the belligerants, And the divisions 
and distractions of the country, with the formidable opposition of 
a powerful party, embracing all the governments of tlie eastern 
States and a considerable portion of the citizens of the rest of the 
union, must have caused the administration infinitely more trou- 
ble and difficulty than the two belligerents together. -^ 1 he feder- 
alists, as I shall show more fully in the sequel, after goading the 
government into resistance, and vilifying it for not procuring re- 
dress, thwarted, opposed, and rendered nugatory every rational 
effort made to acconiplislithe very object they professed to seek— ^ 
u degree of madness and folly never-enough-to-be-deplored. 



CHAPTER IX. 

Thp, Federalists. Federal Conventiun and nr'aiif^-dtution. Cum ■ 
plaints of want of energy in the Conl^ution Jfisorg-anizers 
and Jacobins. Mien an4 Seditioii Laws. Loss of Fower, 
Change of Views. 

Having thus taken v, iiat I hope v/ill he allowed to be a can 
did view of the errors and misconduct of tlie democratic party, 
it remains to perform tiie same office for their opponents. And 
I feel confident, it will appear tliat the latter have at least as much 
need to solicit forgiveness of their injured country, as the former. 
in the career of madness and folly which the nation has run, they 



78 TUE OLIVE BRANCH. 

have acted a conspicuous part, and may fairly dispute the palm 
witli their coin jjetitors. 

In tlic federal convention, this party made every possible ex-, 
ertion to increase the energy and add to the authority of the gen- 
eral government, and to endow it with powers at the expense of 
the state governments and people. Bearing strongly in mind the 
disorders and convulsions of some of the very ill-balanced repub- 
lics of Greece and Italy, their sole object of dread appeared to 
be the inroads of anarchy. And as mankind too generally find it 
difficult to steer the middle course, their apprehensions of the 
Scylla of anarchy effectually blinded them to the dangers of the 
Charybdis of despotism. Had they possessed a complete ascen- 
dency in the convention, it is probable they would have fallen into 
the opposite extreme to that which decided the tenor of the con- 
stitutioHo 

This party was divided among themselves. A small but very 
active division were monarchists, and utterly disbelieved in the ef- 
ficacy or security of the republican form of government, especial- 
Jy in a territory so extensive, as that of the United States, and 
embracing so numerous a population as were to be taken into the 
calculation at no distant period. The remainder were genuine re- 
publicans, men of enlightened views, and a high degree of public 
spirit and patriotism. They differed as widely from the mon- 
archic part of that body, as from the democrats. It is unfortu- 
nate tliat their counsels did not prevail. For it is true in govern- 
ment, as in almost all other human concerns — that safety lies ia 
middle courses. Violent and impassioned men lead themselves, 
and it is not wonderful they lead others astray. Tiiis portion of 
the federal party advocated an energetic, but at the same time a 
republican form of government, which on all proper occasions 
might be able to command and call fortii the force of the nation. 

The following letter sheds considtrable light on the views of 
Alexander Hamilton, who took a distinjiuished part in the pro- 
ceedings of that respectable body. — It is obvious that a president 
during good behaviour, which was a favourite feature with Mr. 
Hamilton, could hardly be considered other than a president for 
life. 

New-Youk, Sept. 16, 1803. 

" jVIt itp.AJi sjH — 1 will iti'ike no apology for my delay in pmswering your in- 
riiiiry sonittime sinct' made, because I could offer none wliich would satisfy 
inysclf. I pray you only to believe, that it proceeded from any lliing ratlier 
Jban want of respect or regard. I shall now comply witli }our request. 

" The highest-toned propositions which I made in tlie convention were for 
» president, senate, mid jvdgea, during good brhuvionr; a house of reprcsen- 
tuivcs for tltrec ytars. 'Ibough I \s oulJ luive enlarged the legislative j.ower 



i; 



TUE OMVE BRANCH. 79 

of tlie i^neral pjovernment, yet I never contempiated the abolition oftlte 
Ktiite goVcmmcnts. Hut on tlie contrary, they were, in aome pai-iiciilars, 
constituent parts of my plan. 

" This plan was, in my conception, conformable with the strict theorj' of a 
government purely republican; the essential criteria of which are, that the 
principal organs of the executive and Icg'islative departments be elected 
jy the people, and hold their offices by a responsible and tenijjorary or 
defeasible nature. 

" A vote was taken on the proposition respecting the executive. Five 
states were in favour of it ; among- these Virginia ; and though, from the 
manner of voting by delegations, individuals were not distmg'ii.slied ; it 
was morally ccitain, from the known situation of the Virginia member.'? 
(six in number, two of tlieni. Mason and Randolph, professing- pop.dar 
Uoctruies) tli^tt Madison must have concurred in tlie vote of Virginia. 
Thus if I smned against republicanism, Mr. Madison is not less guihy. 

" I m.iy truly tlien say that I ycvev proposed either a president or se- 
nate for life ; and,, that I neither recommended nor meditated the anni- 
liilation of the stite governments. 

" And I may add, that in tlie course of the discussion in the convention, 
neitlier the propositions tlirown out for debate, nor even those voted in 
the earlier stages of deJibcralion, were considered as evidences of a definite 
opinion in the proposer or voter. It appeared to be in some sort under- 
stood, that, with a view to free h.vestigation, experimental propositujns 
might be made, which were to be received mei-ely as suggestions for 
consideration. Accordingly it is a fact, that my final opinion was against 
an executive during good beliaviour, on account of the increased danger 
to the public tranquihty incident to the election of a magistrate of" his de- 
gree of permanency, in the plan of a constitution which I drew up while 
tlie convention was sitting, and which I communicated to Mr. Madisoa 
about the close of it, periiaps a day or two after, the office of the pres- 
ident has no longer duration than for three yeu.rs. 

" This plan was predicated upon tliese bases: — 1. That the political 
principles of the people of this country would endure nothing but 
a republican government. 2. That in "the actual situation Cff 
the countiy, it was iiself right and proper that the republican tlieorj 
should have a fair and full ti'lal. 3. That, to such a trial it was es- 
sential that the government should be so constructed as to give it all the 

energy and tlie stability reconcilable witli the principles of that theory. 

These w ere the genuine sentiments of my heart: and upon them I then acted, 

" I sincerely hope that it may not hereafter be discovered, that tiirough 
want of sufficient attention to the last idea, the experiment of republicaa 
government, even in this country, has not been as complete, as sati.'^c- 
toiy, and as decisive as could be wished. 

Very truly, dear sir. 

Your friend and servant, 

A. HAMILTON." 

TiMOTHT PiCKEHIXr,, Esa. 

In the conflict of opinion that arose in the convention, there 
was a most imperious necessity for a spirit of compromise, 
in order to secure success to' its labours. — The tenacity et 
some leading men, of adverse opinions, had nearly rendered 
the effort abortive. According to Luther Martin, Esq. one of 
the Maryland delegates, the convention was several times oa 
the verge of adjournment, without fulfilling the object of their 
appointment. But the good fortune of the nation prevailed: and 
after a session of about four months, the constitution was fiaallj 



80 THE OLIVE BRANCH. 

agreed upon, submitted to public discussion, and .joyfully ac- 
cepted by the American people. 

The federal party immediately took the reins, and adminis- 
tered the government of the United States for twelve years. 
During this period, its wants of sufficient energy, and its dan- 
ger from tlie state governments, were frequent subjects of im- 
passioned complaint. Every man who opposed the measures 
of the administration, of what kind soever they were, or from 
whatever motives, was stigmatized as a disorganizer and a 
jacobin. The last term involved the utmost extent of human 
atrocity. A jacobin was, in fact, an enemy to social order — 
to the rights of property— to religion— to morals-— and ripe 
for rapine and spoil. 

As far as laws could apply » remedy to the alleged fee« 
bleness of the general government, the reigning party sedu. 
lously endeavoured to remove the defect. They fenced round 
the, constituted authorities, as I have stated, with an alien aad 
sedition law. By the former, they could banish from our 
shores obnoxious foreigners whose period of probation had not 
expired. By the latter, every libel against the government, 
and every unlawful attempt to oppose its measure s, were sub- 
ject to punishment, more or less severe, in proportion to its 
magnitude. 

The alien law was not, I believe, ever carried into opera- 
tion. - It was hurig up in terrorem over several foreigners, who 
in the language of the day, were rank jacobins, and of course 
enemies of God and miin. But the case was far different 
with the sedition law. Several individuals could bear testimony 
from experience, to tlve severity with which its sanctions were 
enforced. Some cases occurred, of a tragicomical kind, par- 
ticularly one in New-Jersey, in which the culprit was found 
guilty and punished, under this law, for the simple wish that 
the wadding of a gun, discharged on a festival day, had made 
an inroad into, or singed the posteriors of Mr. Adams, then 
president of the United States. 

But every thing in this sublunary world is liable to revo- 
lution. This is proverbially the case with power in a repub- 
lican government. The people of the United States changed 
their rulers. By the regular course of election, they with- 
drew the reins from the hands' of the federalists, and placed 
them in those of the democratSi j 

Tliis was a most unexpected revolution to the federalists. 1 
It wholly changed their views of the government. It hai 
been asserted in England, that a tory ni place, becomes a, 
\vhi;r when out of plat:e— and that a whig when provided with 
a place, becomes a tory. And it is painful to state that too 
".nany among us act the same farce. The government, which, 
administered by themselves, was -regarded as miserably fee- 
ble and inefficient, became, on its transition, arbitrary and 
despotic ; notwithstanding that amonj the earliest acts of the 



THE OLIVE BRANCtt 81 

tiew incumbents, wa& the repeal not merely of the aliea and 
sedition laws, but of some of tlis most obnoxious and oppres- 
sive taxes ! 

Under the effects of these new and improved political 
views, a most virulent warfare was begun against their suc- 
cessors. The gazettes patronized by and devoted to federal- 
ism, were unceasing in their eftbrts to degrade, disgracfe 
and defame the administration. All its errors were indus- 
triously magnified, and ascribed to the most perverse ^nd wick- 
ed motives. Allegations wholly unfounded, and utterly impro- 
bable, were reiterated in regular succession. An alniost 
constant and unvarying oj)position was maintained to all its 
measures, and hardly ever was there a substitute proposed for 
any of them. There was not the slightest allowance made 
for the unprecedented and convulsed state of the world. 
And never was there more ardour and energy displayed iu 
a struggle betvi/een two hostile nations, than the opposition 
manifested in their attacks upon the administration. The 
awful, and lamentable, and ruinous consequences of this war- 
fare, and its destruction of the vital interests of the nation, 
will fully appear in the sequaL 



CHAPTER X, 

Bntisk Orders in Council, JS'bvamber 1793. Enforcement of the 
Rule of 1756. General clamour throughout the United 
States. 

As the difficulties and dangers of our country have sprung 

from the belligerent invasions of our rights, I shall commence 

the consideration of them with the British order of 1793. 
At that period, during the administration of genera! 

Washington, the following order v/as issued by the Britisl- 

privy council." — 

"George E. Additional instruction, to all ships ofwai-, privateers, &c. 
"That they shall stop and detain all ships laden with goods, the pro- 
duce of any colony belonging to France, or can-j^ing provisions orothc 
supphes for the use of such colonies; and shah bring the same, with 
;heir cargoes, to legal adjudication in our courts of admiralty. 

"By his majesty's command, 
"Signed, "Henet Dcjstdas," 

Nov. 6, 1793. 

This order was a most lawless invasion of our rights, hU 
most unprecedented in extent, and incapable of pleading in 
its defence the right of retaliation, so haeknied and worn so 
thread-bare since that period. In a few weeks it swept the 
»eas of tur commerce* Hundreds of our vessels were cap- 



^2 THE OLIVE BRANCH. 

tuied: and many of our ni&rchants, who had no more 9n* 
ticipation of such a system, than of an attack on their vessels 
by tlie subjects of tlie emperor of China, were absolutely re- 
duced to bankruptcy. The annals of Europe for the preced- 
ino- century furnish no measure more unjustifiable. 

^rhe circumstances attending it very highly agsravated 
Ihe outrao'c. It was issued so clandestinely, and with sucli 
an extraordinary degree of secrecy, that the first account of 
its existence that reached the London exchange, was con- 
veyed with the details of the captures it authorized and oc- 
casioned. And the American minister at the court of St. 
James was unable to procure a copy of it till the 25th. of 
December. 

This lawless procedure excited universal indignation in the 
United States. There was a general clamour for war among 
all parties. Several very violent measures were moved and 
debated in Congre<«s — among the rest, the sequestration of all 
British property in the United States, for the purpose of in- 
demnifying our HiCrchants. This, if my memory do not de- 
ceive me was brought forward by Jonathan Dayton, of New 
Jersey, a leading man among the federalists. 

"While Congress was engaged in debating on various modes 
of procuring i^dress, the president arrested it in its carreer, 
by the nomination of Judge Jay as minister extraordinary, 
lo seek redress fiom the British government. 

This eventuated in the celebrated treaty which bears that 
minister's name, against which volumes of denunciations 
were published by the democrats, with numberless gloomy 
and terrifying predictions, on nearly the whole of which, as 
I have already stated, time has stamped the seal of false 
prophecy. 

From''tliis period till the year 1805, the collisions between 
the two nations weie inconsiderable. 

The United States were in a most enviable state of pros- 
perity in the year 1800, 1, 2, 3, 4, and 5. No nation ever 
enjoyed greater happiness. The trade of the country, and 
particularly its exports had most wonderfully increased.^ 

During the first four' years of general Washington's ad- 
ministration, the whole value of the exports from this country^ 
foreign and domestic, was below 100,000,000 dollars; whereas 
during the years 1803, 4, 5, and 6, they were more than 
treble that amount. 

TOTAt, 

55,800,000 
77,699,000 
95,566,000 
101,536,000 • 



ExroHTS. 


FonKtcx. 


Domestic. 


1803 


13,594,000 


42,206,000 


1804 


36,231,000 


41,468,000 


1805 


53,179,000 


42,387,000 


1806 


60,283,000 


41,253,000 



163,287,000 167,314,000 330,601,000 



-THE OLIVE lUlANCH. 83 

The foreii^ii articles were principally the productions of the 
«olonie3 of the enemies of Great Britain: and tlicir amount ex- 
cited her Jealousy in a high dtgree, and led her in the suiuMun- 
of 1805, to adopt the rule of tlie war of 1756, which rendered 
illegal any commerce carried an by a neutral, with the collonies 
of a belligerent, during war, which had not been permitted 
during peace. This rule was carried into operation, without any 
previous notice, whereby our vessels and property to an im- 
mense amount were seized— carried into British ports — tried 
and condemned. 

A circumstance atlcnded this transaction, which greatly ag- 
gravated its injustice. It was in direct hostility with previous 
decisions of the British courts of admiralty, which had legalised 
in the clearest and most explicit laanner, the trade now proscrib- 
ed and subjected to condemnation. 

In order to display the gross impropritrty of this procedure 
of the British government, and its utter inconsistency with 
their preceding conduct and decisions, I annex a statement of 
the report of the king's advocate, on an application made to 
him in March, 1801, at the instance of Rufus King, Esq. our 
miftister at the court of St. James's, on certain cases wherein 
this rule of 1756 was attempted to be enforced. 

" It is now distinctly ifnderstood, and has been repeatedlv so decided 
' by the hig-h court of appeal, iKat (^ THE PRODUCE OF THE COLO- 
•NIES OF THE ENEMY IMAY BE IMPORTED BY A NELTTR.VL INTO 

* HIS OWN COUNTRY, AND MAY BE RE-EXPORTED FROM THENCE, 
'EYEN TO THE MOTHER-COUNTRY OF SLCH COLONY; AND IN 
'liIKE MANNER— THE ^PRODi;CE AND MANUFACTURES OF THE 

•*MOTHEI{-COU\TRY MAY, IN THIS CIRCUITOUS I\10DE, LEGALLY 
'FIND THEIR WAYR) THE COLONIES. The direct trade, however. 
' between tlie mother-country and its colonies, has not, I apprehend, been 
-' recog:ni/.ed as legal, eitlier by his majesty's go^'ernm-enj, or by ivis tribunals. 
" What is a direct trade, or ' what amounts to an intermediate impor 
' tation into the neutral country, may sometimes be a <|uestion of some 
« difficulty. A .u'cneral definition of either, apphcabie to all cases, cannot well 

* be laid down. The C|uestion must depend upon the particular circum- 
' stances of each cuse. Perhaps the mere touching in the neutral couu- 
' try, to take fresh clearances, may properly be considered as a fraudulent 
•• evasion, and is in ettect the direct trade; but the hig'h court of udhiiralty 
' has expressly decided' (and 1 see no re;ison to expect that the court of 
appeals will vary the rule) ' that — landing- the goods and paj ing the duties 

* in the neutral countn-, breaks the continuity of tlie voyage; and is such 

* an importation as legalises the trade, although the goods be re-shipped into 
'the same vessel, and on account of the same neutral pi-oprietors, and be 
' forwarded for sale to tiie mother country or the colony." 

. " An extract from this report, containing the foregoing passage, was 
transmitted by the duke of Portland, in a letter of the 30th. iMar-h, 1801, 
to the lords commissionei-s of the admh-alty. His grace's letter concludes 
thus: " In order, therefore, to put a stop to the inconveniences arising from 
these eri'oneous sentences of the vice admiralty courts, I have thehonoui- to 
signify to your loi-dsliips tlie king's pleasure, that a communication of the 
doctiine laid down in the said report should be immediately made by your 
lordsliips to -the several judges presiding in them, setting tbrth what is 
held to be the law ujion the subject by tlie superior ti'ibunals, for their 
fixture guidance and direction."* 

•Letter from Messrs. Mom-oe md Pinkney to lord Howickjdated Aug. 20, 1806. 

12 



84 THE OLIVE BRANCH. 

Th(y depredations above stated excited universal indignation 
throughout the United .States. The mercantile part of the com- 
munity were exasperated to the utmost degree. The admin- 
istration was stigmatized as equally regardless of the honour 
and the interest of the nation, for not resisting these pretensions 
and not procuring redress for the depredations. A recurrence 
to the gazettes of tliat period Avill show that the federal party 
was (hen clamorous for war, if redress could not be procured 
for grievances inccmpanibly less than those thi»t finally provo- 
ked the late declaration of war. But it may be said, and with 
?ome degree of truth, tliat newspapers are an equivocal crite- 
lion of the public opinion. This 1 admit. And I shall lay be- 
fore the reader other and most unerring proofs of the mercantile 
temper of this period. 

Meetings of the merchants were held in almost all the com- 
mercial towns and cities in the United States. The subject was 
eloquently discussed. Strong memorials were agreed upon, urg- 
ing the president and congiessto adopt such measures as might 
be necessary to procure redress. In these memorials, which 
were couched in the rtiost empb.atical language, the pretensions 
of England were treated as not far removed from actual piracy* 
as opening- a door to the most ilagrajit frauds and impositions 
as uoworth}' of a great and magnanimous peojilc — and as de- 
rogatory to the reputation and honour of an independent nation 
to submit to. The administration was in the most impassioned 
stylcN invoked to resist such pretensions; and the memorialists 
'^ciKHnWy pledged themseli''es most solenwl^ to support It in the 
attempt. As 1 shall devote a separate chapter [the I8th:j to the 
consideration of the policy of the mercantile part of the nation, 
1 sliall not here inquire how far these pledges were redeemed. 

Th^se memorials are immensely important in the formation of 
a correct estimate of this policy of our government. I shall. 
t!iorefore,make very copious extracts from them. They are 
mostpiecious documents, and present "a round unvarnished 
tale" of the outrages experienced by American commerce, and 
(he extravagant pretensions, as well as tlie lawless depredations 
(if Great Britain. 



• " It cannot become tlie integrity of a great nation, to prey vpon ihs vn- 
prnfcdcd property of a friendly J/oiver." 

(Boston McmovisJt ) 



rim OMVE BRANCH. 85 

CHAPTER XI. 

^,vraci<i from the Bos^ton Memorial. Strong- Sli/Ie. British 
pretentions destructivfi of the navigation of neutral nations. 
Duty of the Unitffd States to oppose them. Energetic call 
for adequate, measures to protect commerce. 

.1. HE Boston merchant, after glancing at the vexations, 
insults and baibarities, s"flcrcil from France^ ami Spain, pass 
on to the consideration of the giie varices in.licted by the Bri- 
tish. They state that, 

"Jt is tJieu- object in their present memorial, to confine their animadver- 
sions to -'I' THE MORR ALAHMING, BECAUSE MOKE NUMEROUS 
AND EXTENSIVE DETENTIONS AND CONDEMNA 1 IONS OF 
AMERICAN VESSELS BY CHEAT BRITAIN; and to advert to the prin- 
ciples recently avowed, and adopted hy her courts, relative to neutral trade 
in ardcles of colonial produce — Principles, whicli, if admitted, or practised 
upon in all the latitude,- which may fairly be inferred to be intended, would be 
iXj- (kslmrth-e to the navig'alihn, «;((/— RADICALLY IMPAIR 1"HE MlJST 
LUCRVTiVE COMMERCE OF OUR COUNTRY, Principles that had been 
virtually ' abandoneVl subsequently to their first avowal, even climii^ an 
intermediate and inveterate -war, and during the prosecution of a ti'ade 
-iv/iich is 110-u interdicted and alledged to he iil^ffal, hnX. wiiich trade was 
at that time sanctioned byUic promulgr^ted decisions of her courts, and by 
an official communication from one of tlie hig-liest organs of the very 
g'overnnicnt, which is now attempting' to destroy it, and witli its si:j)pres- 
son to— A\Nini]-ATE, OR GREATLY DIMINTSH THE COMMERCE 
OF NEUTRAL NATIONS. 

"There is great cause to aijprehend, that the British government means 
to set up as a principle, that slie has a right to interdict all commerce by 
neutrals, to the ports of her enemies, which ports had not been opened 
previously to the commencement of hostilities; — that if she permits a 
trade with them in any degree, she has a right to prescribe the Jimits of 
it; to investigate the intention of the parties prosecuting it; and if such 
intention be' not the actual disjjosition of the propei-ty in the neutral 
countr}", to consider the merchandize, even after the importation into such 
country, after having been landed therein, warehoused, and the dudes 
paid on it; as — cnlij Li the stage of a contimied and direct voyage from the. 
I olonj to thi; mother countrtf, or vice versa; and therefore illegal, and li- 
able to condemnation. 

*'In some instances your m^moralists find — new vessels, on their jirst pas- 
sage from the bmted States to Europe, arrested, carried out of their course, 
and injuriously detained under the vexations pretence of a continuity of voy~ 
ige from tfie country or colony of a belli gerent. In anotlier instance they 
i.ive witnessed a vessel captured and condemned n.idei^ the most frivolous! 
•retext, wlien in the prosecution of an acknowledged and pcntiitted trade, 
under circumstar.ces which banished every shadow of doubt, as to the 
■eal deatinution (f the vessel, the idcrJity of the oxmers, or the actual intention 
cf the parties. 

''These few instances they have thought it needful to notice, in ^ order 
to demonstrate, that unless the present disposition of the British admiral; 
ty courts, and navy oiTicers can be counteracted and removed, a widely 
dispersed and unnrotected commerce, extending to every region of the 
globe, will only serve— TO INVITE DEPREDATION, TO BANKRUPT 
buUSELVES, AND ENRICH OTHERS, UNTIL SUCH COMMERCE 
13E SWTEPT FRO!kI THE FACE OF THE OCEAN, and leave nothing 
■» i'5 sVad; but ycndments of hostihty and :«cts of conteutien. 



16 THE OLIVE BRANCU 

" A tacit submission to pretensions thus lofty and comprehensive, hut 
which vourmcnioriullsts trust are more of tliein untcnt.blc, would, tlicv con- 
ceive, be— AN AR\N1)0NME\T OF RIGHTS OPENLY KECO<iXIZRD, 
AND A 11EREL1C TION OF THE MOST LNIPORTANT COMMERCIAL 
INTEREST OF OUR COUNTRY. 

«' Re;\son, and the most powerfid considerations of equitv,? enjoin it ag 
—A DUTY ON THE UNITED STATES TO OPPOSE THESE PRETEN- 
SIONS, for circumstanced as these states arc, possessing an immensely ex- 
tended and fertile territory, producinp;' mostl}- tlie necessaries of life, 
whicli, with the merchandize obtained from abroad by the indus- 
try and enterprise of her citizens, she is obliged to barter, or furnisli 
inpajmicni for importations of foreign produce or manufactures; — it be- 
hoves her strenuouslv fo contend for the riglit of an open commerce in in- 
nocent articles between other nations that are wilUng to accord it, and 
herself: for if the right be not botli claimed and admitted scarcely any of the 
European powers can in future be engaged in Wartiire without making the 
United States, in opposition both to her ellbrts and wishes— EITHER A 

VICTIM OR Party in the contest. 

Your memorialists conceive these pretensions afford constant sources of 
collision, continually tending to involve these states in the issue of Euro- 
pean wai-s and would oblige the government, on the occurrence of such 
wars, speedily to unite with one or other of the parties in order that the 
commerce of the country might lawfully avail itself of some degree of secu- 
rity, from tlie protection which its own force, and that of its allies, could 
aflbrd. To this state of tilings, your jnemorialist,s believe it can neither be 
the interest nor wish of the British government to reduce our coimtry. 

" The most tenacious advocates for the rights of belligerents admit, tha( 
during war, neuti-als Jiave a right to enjoy in th(> utmost latitude, tlie trade- 
to which they had been accustomed in times of peace. Now if the bellig'e- 
rcnt has the right lo blockade an extended sea coast, and to — exclude 
oteiitrnln frum, peihufiK, fifty different ports, fan -wan the cose -zvith the Freiick 
pnrtu in the chanvel during tlie last -war, J how can the neutral enjoy his 
usual peace trade in its greatest latitude, unless tl'is deprivation is bal- 
lanccd by another trade, which is opened to him during tlie war? — As to 
the incpiisitoriiU right of search into the ownership of neutral property 
set up by Great Britain; and the doctrine appended to it, that a neutral 
imporrcr shall not again export his goofLs, Init that they shall be first 
alienated and passed into the possession of others — ^youv memorialists be- 
lieve them lo be UNSOUND IN POINT OF PRINCIPLE, OFFENSIVE 
IN PRACTICE, AND NUGA'JORY IN EFFECT. 

"Your memorialists would <\ith reluctance believe that the sacred tribu- 
nals of justice have become subservient to motives of political e.xpedion- 
cv, more especially in a nation whose judicial proceedings have frequenth* 
desen'ed and commanded the respect of all civilized countries. Yet they 
Isuow not easily how to reconcile on any other groimds, the contradictory 
pvoceedir.^s of tlie Ihitish admirality courts, during the last and present 
war. 

".\t any rate, whether the doctrine were sound or not, or whctlicr it injur- 
ed iireat Riitain or not, it cannot become the integiity and magnanimity of 
a great and pcwcrfiil nation, at once, and without notice, to reverse her 
rule of rrmduct towards other states, and— TO I'REY UPON THE UN- 
l'ROTEC'!"El) PROl'ERTY OF A FiHENDI.Y P(W ER, the extension of 
whr;se cdninKTCe had been invited by the formal i.vowcl of her intentions 
and priisecuteil, under a reliance on her gt^id faith, and from the confi- 
dence refjoscd, that her cotu-ts, uniform fo their jninciples, would never be 
influenced by the time-serving politics of the monunt. 

"In all events, fully iclying that the sui))ect of our differences with Great 
TJritain ^^ill receive the due consideration of govolimcnt; and that such mca- 
3 ufcs \yill in consequence heprojnptli/ adopttul, as will tend to I)1SEMI5AKKASS 



THE OLIVE BRANCH, 87 

OUR COMAIF.RCE— ASSKRT OUR RIGHTS— AND SUPPORT THE 
DIGNITY 01' THE UXITEi) STATES. 

"Your memorialists have the honour to remain, in behalf of itlieir consti- 
tuents and tlieniselves, most respectfully, 

James Lloyd, jun. John Coffin Jones, 

David Green, Georg'e Cabot, 

Arnold Welles, . Thomas II. Perkins. 
David Sears, 

Boston, Jan. 20, 1806. 

To this memorial I request the particular attention of the 
reader. It was the act of the merchants of Boston in general. 
The seven gentlemen whose signatures are subscribed, were 
merely a committee to represent the mercantile corps. No man 
can pretend to form a correct opinion on the conduct of the two 
parties that divide tlie nation, without being fully possessed of 
the tenor of this and the other similar documents. Besides the 
contents, I wish two of the signatures to be most particularly ad- 
verted to. They are those of George Cabot and James Lloyd, 
jun. who have both acted conspicuous parts in the recent affairs 
of the United States. The former gentleman was a member oJ 
the convention at Hartford, wliose professed object was to form 
some association among the commercial states for the "'^protection 
of commerce.''^ against the hostility of government. 

These gentlemen explicitly state, that unless ^' the present dis- 
position,^^ that is, the disposition in 1805, (for as the remon- 
strance was drafted in January, 1806, it must refer to the pro- 
ceedings of the preceding year.) 

" If the British admiralty courts,' and navy officers can be counteracted 
■ind removed, a -widely dispersed amivnprotected commerce, extending' to everii 
regimi of the globe, will only sen-e to invite depredation, to baxkbupt ouu- 
sELVF.s, AXD F.xtticH oraEHs, until such commerce be swept from the face 
of tile ocean." 

They further, state, that 

"A tacit submission to pretensions thm lofty, -vnld he an aband.mment of 
■j-ights opeJily recognized, and a j)biif.i.ictiox of the siost UrponxAXT cnsi- 

.MERCIAL INTEUKSTS OF OUR COUNTRV." 

And they add — 

"Reason and the most powerful considerations of equity enjoiii it a.s a. 
•'iin/071, t/te United Slates to oppose these pretension!;" 

And that 

These prefc7ision.s are "unsound infjoint ofpri?iciple, offensive in practice, and 
ifii^aiory in effect.^' 

And to cap the climax, they explicitly charge Great .Britain^ 
with something not far from piracy, or 



es THE OLIVE BRAlSCIi 

"PRFATNG I POX THE UXrilOTECTED PROPERTY OP /I 
FRIEXDLY PO"\\T.K." 

They and their fiieiuls then call upon tlie government 

"Proiiiptlv to adopt such measures as miglit disembarrass our commerco- 
gsse)-t our rights — ami shhjjort iJic ditfiiityofthe Uwted Stales." 

This call, SO strong and so solemn, implied with equal strength 
and solemnity a pltnlge of support. It belioves theso gentie- 
men and their, fiind who are. now, for that purpose, called 
on publicly in the face of their country, to point out any one 
instance in which they lent their aid to the government iii 
ilie pursuit of redress, or redeemed the solem.n pledge they 
held out to t heir country and to the world. 



CIIArXER XII. 

Extracts from JSi\w-}'ork Memorial. Eqnalh/ explicit and 
pointed with that from Boston. The pretensions of Great 
Britain a violation of the law of nations. Ji strong and 
peremptory ctdl for resistance on the part of the govern- 
ment. Solemn pledge of support. Long and respectable 
lisf of signers. 

•'The)' have been suddenly contbund.jd hy un^pected intelligence of 
l/ie arrcstation on the high seas, of a htrge poriinn of their property, xuhicli had 
been embarked ivith the most vn.iitvpectiiig corf.dcjice. The feeling-s of 3'oiir 
jncniorialists are not onfy excited liytlie losses which tlicy have actually sus- 
tained, in consequence of a measure insusceptible of previous calculation, 
but also, from the state of unccrtoint} in v iiich they arc placed with re- 
spect to future commercial operations. 

"lathe recent decision, whicli prohibits tui importer of colonial produce 
from exporting it to Europe they perceive w itii concern, — either a nuga- 
tory and vexaiiovs regulation — or a meditated blow at ttihat theti deem an in- 
I'/ntestuble and valnubli' rigJtf. .... , 

"If the anival of any ship in the countrj' to which it belongs; the landing- 
of the cargo; the inspection of the custom house; the pajmcnt or security 
<.f' duties, do not terminate a voyage, then wc confess our icnionance on a 
]^oint, which, never havinji- been before questioned, has been assumed by 
us as an acknowledged tnitli. If the entry for c^iportatiou; the cmbarkalion 
«'f merciiandize, the re-inspection ofthe custom house; the bond for secu- 
ring a delivery in aforeigii countr}'; and a public clearance, do not iudicite 
^.he commencement of a new voyage — then wc are yet to lejirn tlicjuean- 
iiif^ of tiie expression. 

*'i;ut these cmbanassnients, though pciplexing and vaxatious, are not 
tho.se which principally occasion o»ir solicitude; we are compelled to con- 
sider the late decisions of the Uritish tribunals- as preliuiinary steps— 
towards u system of conlroUintr the importations and exportations afcolouial proiii 
lions, and thcrebv— .\XNH111-AT1X(; TUE iNiOST LUCRATIVE UUAXCll- 
VJi, OF 01:RC0M1MEH(:E. if wo owed this trade solely to tlie fa\our of 
Great Britain, still we might, ask wh;it urgent motive, what imperious necessi- 
ty, required tliat the f i\ t»ur iliould be icstwned at a pe'ifd ■rh'-n •vr ennnvu-rcr ^' 



THE OLIVE BRANCIT. ^ 

:,i;rHulQver the ocean, unci wlicn a change so essential might destroy its secu- 
rity, unci subject us to incalculable losses. We deny, however, that the rights 
of commerce, as claimed by us, arc to be deemed favours; on the contrary 
:i" the law ol" nutious is other than a tcniporaiy rule, prescribed' by an ai-- 
bilrarv, will and enforced by power, then we appeal to its most universal and 
:nvi'.)l;il)lc principle in our defence. This principle is, that — the goods of a 
neutral consisting of articles not contraband oi war, in a neutral vessel, em- 
])loved in u tlirect trade between neuxr.-il countries and ports of a belligerent 
e,')u"ntry, not invested or blockaded, arc protected. 

''W hatcver theoretical opinions niay Iteretofore liave been advanced, thcrr 
!. a; existed no such practical rule, (as that of 1756] which, undtr the un- 
i);iralleled circumstances of the .present war, — MUST INFALLIBLY DES- 
TKOY THE CO.MMEHCE OF Tlll.S COUN'IKV. 

" 'With these preliminiuy facts in view, we request permission Jto detail 
'iomeof the most impoilimt consequences of the assumed rule, that neutrals 
inav be restrained in time of war to theii" accustomed trade in time of peace. 
J'he injustice of such a rule, in relation to the I'nited States, will be most 
manifest; the individuals employed in commerce would not alone be .alfect- 
cd; all the internal relations of our coimtry would be disturbed; — the in- 
terests of those districts which are Uiost remote from our principal ports, 
would, in proportion to their dependence on foreign sujjplics, be most se- 
verely depressed. ' 

"If Great Britain permits commerce between her subjects and the colo- 
nies of her enemies, may we not, with the consent of those colonics, partici- 
pate in the same commercef' If our con.merce with the enemies of Great 
Britain may now be confined to the s;. stem estabhshed in time of peace, 
may we not apprehend that the principle' will be retaliated in resjjectto our 
•commerce with the colonics of Great Britain."" In that case, — WHAT CAN 
EN.SI E BUT WAR, PILLAGE AND DEVASTATION.^ 

'♦ These are not imaginary suppositions. They illustrate the most im- 
portant principles of our commerce. They evince the necessity of a circui- 
tous trade, to enable us to re;ilize the greut value of exports of our own 
native productions, by which; alone^ wc acquire the power to liquidate the 
bidance against us, in our commerce with Great Britain: they demonstrate, 
;'nat — the'i^osi'don against which we contend, is not a rule of the law of na- 
tions;— THE LAW OF NATIONS ORDAINS NO KULE, WHICH IS UNE- 
QUAL AND UNJUST. 

" It is, liowever, with much surprise, that we have recently dlacorcred that 
the verv' circumstances upon which our hopes of security were reposed have 
been urged as argimients to justify an Invasion of our rights; and that 
_^A^'I'NCi TOTALLY SUPPRESSED THE EXTERNAL COMMERCE OF 
HER ENEMIES, GREAT BRITAIN IS NOW COU-NSELLED TO APPRO 
PIUATETO HERSELF THAT OF HER FRIENDS. 

" Sui-ely the security of neutral rights ought not to diminish, as tlieir v.i- 
<ne is augmented. Sui-ely a maritiJiie preponderancy which er.a'iles its pos- 
icssor to blockade any oftlie poi-tsof its enemies, conveys no just title to a 
Biondpoly of the commerce of the world. 

" In the list of oiu" complaints we cannot forbear to enumerate the humlll-";*- 
Mig and oppressive conduct of ships of war in the vicinity of our coasts and 
harbours. We respect the jninciple and emulate the conduct of Great Britain, 
in regai'd to her own juri.sdictiou: and — we wi.sh merely to claim for ourselves 
die same mca.sure of justice, which she exacts from others. 

" This view of the subject, while it excites our anxiety, furnishes, also, a 
resource for our hopes. We wish only for justice: and behevi,iig that a com- 
mercial nation which disregards justice, thereby undermines the citadel ofhe" 
power; we rely on the effect of mutual interests and .wishes In promoting ;i. 
cordial explanation and fair adjustment of every cause of misunderstanding; 
in paiticular — we rely on the government of our country THAT OUR 
FIGHTS WUX NOT BB ABANDONED, and th?.t— NO AEGUMeNT 



so 



THE OLIVE BRANCH. 



In favour of an usurpation will ever be derived from 

OURACQlflESCENCE. , . , , , 

. "Your memorialists conclude with remarking, that tbey deem the present 
situation of public attairs to he peculiarly critical and perilous; and— suck 
as renuires all the prudence, the wisdom, and tlie energy ot tlie government, 
—SUPPORTED BY THE CO-OPERATION OF ALL GOOD CmZENS. 
Bv mutual exertions, under the benign biHuence of providence upon this 
hitherto favoured nation, we hope the clouds which threaten to obscure 
its prosperitv mav be dispelled. AXD HE PLEDGE OUR UXITED 
SUPPORT m'F'lVOUR OF ALL THE MEASURES ADOPTED TO 
VLYDICATE A.VD SECURE THE JUST JilGirPS OF OUR COUjX- 
• TRY. 

J\'ew.York, Bee. 28, 1805. 

Signed on behalf of the merchants, by 



John Bromc, chairman 
Oliver Wolcott 
John Fra-.'klin 
Isnac Lawrence 
Thomns Carpenter 
Sohn T-iiylor 
Henry J. Wyckoff 
Gtorg-e M. Woolsey 
David M. Clarksou 
GoeletHoyt 
Daniel Ludlow 
Samuel Russel 
James Ai'den 
■William l^ovct 
Edmond Seam.in 
James Maxwell 
Benj, Bailey 
Thomas Farmer 
\V. Edgar 

Wynant ^'an Zandl. 
Charles Wright 
JohnDe Peysser 
J. Clason 
Wni.Olarkson 
John B. Coles 



Elisha Coit 
John B. Murray 
Left'ert Lefterts 
Samuel A. Laurence 
Robert Lenox 
John INIuiTay 
Geoi'ge Grisworld 
Henry Post 
John R. Livingston? 
William Henderson 
Archibald Gracie 
Benjamin G. Mintui-n 
William Bayard 
Gulian Ludlow 
Eben. Stevens 
Renselacr Havens 
Peter Shermcrhom 
William W. Woolsey 
James Scott 
John P. Mumford 
Charles M'Evers jun. 
John Kane 
John Clendining 
Wm. Codman. 



CHAPTER XUI. 



Extracts from the Memorial of the Merchants of Philade(j}hia. 

I. PROCEED to state the sentiments of the merchants 
«f tlic great city of Philadelphia, on this invasion of their rights 
and those of the nation. We shall see that they felt the same 
sense of the injustice of these measures, with their brethren of 
Boston and New-York — made the same strong requisition for pro- 
tection — and ^ave an equal pledge of full support. They state 
that a submission to these claims of Great Britain, " would pro- 
dtice the ruin of individuals — the destruction of their commerce'-' 
and the degradation of their country,^' 



rUB OLIVE JBUANCH, <M 

To prevent these mighty evils, they rcquiied the interference 
of the ooveiiimcnt, which, at their requisition, did interfere. We 
'ihall si'c the result. 

" A jealousy of Our enterprise and prosperity has excited a design of 
checking- tlie commercial growlh of our country, the li-uit of which hiis been 
an attempt to innovate anon ancient and iipprovei principles, and introduce 
unheiird-of articles and provisions unto the code of public law. 

••Ubeconies your memorialists to state, tiiat the pressure of these evils 
■i;>s jpreatly increased, and that other?, of even superior magnitude, havd 
arisen, which assume a most alarming and distressinj^ form. What wei-e 
considered as iiTCgularities, insusceptible of prevention, have, by continu- 
ance and success, sireugthened into regular and s} stematic l^Umdcr. What 
were regarded as miseliiois incident to a state oi war, temporary though not 
remediless, arc vindicated upon the ground of right; and th-ir practice is 
reiterated under the authority of government, and receives t'le solemn sanc- 
tion, of the law. 

" They moreover foresee, in tlie prevalence of the pi-inciples, and the con- 
tinuance of the practices alluded to, nothing but The imin' of i?<nivinuAL8 

■f HE nESXnUCTION or TllEIIi. COMMIind!;, ANn the nEGKADAXION or THEIll COCK- 
TRT. 

Could the judgTnent,or even the charity of your mcmorialistsjsee in the new 
docti-ines of the British court, notiiing but the revival and enforcement of 
an ancient and established prmciple, wfech friendship had relaxed, or favour 
permit! ed toslumher, t^ey might regret the departed good, bnt could im- 
pute no injustice to the hand that withdrew it. They are struck; however, 
with the novelty of these doctrines; — their unequivocal hostlHty to neutral 
interests and rights: — theu* inconsistency with former declarations of their 
ministry, and decisions of their coiuls; and with the extraordinarj'' time and 
maimer of their annunciation. 

" That policy, not justice — that interest, not fair av.d admitted precedent, 
have given birtli to the principle, that neutrals should be rftstricfd to the 
5ame commerce with a belligerent, winch was allowed to them by that pow- 
er in time of peace, is conceived by your memorialists to be time. Incom- 
patible witli the general treedom of neutral commerce, this rule has the 
sanction of no common observance by ci\nHzed nations, and cannot bear that 
faithfid test which every fair and righteous principle of the law of nations 
will abide. 

"The fleet of thi.^ novel principle upon neutral interests is of the most se- 
rious and alarming chai-ac'^er. — It goes to xothi no short or the msraLT^ 
iiON OF nei;t.''al com-iieiice; andfroni the well knov.n neutral situation and 
charr.ctev of the United States, to nothing short of inflicting a most deep 
\nd deadly wound upon their trade. 

"Cut J our memorialists cannot hut consider, that this princlcle has not tiio 
weight of a consistent and uniftn-m support by the government which pro- 
fesses to uphold it. In 1801, the declarations of its ministry and the decisions 
'if its courts, were unequi\ ocrdly, " th.at the produce of the colonies of the 
-nemy may be imported by a ne;iti»;l into his ov/n country, and be re-ex- 
portrd from thence, even to the mother country, of such colony;" and 
also; "that landing the goods and paying the duties in the neutral countiy, 
breaks the pontlnuity of the voyage, and in such an importation as legalises 
the trade, although the goods be re-shipped in the same vessels, and on ac- 
count ofthe same neutral proprietors, and forwarded for sale to die mother 
country." In 1805, it is decided, that landing and paying the duties does 
not break the continuity of the voyage; and tliat the course of trade pointed 
cut to the neutnd four years before, as legal and safe, is now unsatisfactory 
to the belligerent, andATTEsnEi) infallibly with cokfiscation'. What clear 
tod immutable principle of the law of nations, can that be, your memorialists 
would ask, which is supported by the high court of admh-alty, and avowed by 
the ministry in 1802, and which is prostrated by the ministiy and the high 
rourt of appeals in 1805!" — Such a principle must be considered as rather 
partaking of tlie shifting character ofconvemcnce,thjm of that of permanent 
iight and e-stabHshed law. 13 



va, THE OLIVE BRANCH. 

•♦Tlie time and manner of announcing it accord with the principle itself. 
At a moment when merc:intilc enterprise, confiding in the eiplanations ou 
this ])aint given bv tlie IJriUsh ministiy to our ambassado]-, was strained to 
the iitmost,'ane\v decision of the court of appeals is announced, and — EVE- 
KYS\n. IS STRKTCIIEDTO COLLEfH 'I'HE UNWARY AMKRIGANS, 
WHO ARE UVSI'SPECTINGLY CONFIDING IN %; HAT WAS THE 
LAW OF NATIONS. 

"In the jM-iiiciplcs they have here submitted to your consideration, they 
feel all tlie confidence of justice, and all the tenacity of truth. — To mrren- 
drrthem, thru cjiiccivc, --.vouUl derogate from the national character cmd indepen- 
dence of the United States. From the justice of governineiit theij hope for tlwir 
nvoioal;from the apirii nf government they hope for their defence; and from the 
fiksnnq.i of heaven they hope for their estmblishment. 

" As citizens, — they claim prtitection; and they conceive that the claim is 
enforced bv the consideration, that fromtheir Industry and enterprise is col- 
lected a revenue which no niAion has been able to equj], without a corr s- 
pondent expense for the protection of the means. 

«' To preserve peace with all nations, is admitted, witliout reserve, to be 
both the interest and the pohcy of the United States. They therefore pre- 
siune to suggest, that every measure, not inconsistent with tiie honour of 
tlie nation, bv which the great objects of redress and securitv mav be at- 
t.uned, should first l)e used. U-^ SUCH MEASURES PROVE INEFFEC- 
TUAL,— W II A'I'EVER MAV BE THE SACRIFICE ON THEIR PART, IT 
WILL BE .MF.r WITH SUBMISSION. But whatever measures maybe 
pursued in- their government, your memorialists express the firmest fahh, tlial: 
every caution will be used to preserve private property and mercantile credilj 
from ^iohition." 

Thos. Fitzsimons, chairman, 

.lolm Craig, Abraham Kintzing,' 

^^■. Siius, ' Philip Nicklln, 

Rol)erfc Ralston, Thomas AUibone, 

.lames Yard, George Latimer, 

Jacob Gerard Koeli, Chandler Price, 

Ilioinas W. Francis, L. Clapier, 

Thomas English, Daniel W. Coxe, 

.Toscpli S.Lewis, llobert Wain, 

William Motgomeiy, Manuel Eyre, 

R. E. Hobert, sec. 
The precediiif^ list embraces decitletl men of both the hostile 

parties, and of various nations — Americans, English, Irish, 
French and Dutch. 



J HI 



CHAPTEll XIV. 

Extracts fvotn the Baltimore Memorial. 



IE memorial of tlie merchants ot Baltimore is more dif- 
{u.sc and argumentative than any of the preceding. It is a most 
masterly composition, and may be regarded as a complete and 
unans\veral)le defence of neutral ri<!,ht» a-iainst belligerent preten- 
siions and encroachments. Its maxims ouglit to be committed to 
memory by every statesman, in all countries whose iiilerest it is 
to jwcserve a neutral situation. 



XHK OLIVE BRANCir. 9' 

t 

"?t would not be desired that the state of thing- •«, which jji-ciit. Rritaiii 
had herself prescribed, and which use and habit had rendered familiar and 
Tntelli.^-iblo to alJ, should be disturbetl by opi)ressivc innovations; far' less 
that these innorations should by — a tijrnnnicid ivtrosliection, be made to 
justify — the seizure and cunfiscation of their propcri;/, committed to the hig"h 
seas, " under the protection of the existing- rule, and— :i>ithout -vaniiiis;- of 
the intended change. In this their just hope, your memorialists have bi'ei\ 
fatally disappointed.— THEIR VESSELS AND EFFECTS TO A LAIi(.E 
AMOUNT, HAVE LATELY TJliEN CAPrUllEl) BY THE COMMIS- 
SIOXED CRUISERS OF GREAT BRITAIN, upon the foundation oi— 
NEW PRINCIPLES, SUDDENLY INVENTED, and applic»l to this ha- 
bitual trafic; and sugi^est d and promulgated for the first time, by sentences 
of condemnation bv which — unavoidable ignorance has bean coiii-idereil a.i 
rrimnal, and AN " HONOURABLE CONFIDENCE IN THE JUSTICE 
OF A FRIENDLY NATION, PURSUED WITH PENALTY ANVJ FOR- 
FEITiriiE 

••Yoiir memorialists are in no situation to state the precise nature of 
the rules to which their most important interests have been thus sacri- 
ficed: and it is not the least of their complaints ag-ainst. them, that theij 
are ivmkjined and widefinable; equivocal in their form, arid the Jit instru- 
ments of oppression bij reason of' their ambigidty. 

"Your memorialists will not here stop to enquire upon what ground of 
law or reason the same act is held to be legal, when commenced with one 
intention, and illegal when undertaken with another. S\it they object, in 
the strongest terms, against this new criterion of legality, because ofits 
inevitable "tendency tQ injustice; because of its peculiar capacity to em- 
barrass with seizure; and ruin, with confiscation, tlie whole of our trade 
with Europe in the surplus of our colonial importations. 

"Iftlie consc-qncnccsof t!iat traffic were not intended to be serious, and 
extensive, and permanent, your memorialists search in vain for a motive, 
by which a state, in amity with our own, and moreover connected with it,i'A-^, 
by the ties of conjmon interest, to which many considerations seem to give r'-S 
peculiar strength, has been induced to indulge in a paroxism of capricious 
aggression upon our rights, by wliich it dishonours itself, without pronioi- 
ing any of those great interests for which an cnligiitened nation may fairly 
be solicitous, and wliich only a steady regard to justice can ultimately se- 
cure. When we see the powerful state, in possession of a commerce, of 
wliich the world affords no examples, — endeavouring to interpolate into the 
laws of nations casuistical niceties and wavward distinctions, which forbid 
■4. citizen of another independent commercial country to export fr«m that 
country what unquestionably belongs to him, only because he unported it 
himself, and yet allow him to scJl a riglit of exporting it to another which 
prohibit an eiul, because it arises out of one intention, but pemitit when it 
arises out of two; — which dividing an act into stages, search into the mind 
for a correspoudent division of it in the contemplation of its author, and 
detennine its innoc'^nce or criminality accordingly; which, not denying that 
the property acquired in an unauthorized traffic by neutral nations troni 
belligerents, may become incorjjorated into the national .stocl;, and, uncjei- 
the shelter of its neutral character, thus superinduced, and itill preserv- 
ed, be afterwards transportefl to every quarter of the globe, reject 
tjie only epoch, wliich can distinctly mark tl}e incorporation, and point, 
out none other in its place; — which proposing to fii with accuracy and pre- 
cision, the line of demarcation, beyond which neutrals are trespassers upon 
the wide domain of belligerent right.s, involve every thing in darkness 
and confusion; — tlicre can be but one opinion as to ihepurpune which all this is to 
accomplish. 

Q^"For ths loss and damage -ivhich capture 'brings along rjUh it, ^ British 
courts of prize grant no adequate indemniti/. Redress to any extent is dim- 
cult— to a competent extent impossible. And even the costs which an ini- 
quitious seizure compels a neutral merchant to incur, in the defence ot his 
vtokted rights, before their ewn tribunals, are seldom decreed, and never paid. 



94 THE OLIVE BllANCH. 

" The reasons upon which Great Britain assumes to herselt a right to m- 
lerdict to the independent nations of the earth, a commercial intercourse 
with the colonies of her enemies (out of the relaxation of which pretend- 
ed ^ilJht has arisen the distinction in her coui-ts, between the American 
trade from the colonies to the United States, and from the same colonies to 
Europe,) will, we are confidently persuaded, iili REPELLED WTITH 
FIRMNESS AM) EFFECT BY OUR GOVERNMENT. 

*' Slie forbids us from transporting in our vessel, as in peace we could, the 
property of her enemies; enforces against us a rigorous list of contraband; 
dams up tlie greai chaimels of our ordinary trade; abridges, trunmiels, and ob- 
structs wh:it she permits us to prosecute; and then refei-s us to our ac- 
customed trafic in time of peace for the criterion of our commercial 
rights, 1\ ORIJEE TO JUSTIFY THE CONSUMMATION OF THAT RU 
IN, WITH WHICH OUli LAWFUL COMMERCE IS MENACED BY HER 
MAXIMS AND HER CONDUCT. 

" Tliis principle, therefore, cannot be a sound one. It wants uniformity 
and consistency; is pai-tial, unequal, and delusive. It makes every thing 
bend to the rights of war; while it aflects to look back to, and to recog- 
nize, tlie state of tilings in peace, as the foundation and the measure of the 
rights of neutrals. Pi-ofessing to respect the cstabhshed and habitual trade 
of the nations at peace, it allords no shadow of security for any part of 
it Professing to be an equitable standard for the ascertainment of nentral 
rights, it deprives tliem of all body and substance, and leaves tliem only 
a plausible and unreal appearance of magnitude and importance- It deh- 
vers them over, in a word, to tlie mercy of the states at war, as objects of 
legitimate hos ihty; and w.iile it seems to dcHne, does in fact extingiiish 
them. Such is the faithful picture of the tlteory and practical operations 
oftJiis doctrine. 

" The pernicious qualities of this doctrine are enhanced and aggravated, 
as from its natui-e might be expected, by the fact that — GREAT BRl- 
TALY GIVES .YOJi'OTWE OF THE TIME 11 JIE.Y, OR THE ClR- 

fts^CUMSTAJVCESLV WHICH, SHE JMEAJ^'S TO APPLY, AJ\'D £JV- 
■ FORCE IT Her ordei-s of the 6 h. November, 179.3, by wiiich the seas- 
were swept of oui- vessels and effects, were, for the iirst time, announced 
by the ships of war, and privateers,by which they were c arricd into execution. 

"The late decisions of her courts, which are in tlie true spirit of this 
doctrine, and ;u'c calculated to restore it in practice, to that liigh tone of 
severity, whicli milder decisions had almost concealed from the world, 
came upon us by surprise; and tlie captures, of whicli the Dutch com- 
plained, in the seven years' war preceded by no ■ warning. THUS IS 
TiIIS PRINCIPLE MOST RAPACIOUS AXD OPPRESSI^.E IN ALL IIS 
BEARINGS, Harsh and mys- erious in itself, it has always been, and ever 
must be, used to betray neutral merchants mto a trade, supposed to be law- 
ful, and thea to give them up to pillage, and to luin.^ 

" But there can be no security — wiiile a malignant and deceitful princi- 
ple like tni* uangsover us. It isjust what the belligerent chooses to make 
5t, — lurking, unseen, and unlclt, or visible, active and noxious. It may come 
abroad wlien least expected: and the moment of conhdence may be tlie mo- 
ment of dcslniction. 

It may sleep for a time; but no man knows when it is to uwake, to shed 
its iialeful iiiHuence upon tlie commerce of the world. It clothes itself, 
from season to season, in wiiat may be called relaxations; but again, with- 
out any previous intimation to the deluded citizens of the neutral powers, 
these relaxations are suddenly laid aside, citlRr in tlie whole, or in part, 
,ind, the work of confiscation commences Nearly ten months of the late 
v/ar had ilajised before it announceil itself at all: and, when it did so, it was 
in its most foniiidable shape, and in its tallest power and expansion. 

" Your iiujinoriaUsts feci themselves bound to state that, accoi-diug to au- 
tlicntic information lately received, tlie government of Great IJritain docs, 
at tliis moment, — grant licences to neutral vessels takingiin a proportion ot 



THE OLIVK BRANCH. '*95 

their cavg-e»s there, to proceed on tradings vo3'ages to Ihc lolonics of Spain^ 
from which slic would cvchule us; upon the condition, that the r.-turn 
cart^OfS shall he curried to Great lirltain.to swell the gains of her morchants, 
and to ij^ivc her u inouopoly of the coiiunei-ee of the world. This s^-reat 
belligerent riglit, then upon wliich so much has lieen supposed to depend, 
sinks into an a-Liclc of barter. It is used, not as a hostile instrument wield- 
ed by a warlilce state, by which her enemies are to be wounded, or their 
colonies subdued, but as the selfish means of commercial ag'gTandisement, 
for the impovcrisiiment and ruin of hei' friends; as an engine by which 
f^rcat Britain is to be lifted up to a vast hcig-ht of prosperity, and the tradr 
of neutrals crippled, and crushed, and destroyed. Such acts are a most in- 
tellig'i )le CO u'ao'itary tip')a the principle in question. They shew that, 
it is a hollow and fallacious principle, susceptable of the worst abuse and, 
incapaiile of a just and honouralile application. They shew that in the 
hands of a ^eat maritime sta'e, Jt is not, in its ostensible charactar a 
weapon of hostility, that is prized; put rather os <WJ5 of the means of establish- 
i}i^ an unbo'.iiukd monopultj, by wliicn ever)' cntcrprize calculated to pro- 
mote nacional wealth and ]iower, shall be made to beg'in and end in Great 
Britiiin alone. Such acts may vveU be considered as pronouncing' the con- 
demnation of the principle ag'ainst which w^e contend, as withdrawing- from 
it tiie only pretuxt, upon which it is possible to rest it — Great Britain doci 
notprete.id that this principle has any warrant in the opinion of writers on 
public law. Slie does not pretend, and cannot pretend, that it derires any 
countenance from, the conduct of other nations. She is cunfessedly solitary 
in the use oftfiis invention btf which CAPACITY IS SYSTEMATIZED, and 
A STATE OF NEXUTRALITY AND WAR ARE MADE SUI5STANCIAI.- 
LYTHE SAME. In this absence of all other authority, her covn-ts haveraadt- 
an appcid to her own early example, for the jnstlhcation of her own reeenl 
practice. Your memorialists join in that appeal as affording' tlie mo.st con- 
clusive and a tthoritative reprobation of the practice, which it is intended to 
support by ii. 

'•'.^ The solemn renunciation of the principle in question, in the face o' 
the whole world, by her highest tribunal in matters of prize, reiterated in 
a succession of decrees down to the year 1786, and aftervvard.s, is powerful- 
ly confirmed by the acquiescence of ' Great Britain, during the first, most 
important, and active period of the late war, in the free and unlimited pro- 
secution, by neutrals, of the whole colony trade of France. She did indeed 
at last, prohibit tliat trade, by an instruction,— UNPRECEDENTED IX 
TtlEAXXA'.S OF MARATIME DEPRED.VTIOMS! but the revival of her 
discarded rule was — characterised with such circumstances of iniquity and 
violence, as r.ither to licij^hten, by the effect of contrast, the veneration o;" 
mankind for the past justice of her tribunals. The world nas not fbrg-otten 
tlie instruction to which we allude, or the enormities by wliich its true char- 
acter was developed. Produced in mystery, at a moment when universal 
confidence in the integrity of her government had brought upon the ocean, 
a prey of vast value and" importan.ce; sent abroad to the different naval 
stations with such studied secrecy that — it would almost seem to have i>een 
uitendcd to make an experiment,— HOW FAR LAW AND HONOUh' 
COULD BE OUTRAGED BY A NATION PROVERBIAL FOR Ri:SPECT- 
ING BOTH — the heralds by whom it was first announced were tlie coin- 
mandei-s of her commissioned cruisers, who at the same instant caiTied it into 
effect, with every clrcumstonce of aggravation, if of such an act; there can 
be an aggravation. Upon such conduct there was but one sentiment, ll 
was condemned by reason and justice. It was condemned by that law wliicl* 
flows from, and is founded upon them. IT WAS CONJiEMNiiD AND 
WILL FOiiEVER CONTINUE TO BE CONDEMNED BY THE L'.NJ 
\ EUSAL VOICE OF THE CIVILIZED WORLD" 

Thomas Tenant, Henry Payson, Benj. Williams, 

John Donne!, Wilham Wilson, ^Vm. Lorman, 

Luke Tiernan, T Swan, Wm. Taylor, 

■Jliob. Hollingswortii, Josepli Steret, Robert GUxaor, 



96 THE OLIVE BRAjSClI. 

Gcorg'c Stiles, Stewart Browii, James Calhoui 

J. A. Buclianan, John Collins, Samuel Steret, 

Alcxr, M'Kini, David Stewai-t, llu£jh Thompson, 

VVm. Patterson, Mark Pringle, Samuel Taylor, 

John Sherlock, John Strieker, 

JiuUimuvc, Jan. 21- 1806. 

This list, like that signed to the Philadelphia memorial, 
embraces- lederalists and democrats indiscriminately — as wel! 
as citizens of various nations. 

CHAPTER XV. 

JSTewhaven. Decisive call for resistence. Unlimited pledge of 
support. — Extracts from Memorial of Merchants of JS^ew- 
bury/iort. Seliaiice on wisdom^ frmness and justice of the 
government. 

Extracts from the JMemorial of the Chmnbcr of conmierce of JK'inohaven. 

•'Your memorialists caimot behold witliout surprise and regret, — apo-we,- 

Jid and respectable 7iatmi, bending tKe principles of the common iavj of nations^ 

to ans-.i-er political {nirposes, and introducing a versatile poUcij into the golenm 

udjudicutions of her courts. — We hoii) it to bk kxtre^iki.t Impchtant that 

ALL NATIONS SHOUI.]) COMBINE AGAlNiT Sl'CIt IXNDVATIOXS TTON TIIEIK HIUUTS; 

and — //( particular that the United States, ti'hose gsdgraphical position gives 
them the best cha?ice of mainiairting nevtrality, during -wars in Evrope, 

SUOULn FIBMLI RESIST EVKHT ENCROACHMENT UPON. THt HIGHTS OP NEUTRAIj 
C.O.MaiERCE, 

"With these impressions of the necessity o^—meamres for defending our 
commercial rights, wliich shall be firm but temperate-*:ind bold, yet mark- 
ed with a spirit of conciliation, your memorialists cordially unite with 
iheir follow citizens of other coniinerciai towns, in expressing their senti- 
ments freel}- to the legislative and executive authorities of their coun- 
tiy witli assurances of their disposition to (jive aid anj> support to evj 

HV MEASCHB OF GOVERNMENT CAl.CULATEn TO ACCOMPLISU THIS IMFORTi'^ 
OBJECT." 

Signed by order, 

IIEN'KT r>.\i:;GET, 

President of the ch:!'!''..-!- ■nrcommerL^, 
J^^ivhaven, Feb, 7, 1806. 

Extracts from the Memorial of the Merchants of j\e!objn-yport. 

"Tn many cases our vessels and cargoes have been captured, tried ant 
conden.iied in courts of law, — under vnvsual and aJarmvg pnteiircs, wAi( ■ 
if perihttted to contiimc, threaten thf uurN of our coMJtEWtiAL interest 
"C^- So f:ir from obtaining- redress of our grievances by the ordinary mode 
juid processes ot law, uc have in most cases been subject to heavy cost - 
and sutFcrcd cmbarra.ssings andiLstressingdiUntion of property, even vvhtrc 
no pretence could be found to authorise the seizure of it. 

"Having sustained these losses and injm-ies — in the piostcution of ou, 
lawful ctJDimercc, and in the exercise of our just rights, we rely with coi'. 
tidence on — the wisdom, firmness, and justice of our govenunent, to ob- 
tain for us tiutt compensation, and to grant to us that])J-otcction, which A 
KKCiAHl) TO rilK IIONOL K OF (JUU COUKTKV, no Itss than tkc 
rights of our citizens must dictate and rerniire, 



Kbenezer Stocker, William HaHlott, 

Stephen Howard, Moses Howanl 

Edward Tappan, Willi^ajni Paris, 



x^ii".ir(i iJippan, \vii}v*ni I'itns, f s. 

John Pearson, J :? 

J^Tewburypert, Lee 180^'. "* 



THE OLIVE BRANCH. 97 

rhe same outrages having been experienced by the citi/j 
zens of Newhaven and Newburyport as elsewhere, we of 
course find the same style of complaint — the same call for 
i-edress— the same pledge of support — in one case explicitly 
expressed, in the other unequivocally implied. 

CHAPTER XVI. 

Halem inenwrial. Sound reasoning. Britain carries on a .com- 
merce with her enemij which she declares illegal in a neutral. 
Most solemn pledge of support. 

Extracts from the Memorial of the Inhabitants of the teti/n of Salem, Mass. 

" On ordinary occasions they have deemed it unnecessary to apply for re- 
dress of grievances to the government oftlieir country, confiding in the rec- 
titude and wisdom of its councils; and though their conlidence in this res- 
pect is undiminished, yet as questions of national moment are now agitated, 
and aggi-essions conmiitted on our commerce in a manner unprecedented, 
tliey deem it their duty to approacli the constituted autliorities, and express 
their sentiments with fidelity and deliberation. 

" tC?" They have witnessed ivith vnhesituting approbatiun the disposition to 
Ticutraliiy, patronized by the ^-eneral government, at times -cclien national 
■wrongs have been pressed -fith peculiar aggravations,andseemed to poijit to sum- 
viary redress. Firmness and moderation Imve happily secured all the advan- 
tag-es of succcssfiU w-m; and the sober appeal of reason carried conviction 
to foreign nations. 

" Your memorialists, however, have witnessed, with <leep regret, and deep 
anxiet)-, that to some of tlieir tribunals they can no longer appeal for safety. 
Oy-'New interpretations of old rides, and new glosses on ancient doctrine, 
(Ij="have been ai-rayed to controulthe circuit of weutral commerce, and res- 
train, if not annihilate, its most beneficial operations. Their suriorise has 
keen tlie greater, because the nation who has adopted them, is one from 
whom we had a right to expect die most conciliatory conduct; since with 
her idtimately centre the proceeds of our commerce, and from her we 
purchase the greatest portion ot her staple manufoctures. . 

" The interests of Great Britain and the United States, seem in this res- 
pect mutual. We consume the products of her industry; and give her, in 
return, besides large sums of money, (^rato materials bi, luhich she may levy, 
neiv contributions. Siniilarity of manners and habits, of language and educa- 
tion, have added ailificixd inducements for intercourse, jand gained for hev 
jmong us a respect not sHghtly to be viewed, or Inconsiderately forfeited. 
— On all occasio.is the United States have exhibited towards her an amicable 
interest, arid a just, it may be added, a generous policy. It, therefore, we had 
fiivours to aide or receive, our claims have been pecuUarly strong upon her; 
because we have been emphatically the .sinews of her opulence. But it is 
believed diat the United States never asked of any nation more than justice, 
and arc willing to be bound by the established rules of commerce. Your 
memoriahsts therefore express deep regi'ct, because a confidence lias been 
sliaken which niay not easily be restored; and deej) anxiety, because the 
principles alluded to, if conceded,— MUST EVENTUALLY PROSTRATB 
OUR TRADE, OR LEAVE IT AT THE ARBITRARY DISCRETION OF 
BELLIGERENTS. fVhether peace or -war prevail, the baneful infuence -will, 
every ivhere be felt; a?id in t/ie latter predicament, we shall, as neutrals, share the 
vuschiefs of it xuithont the chances of benefit. 

" The principle, recently established by Great Britain, is as your memori- 
alists understand it, that — it is not ctmpe'tmt for a neutral to xarry on in iivr. 



y» 



THE OLIVE BRANCil. 



ant/ trade, tvhichhc is 7i»t acciistomedto do in peace; and Uiut he ihallnor he 
permitted to ej^ict that 171 a cini-itcts, -.ihich is iviiihiled hi a direct Hade: ar 
corollaries from this prJiicii-le, she insists that the colonial trade exercis- 
ed bv neutrals, shall not exttnd beyond tlic acciiston.ed peace estabhsh 
Bient; and that uhc never the neutral imports into his country coUoni- 
al produce with the intetition to tranship it to the mother country, it a di- 
rect intci-coursc be interdicted in peace, the circuity oi tlic route shall not 
protect the property from confiscation. It seems adniitied that such circui- 
tous route, with such intention, is not considered as evidence of enemy's pro- 
pert}-, confiscable within ordinaiy rules ; but— as a distinct, siihstantial, and 
condenviatovii principle,' independent both in efficacy and application. For ir 
yields notiotj.e most cleur \roof ofneiural property, *r imiocein though wi'^di- 
retted conduct. Tlie unaccustomed trade, or tlie importation witli sp.ecific in- 
tentions, are the tests by which every voyage is to be tried. 

" In another view, the rule appears to your memorialists not less untenable 
«nd unjust. It is stated, as a part of it, that if cccnial produce be impelled 
by any person with an intention to tranship it on his own account to the n.othcv 
tbuntry, it is subject to confiscation. But if imp. rlcd for the jAirpose of gen- 
eral commerce, and thrown into the market for general tran.shipnient, it is 
within the exception. To distinguish between general and particvlar in- 
tcntions, aud to separate things so subtle in tJieir own natures, and almost in- 
capable of ])roof, for the pui-poses of national decisions, seems a refinemciu 
resei-ved far the present vge. The foundation of this modern doctrine is laid in' 
this principle, that the neutral has no right, b) an cxtensittn of his trade, lO 
afford supplies to the belligerent to ward ofi' tlie blows of his enemy, and to 
oppose for u longer period the dominion cf his force. But to this your memo- 
rialists deem it a conclusive answer, tli at the proposition proves too ranch ; 
that, if true, it is a foundation for a far more broad and sweepini; principle ; 
that — cvcrti commerce -a'itli the bcUigcieitt is ivhidited to neiitrch ,- /or <^-erTj com- 
merce assists him in resistance, and duninishes his necessiiiea. A doctiinc tiius 
comprelicnsivc, has never yet been avowed, audit is pr sum'ed never will be. 
Yet siich must be the logical conclusion; and it shews irrcsistably th.e ab- 
surdity of the assumed premises. 

"Th.e accustomed, as well as the imaccustomed trade, is within the 
terms, and must stand or fall together. Either the doctrine is unsound, 
— A^D ASSVMKD AS A MERE PRETEXT FOR Pli K J JAl OR Y SEI- 
ZURES ; or neutrals have no rights as such; and must endure the calami* 
ties inflicted by beirigerents in a contest in vliich they have no voice, and in! 
which they can reap only injury. 

" Otlier considerations add force to the preceding remarks. It is well 
known that in time of war neutrals cannot cam on even tJicir accustonicd 
trade in its full extent. The}' arc prohibited from trading in contnaband 
goods, ind to blockaded polls. \ ariations necessarily arise in the relations 
fy-f tlie lio.stile powers, Avhich the neutral ought to possess a right to turn to 
h'-s profit, as an indemnity for the obstructions of his old iKide. These ob- 
s. '.actions are of a very serious nature. Q^^llhen exercised in the mUdest 
f,.nn, thev produce OPPRESSIVE SEARCHES AND DELAYS, EXPENSIVE 
LITIGATION, AND OFTEN A TOTAL FAILURE OF AN OTIIERWISB 
LL'Ck.VTIVE VOYACiF^ Reason would therefore seem to declare, thatfor 
liazards of this nature, the benefits aiising to neutrals from war, arc not more 
than a jiist equivalent. 

" It IS somewhat singular, \\\v\ ^^ a helligerent should invite a trade with 
itself, ivluch it declares fraudulent iviih its enemy; aitd should lift the arm nfpoicer 
fo nnsh the neutral, ivhose conduct is cnminul only -when it ceatcs to be partial ! 

" Such arc the remarks your memorialists respectfully submit upon the 
rule considered in itself On this examination they confess it appears to them 
fundamentally incorrect. (J^'It subjects commerce to fluctuating decis- 
ions: overthrows tlie ordinary niles of evidence; and places an immese pow- 
«rto be wielded at the uncontroulable discretion of magistrates appointed 
by a .single pally. 

" It therefore wants idl the discrimiiiHiive features of a fundamental propo* 



THE OLIVE BRANCH- ^ 99 

iition of xi\e law of nations — uniformity, precision, and g-encral appficaljility. 
It would, in their opinion, if cstablisiicd, create greater evils than it [jpofesses 
to redress, by perpetuating- strife, destroying' tiie emokniients of trade, cm- 
barr;.ssing commercial inierooursc, and — LETTING LOOSE THE P\S- 
SIOXS TO PUEV ON THE xAIISERIES, AND PLUNDER THE I'ko- 
PEllTY OF THE INNOCENT. It would subject neutrals to iiaz.rds nearly 
as perilous as those of actual hostilities; and independcTit of its influencft 
in stimulating' to rcveng-e and ret; liation', IT WOULD TRVNSFEIt THE 
BENEFITS OF PEACE TO ANY VICTOUIUUS USURPER OF THE 
OCEAN. 

"But your memorialists are unwilling' to rest the question on the preced- 
ing' grounds, however supported by reason. They appeal to higher consid- 
erations; and deny that the rule is, or ever has made, a pai-t of public law or 
acquired by usage or prescription, amy authority among- nutions. 

" Every l»ge appears to give a direct contradiction. They adhere to the 
ancient ii\terpreta ion of Uie law of nations, which pronounces tliat the goods 
of an enemy are lawful prize, and those of a friend free; that the neutral, ex- 
cept in case of blockade and coiitraband, h;i3 a right to the uninterrupted 
pui-siut of his commerce, when ciu-ried on with his own property, at events in 
A direct trade from ills own countr\'. 

" They conceive that it is not within the authority of any nation to legislate 
for tlierest; and that the law of nations being founded on the tacit convention 
of tlie nations that observe it, can be binding only on tliosc nartions who have 
adopted it. 

. "It is conceded by die British Civilians that during the American revolu- 
tion the docti-ine Was entirely intermitted, and the CMumercc of neutrals was 
pursued according to the ancient code. Many cases of this period might be 
cited from the admiralty records; which overthrow the rule, and expressly 
vindicate the opposite. If precedents ai-e to decide, the judgments of a tri- 
bmjal established in Great Britain under her sole appoint:r>ent, and acting with 
open powers, must ?ui-ely, when acc|uiescence creates the law, complete tlie 
1-enunciation of the contested rule. 

"It is not the least singularity attending the conduct of the present' war, 
that Great Britam has licensed her subjects in a trade which she declares frau- 
dulent in oiliers; that she admits them unmolested to supply her enemy with 
means of resistance, when she declares confiscation.'? the penalty of neutral 
succour. Were the rule ever so just in itself, it certainly demai.ds relaxation, 
. \vhen the belligei-ant partakes the profit, and connives at the breach. If its 
foundation be the unlawfulness of afibrding assistance to a distressed tnemy, 
surely it ought not to he enforced when that assistance is an authorised ol)ject 
of speculation witli the distressing belligerent. 

" It is our pride to believe that tlie American merchants, with very few ex- 
ceptions, are as distinguished tor good faith as' any on eardi. The imputa- 
tion thrown on them is a masked pretence lo repel the odium of vexatious 
injuries, and to excuse violations of law, which cannot be justified. 

"Your memorialists wish to take no part in the contests wliich now con- 
•v-ulsethe world; but actii\T W'th impartiality towards all nations, to reap the 
fruits of a just neutrality. If however, conciliation cannot effect the piu-posi- 
of justice, and AN APPEAL i"0 ARMS be the last and necess:;ry protection 
of honour, they feel no disposition to decline the common danger, or shrink 
from the common contribution. 

"Relying on the wisdom and firmness of the general government in tlwy 
behalf, they feel no hesitation to PLEDGE THEIR L1\ES and PROPERTIES, 
hi support of the nwamres which may be adopted io vindicate tlie public rights-, 
Tndredvess thepiihlic turongs.'''' 

John Hathorne, Benj. Crowninshieldjjun."^ 

Joseph Sprague, Joseph White, jun. C Committee. 

Jonathan Mason, Joseph Ston-. S 



Sakm, Jan. 90 1806. 



U 



leo ' THE Olive branch. 



CHArTER XVU. 



Jleflectioits on the Jlt'tnorials. Uniform cali for redress. Uni 
form jdedgz of support. 

-*- BEG file reader will devote a few minutes to a re-peru- 
sal of these iinpottaut, tliese invaluable documents. Without 
bearin;^ in mind their contents, it is impossible to form a cor- 
rect estimate of the policy of this country, or of the merits and 
demerits of the two parties, whose senseless, and envenomed, 
and infuriated hostility, was of late rapidly sending to perdition 
the noblest country, the happiest people, and the best form of 
government in the world. 

We must not forget for an instant, the cause of all these impas- 
sioned complaints, these invocations of redress,, these pledges of 
support. This . is the most important item in the affair. It was 
simply the right to re-export the productions <tf the colonies of the 
enemies of Great liritain — a riglit, however clear and indefeasible, 
which was wholly unessential to tlie prosperity of our country. 
We might have abandoned it without the sacrifice of an iota ol 
the hap[)ine»s ot our citiz<ens, or the real honour of the nation. 

• 

No man of decency can deny, after the perusal of these docu- 
ments, that the mercantile, citizens of the United States urged 
— it would not be extravagant to say, goaded — the government 
iii'oa resistance of the liigh-hauded an(l oppressive pretensions 
and outrages of Great lirifain. Every paragraph establishes this 
important (act. Tlie expression of the public sentiment on this 
.-.ubjcct, was nearly simultaneous from Newburyport to Baltimore. 

That they calculated upon war, as the dernier resort, is obvi- 
ous from the phraseology. Jt cannot be misunderstood. Whew 
tlic Hoston merchants express their reliance that 

"Sill ii 'ui:isurts will be ])romptly adopted, ;is will tend to disembarrass 
eonui)" ice, Assfciri" orii hights, and support the dignity of tlig Unitc«l 
States," 

it would be absurd and ridiculous to suppose these measures werft 
(o Ije limited to mere negociation, the utter inellicacy of which 
had been so oflen experienced. A child would spurn at the 
'n}QiiiA'^^siii)j)ortin<;thedi;:;nitiiofthe United Stntes^^ by nego- 
riaiioM aloM(>. This had already been found to be a very feeble 
resource, ami might have been protracted for an age, without 
'• assertbi;^- mnj of mir riglits.^^ Their views were not so limited. 
No. ^Var, war, war, nmst indubitably have been in their contem. 
pUtion, fchould negociation have an unfavourable issue. 



THE OLIVE BRANCH. ipx 

\V Can anj man of common sense doul)t, can aiiy man of chai-ac- 
' ^er, deny, that tlic merchants of Philadelphia calculated on WAR, 
' when, after having suggested, 

"'I'iiat every measure not inconsitent with the honour and interest of the 
hation, by wliich tiie great objects of redress and security njig-ht be attain- 
ed, slioukl be tirst tried," 

they add 

" If such measures should prove ineffectual, whatever may be the sacrificcj 
on tlieii'pmt, it wdl be met with submission." 

"N\'hen the merchants of Ncvvburyport 

''Kely with confidence oii the FlliMMlvSS and JUSTICE of the g-overn- 
ment, to ol)t:un for them compensation and protection," ' 

they must have been insane, if they did not calculate upon WAR 
as the ultima ratio. These are the wortliy citizens who stand 
recorded in the annais of their countr}^, as having since patrioti- 
cally pledged tiiemsclves to resist their own government, "EVliJN 
UNO) iJLOoD." 

And who can pretend, that the merchants of Newhaven, whefe 
they called upon the government 

" Firmly to resist e^cry encroachment upon the rights of neutral nations," 
did not calculate upon war? And did they not most solemly 

pledge themselves, when they tendered the 

" Assurances of their disposition to give aid ^nd support to E S'ERY INIEA.] 
SURE caiculated to accomplish tliis important object?" ■ ' 

And when the New- York merchants- declared their 

"Reliance upon the government, of their countr\', that their rights woal4 
not be abandoned," 

and that the crisis required 

*'>,"All tub r.xrRGT, as well as. the prudence and wisdom of the government," 

can there be found a man who will pretend that ^var was not cal- 
culated on, unless other means might be found to accomplish the 
end in view? It cannot be. 

And can there be a more explicit pledge given, than is to be 
found at the close of their memorial — 

" We pledge our united su])port in favoui' of all the measures adopted t« 
vindicate and scoiu'e thejusi lights of oui' country." 

I am credibly informed that there are subscribed to this me- 
morial, names of persons who lately prayed fervently and openly, 
for the destruction of the armies of the United States invading 
Canada! This is most wonderfully consistent and patriotic. 

But the merchants of Salem are more explicit on the subject; 
«jf war than any of their mercantile brethren elsewhere. Tiiey 
leave no room for reference or supposition. They most unambig^ 
uouslv declare their views. 



102 THE OLIVE BRANCH 

" Tf, however, conciliation cannot eflect the purpose; AN APPEAL XO 
ARMS be the lu-t and necessary protection othouour, they feel no dispo- 
sition to decline the common danger, or slirink from the common contribu- 
tion." 

And Wiis there ever, since the world was fonnetl, a n\ore so- 
lemn pledge jriven, than the one with which they close their me- 
morial, and which I Iiere repeat — 

" Helyins^- on the wisdom and firmness of the general government, in this 
behalf, they feel no hesitation, — to pledge theii- lives and ])roperties in sup- 
port of tl(c measures which may be adopted to VINDICATE THE PUB- 
LIC RI(;ilT, ANU UEDKESS THE PUIILIC WRONGS." 

In the next cliapter, 1 shall investigate the question, how far 
these pleilges were redeemed. 



CHAPTER XVIII. 

Character of merchants by Edmund Burke. lUiheral and un- 
founded. J\Ierchants as various in character as other classes 
of men. Jmerican merchants shre.ivd and intelligent. Most 
iumentaUy blinded by faction to their dearest interest. Exam 
fie of England worthy of imitation. tStruggies between ins 
and outs. Jill unite against the common enemy, dmericav 
faction, more deleterious than those in England. 



JTiDMUND BURKE has left on record a most unfjivoura* 
ble character of merchants, which has been a thousand times 
quoted lo their di.sparasement. He has, if my memory do not 
deceive me, asserted, that they have no national attachments or 
patriotism — that their lei;5er is their Bi!)le — and gold their God. 

This character is unfounded and illiberal. All sweeping de- 
nunciations of entire classes are unjust. The merchants arc as 
various in their characters as any other description of men. There 
are amoiiu; them numbers of persons of tlic highest respectability 
— great patriotism — a higli sense of honour — great liberality — 
and possessing all the other virtues that can adorn the human 
character. Tliere are likewise some as base and vile as tiie 
others arc excellent. 

There is nothiuii; in mercantile affairs or commerce, that has a 
tendency to deteriorate those who follow the profession. It is 
inconceivable how it should be otherwise. The large scale on 
vvi:ich comiiierce is conducted, is rather calculated to expand 
than illibcialize the mind. 

Aloreove*, a cou'-idcrable portion of the merchants having en- 
joyed the advantaj^es of tlie best education, must, from that cir- 
cumstance aloneJiave a fair chance of not meriting the denuncia- 
tion of Edmund Burke. 



THE OLIVE BRANCH. 10;> 

That the American merchants are in general, sl\re\vd, in- 
tellij^eut, anil penetratiuj:;, cannot be denied. I'hey are, iu 
these res|)ects, at least on a level with the merchants of any 
other country. 

It iftust however, be acknowledged, that in the course they 
have steered tVom the coyimencement of the year lbU6, when 
the preceding memorials were presented to Congress, till 
the declaration of war, and during its continuance, they have 
been as lamentably blind to their own vital interests, and to 
the higliest interest of their country, as if they were almost 
altogether deficient of the reasoning faculty. They have in- 
flicted incalculable injury on both. Indeed so intimately in 
this case were these interests connected, that both were, and 
must necessarily be equally affected by the same wound. I 
hope to make tliis appear to their conviction, and that of 
the public. 

The reader has seen that the mercantile part of the com- 
munity felt the highest indignation in I8O0, at the preten- 
sions "of England to limit the American trade in the colonial 
productions of her enemies; that they very strongly remon- 
strated with the government to resist those pretensions; and 
that they pledged theiiiseives to their country and the world, to 
snpjwrt the government in ichatevcr measures viight be necessa- 
ry to obtainredress — obviously, evidently, and undeniably contein- 
■plating even icar xvith all its horrors. I purpose to examine liow 
far their practice corresponded with their professions and pledges. 

The pacific measures adopted to effect the object of their de- 
sires v.ere — a prohibition of tlie importation of some of the most 
important of the manufactures of Great Britain — an embargo, 
when the injuries we experienced from that nation had vastly in- 
creased — -and non-intercourse. 

Did the American merchants redeem their pledge? Did they 
preserve tlieir faidu Did they support the governnient in all or 
any of tiiese measui-es ? 

No. They indubitably did not. There is not a candid federal- 
.ist from New-Hampshire to Georgia, that will assert, that the 
merchants, as a corps, supported the government in any of these 
measures. I say distinctly, as a corps. There were illustrious 
exceptions. ' But the fidelity of these exceptions in redeeming 
their pledge was unavailing. %d^The pledge ivas forfeited by 
the corps — cowpliifely forfeited. 

,■ The clear, indisputable, and melancholy i^ict is, that after 
having impelled and goaded the government into measures to 
procure redress, they not merely witliheld their support from 
those measures, but actually as tar as depended on them, pre- 
vented their success. They hung hostilely on the skirts of tlie 



104 THE OLIVE BRANCH. 

govLM-nineut, and defeated the embargo, non iulercourse, andiiU 
the other restrictive measures. 

I iiave thus lar considered the point as it respected tlieir 
plighted faiih, and the obligation they thereby incuried to sup- 
port the ja,overnment in measures which had arisen out of their 
memorial's, remonstrances and solemn pK dges. 

1 now enter on the consideration of their .conduct, as it de- 
monstrates an unparalleled blindness towai'ds their own inter- 
ests, and those of their country. • 

Whatever misjudging prejudice, or faction, devotion to Eng- 
land, or hostility to France may pretend, the solemn fact is, 
that ttic United States were most grievously outraged and in- 
jured by Great Biitain. The violence or excesses of France, 
enormous, and iniquitous, and indefensible as they were, • aflord- 
ed no justification to tho?e of her enemy-. " Retaliation,-' in 
the itumls of Mr. Baijardand .Mr. A/oyrf,* "was A MERE PRE- 
TENCE." Icp'i/'A rob me of my hat, it does not follow that 
B has a'right to retaliate on HIM, % robbing ME of my coat or 
waistcoat. And still less, \i x\. threaten to rob mc, but iias not 
the power to doit, has B t\\Q. vv^\\t io retaliate on hi ui by rob- 
bing me. France pretended to blockade England, and seize neu- 
tral vessesl bound theie — but was unable to effect her purpose 
through her destitution of naval power. Eiiglmd retaliated upon 
France by seizing our vessels bound to that country; and per- 
severed in that lawless course for entire years, having depreda- 
ted on the United States to the amount of many millions, and 
with every species, of aggravation, of v hicli an outrage is sus- 
ceptible — and forsooth |0°a^^ was perpetrated to punish France, 
trhom !>he. was ut the savin time suppltfing tvith oar productions 
herself'!! There is not in the history oi the world any conduct 
more gross or less defensible. 

When we are laitl in our graves, and our factions and con- 
vulsions are buried in oblivion, posterit}- will pass a heavy sen- 
tence of condemnation upon tliese odious, these oppressive, these 
scandalous transactions. I am sure such is the derision of all 
impartial and unprejudiced men in Europe. I would forfeit a 
world, were I possessed of one, if this be not "Alexander the 
ileliverer's" sentiment. 

That America has been tlie aggrieved nation, and England 
wholly the aggressor, is palpable fnnn one circumstance. In al! 
ihe di|)lomatic intercourse that has taken place between tlir 
cabinet of St. James's and that at ^V^■^shlngton, the former 
!)as hardly ever made the sliglitcs:t complaint of injustice 



* In a subsequent chapter, I shall quote the sentimt-nts of th se s-cntlemerlrj 
at full length. 



IHE OLiVE BRANCH*. . 105 

igainst the latter, except occasionally of pniflcditij towards 
France'. This if it mean any thing, must certainly mean that 
Itj"" WQ hove French iLjiredtftioii, insulcy and outrage, more pa- 
tientlif tlinn English- oiilrag-e. insult, and' drjiredafion. If if. 
have any other meanings I hiiall be- gratifie<l to have it de- 
.monstiated. 

We inflicted on France one solid, substantial, important, 
and most destructive injury, from which England was wholly 
free. We uniformly submitted from 1792 to 1812, to the vio'- 
lation of our neutraliry, to the material l/cnefit of one belli- 
gerent and extreme disadvantage of the other. ICP" Our com- 
mercial marine ivas a constant nursenj for Great Britain, to 
supplij her navy urith seamen to annoy and distress her enemy. 

This was a constant cause of war' against us by France. 
It was in direct hostility with fundamental principles of the 
law of nations. It was affording a most decisive rnd all im- 
portant aid to one belligerent for the destruction of the other, 
to an enormous extent, I believe unparalleled in the history of 
Europe.. 

It will not, from the premises, be denied, that from the de- 
daratiou of war between France and England, the latter pow- 
i'.cr constantly made inroads upon us— an<l we as constantly, 
sought redress—and that our principal grievances were the out- 
rages practised on our seamen, and the reiterated and intole- 
rable infringement ot our commercial rights and privileges. 

Under this view of the case, the correctness of which will 
not, I trust, be disputed, what course ought an enlightened 
body of merchants to steer } 

Suppose them patriotic, and public spiritec}, ■ and. magnani 
mous; a regard to the national honour and interest would im- 
pel them to uphold the government of their own country in a 
struggle against the lawles- outrages of a foreign nation. But 
even suppose them base, sordid, seliish, avaricious, and without 
a single spark of patriotism; public spirit, or liberality, ought 
• not their very selfishness dictate the same course ? How 
could they fail to see that every step they took to harrass, 
to cripple, to en\barrass their own government, wns a. step to- 
wards enabling the foreign and aggressing nation, to triumph 
over their country, and to enforce" its claims, to the manifest 
and immense injury of their own most vital interests ^ I should 
pity the fatuit}' of a lad who had been but six weeks in <u 
counting-house, and did not at once perceive the cogency of 
these arguments. This point is clear, .and plain, and con- 
vincing in theory. Rut it does not rest on tlieory. We have 
a strong and practical illustration of it by our own melancho.- 
ly experience, an illustration which tlie merchants ©f this coifii- 



106 THE OLIVE BRANCH 

try v'ill long have cause to deplore. By the Jacobinical, and 
se'ditious, and disorj>-ani7,in2; combinations to oppose the mea- 
sures calculated to procure redress, England was enabled to 
enforce the orders in council for four years and an half; 
whereby, during; sixteen months, she interdicted our trade 
with all Europe except Sweden and her own dependencies: 
that is to say, |C7= shefurbade us to trade with ab;mt one 
hundred and ihivtif millions of the people of Europe. — Kor the 
remaiinler of the time, when she somewhat 'relaxf^d her or- 
ders. itCy she proscribed oar trade with at leant fifty millions. 

Never has the sun in his course beheld such transcendent, 
such lamentable, such irreparable folly as the mercliants ot 
the United totates have been guilty of in this instance. Through- 
out the whole of the arduous conflict between the United 
States and Great Britain, %cj* they have constantly, and in- 
variably, and most energetically thwarted, and harrassexl, and 
embarrassed their own government. They have defended the 
conduct of Britain throughout — and as constantly laboured, in 
the face of reason, justice, and common sense, to put their 
own nation in the wrong. And for what end .^ ii""^ to serve 
the purposes of party ; ^CT' to enable a few ambitious vmu 
who were out of office, and panted to get in, to accomplish 
this object ! ! ! 

I once more wish to qualify these observations. There 
were here, as in a former case, splendid exceptions among 
the merchants, citizens who displayed the most exalted patri- 
otism. Those exceptions do not invalidate the rule. I speak 
of the merchants as a corps : — for it is thus only tliey can 
be considered in this discussion ;— as their operations on the 
government and nation were felt — and more particularly, as 
^hcy acted in the eastern states. 

Any one of the three pacific measures adopted by this go- 
vernment, had it been duly supported by the mercantile in- 
terest, would have obliged Great Britain to redress our wrongs 
and very speedily. We should then have enjoyed an un- 
shackled commerce. And had our merchants, either from 
patriotisni or selfishness, submitted to a short temporary "pri- 
vation of business, they ivould have been repaid by a tenfold 
harvest of most lucrative commerce But (action led them 
astray. 'Ihey rendered wholly nugatory all the measures adopt- 
ed to guard their interests, and to extort justice for their 
wrongs. Great Biitain was thus encouragetl to proceed in 
her agressions. This led +o a wasting war. To tlie hostile 
opposition of the mercantile class, therefore, we may fairly 
ascribe its ravages. 

In all the wild, frantic, and fatuitous career of laction — 
ftiom the earliest records of time to the present day, I be- 



THE OLIVE BRANCH. 107 

lieve there is no parallel case. Never did an intelligent, enlight>- 
ened and resjiectable body of men, make so immense, so wanton, 
so irrecoveiable a sacrifice ot" their tlearest interests, and so com- 
jpletely contrary to the dictates of reason and conunoa sense. 

ICT' If Belzebub or Lucifer held the reins of o^overnmaiit, fo- 
'icij and self -interest would dictate that in all contests ivith foreign 
nations, he ought to be supported unless most manifestly and egre- 
giously unjust. liZT" Public spirit and selfishness equally combine 
to enforce this precept. 

How transcend entbj superior Great Britain towers over as, in 
this respect I What a sublime lesson she holds out — what a noble 
eA'ample she offers us to follow. 

She is torn by faction like America. There is a constant 
struggle between the incumbents in oftice and those who pant af- 
cer the seats they fill. But whenever the honour or vital interest 
of the nation is at stake, party in a great measure dies away, or 
at least, becomes incapable of injuring the common cause — all 
unite under the national standard— and till the etid in view is ac- 
complished, distinctions are almost wholly lost in one common 
designation; supporters of their country's interest and honour. 

Not so in America. It is a fatal truth, that at the moment, 
v/hen this page was written, [Sept. 1814] when not merely our 
interest, ond our lionour, but even our very salvation was jeopar- 
dized, faction raged in many places ivith unabated violence; 
and wicked men were incessantly employed in exciting our citi- 
zens to imbrue their hands in the blood of their countrymen,* in- 
stead of preparing to oppose a vindictive enemy. May the God 
of peace and love, dispel the clouds that impend over us — banish 
our discords — and once more unite us in tha bonds »f harmony 
and charity towards each other. Amen. 



CHAPTER XIX. 

British Depredations brought on the tapis in the Senate of the 
United States. Condemnatory Mesoluiions passed. Messrs. 
Pickering, Hillhouse, Bayard, and Tracy, in the affirmative. 
Ambassador extraordinary to England. British goods pro- 
hibited. 

JLN consequence of the presentation of the mercantile memo- 
rials, the Senate of the United States took the subject into their 

* This was the inevitable tendency, although not the declared purpose, »f 
a *^cry considerable number of the pubhcations in cei'tsin »,e\vspapef». 

15 



les THE OLIVE BRANCH. 

most serious consideration; and passed the following Resolution 
on the 10th. Feb. 1806. 

" Resolved tliat the capture and condemnation, under orders of the Bri 
tish govcrniiuMit, :uu! adjudications of their courts of admiralty, of American 
vessels and tlu-ir cargoes, on the pretext of their being employed in a trade 
Mith the enemies of Great Britain prohibiteel irr time of peace, is AN I'N- 
i'ROVOKED AGGRESSION UPON THE PROPERTY OF THE CITI- 
ZENS OF THE UNITED STATES— A VIOLATION OF THEIR NEU 
TRAL RIGHTS— AND c:j AN ENCROACHMENT UPON THEIR NA- 
TIONAL INDEPENDENCE."* 

I liope tlie reader will attentively peruse this resolution. It is 
clear and explicit. It solemnly protests against the revival of 
the exploded rule of the war of 1756, as 



^ 



" An encroachment upon the national independence, and a violation of oi 
neutxal rights." 

Stronc^er language could not well be used. What renders it 
peculiarly rcn'.arkable« is, that it was carried by ^O^an miani- . 
mous vote of the Senate, 2S members present. But secondly and 
chiefly, I beg it may be borne in eternal remembrance, that a- 
mong the names of the Senators who thus voted, are to be found 
those of Messrs. PICKERING, Hillhouse, Bayard, and Tracy. 

7\nother resolution, passed February 14, stands in these 
words : — 

" KesoTved; that the president of the United States be requested to DE- 
MAND the restoration of the property of their citizens captured and con- 
demned on the pretext of its being employed in a trude xtith the enemies of Great 
Jirituin, prohihited in time of peace; and the ivdevniif cation of such American 
citizens for their losses and damages sustained by these captures and condem- 
nations; and to enter into such aiTangements with the British governu.lnt^, 
on these and all other differences between the two nations, (and particularly 
respecting the IMPRESSMENT OF AMERICAN SEA^NiEN) as may be 
consistent with the hc.nour and interests of tlie United States, and n.anitiest 
their earnest desiie, for themselves and their citizens, of that justice to wliick' 
tliey are entitled."-}- 

Tliere was a division upon this resolution. It was carried by- 
twenty affirmative, against six negative votes. Messrs. PICK- 
ERING, liillhouse. Bayard, and Tracy were in the affirmative 
as on the former resolution. , 

To obtain redress from Great Britain, four modes presented 
themselves — negotiation — non-intercourse- — embargo, and war. 

The first in order required to be first essayed. Accordingly* 
the administration entered upon negotiation, and, to attach more* 
solemnity to it, Mr. Wm. Pinkney was appointed minister extra- 
ordinary, and unitod with Mr. Monroe, then resident at the court' 
of St. James's. 

• .lonrnals of the Senate for 1806 — page 126. 
j idem, iiage l.'l 



THE OLIVE BRANCH. 109 

ro give the negotiation a j^reater likelihood of success, an 

act was passed,* making a stron;; appeal to tlie interest of 

Great Britain. By this act, the importation into the United 

■ States was prohibited, of a varietj' of her most important 

manulactures, viz. 

" All articles of which leather is the material of chief value, 

" All articles of which silk is the materiiJ of chief value. 

" All ai-ticies of which hemp or flax is the mateml of chief value. 

" All articles of wliich tin or brass is the material of chief value, tiu 
ill sheets excepted: 
„ " Woollen cloths, whose invoice prices shall exceed five shillings ster- 
ling- pel- square jard. 

•' Woollen hosiery of all kinds. 

" Window g-hiss and all the nianufaotui'es of Sflass. 

" Silver and pl.aed wares. 

" Paper of every description. 

" Xa;ls and spikes. 

" Mats and clothing ready made. 

" AlUiinery of all kinds. 

" Playing cards. 

" Beer, ale, and porter; and pictures and prints." ^,- 

This act was passed on the 18th day of April, 1806, iu t' 
; eompliance with the remonstrances of the merchants, as a jp 
i means of inducing England to abandon her unjust preten- 
sions, and to cease her depredations. And with a laudable 
wi&li to afford lier time to weigh its consequences, and to 
prevent a rupture, its opperation was not to commence till the 
15th. of the following November, a period of seven months. 
j Thus reluctant was our government to have recourse to ex- 
1 tremities, notwithstanding the grevious provocations that had 
been offered. It is impossible to conceive a more lenient 
mode of proceeding, or one reflecting more credit on the 
forbearance of an injured and insulted nation. 

Stdl further to evince the wish of our ruleis to preserve 
peace, the operation of this act was suspended in December 
I 1806, till the 1st of July 18071— and moreover, the presi- 
dent was authorised, " if in his judgment the public good 
should require it, to suspend it still farther till the second 
Monday of December in the same year." 

Here let us pause a moment. Tlie United States had suf- 
fered depredations on their commerce to an enormous amount, 
oy the revival of a pretended rule of the law of nations, 
vhicli had been formally abandoned, and of v/hich revival 
.10 previous notice had been given. And instead of having 
I ecourse to reprisals, or to a declaration of war, either ot 
which would have been perfectly just, the^ adopted the mild 
measure of restraining the commerce of the aggressor, in 
order to make it his "interest to do them justice. Never was 
greater forbearance shewn — never was forbearance worsfi 
re<iu!ted. 

* Laws of the United States, vol. vi. page 80. 
I Idem page 220. 



jlO THE OLIVE BRANCH. 

CHiVPTER XX. 



Jlttack on the. Chesapealce. Proclamation interdicting tmj 

harbours to the British. 

Vt nri.E the depredations sustained by our merchants 
were yet under discussion, a tragical aftair occurred, which 
Still further unfortunately embroiled the two nations. 

The Chesapeake, capt Gordon, sailed from Norfolk on the 
32d. of June, 1807. The Leopard, of 50 guns wliich was 
moored near her weighed anchor shortly afterwards. She soon 
overtook the Chesapeake, and demanded four sailors, three of 
whom had deserted from the British frigate Melampus. The 
fourtli was said to have deserted from a British merchant 
vessel. Commodore Barron, who was on board, refused to de- 
liver them: and in consequence, the Leopard commenced an at- 
tack upon the American frigate, which was wholly unpi-epared 
for resistance. Three men were killed, and sixteen wound- 
ed; among the latter was the commodore, who struck his flag, 
a;id surrendered the vessel. Capt. Humphreys of tlie Leop- 
ard sent an officer on board tlie Chesapeake, wiio seized 
four of her crew, William Ware, Daniel Martin, John Strac- 
lian, and John Wilson. 

Of the four persons, thus seized, one was brought to trial 
at Hali.ax, and, bein-^ found guilty of desertion, was hanged. 
One died in confinement. The other two were retained in 
bondage till June 13th, 1812, when they were restored to free- 
dom on board the Cliesapeake, at Boston. 

This outrage excited the utmost indignation throughout the 
United States, and for a time united all parties in the com- 
mon clamour for reparation of the insult and injury, or war. 
The federalists were as loud in their denunciations of the 
lawless violence as the democrats. 

1 have already stated the prudence of the then president, 
Mr. Jefferson. The attack took place on the 22d, of June— 
and he delayed the extra meeting of congress till the 2Gth. of 
October, to afibrd time for the ellervescence of the public to 
subside. This wise measure saved the country from war at 
that period. 

But to guard against simila'- outrages, and against others 
which we had sulfered within our own jurisdiction from 
British vessels of war, the president issued a proclamation 
forbidding them the eutrance into our ports and liaibours, of 
which I subjoin a copy. 

PROCLAMATION. 

Durin;^ the wars which, for some time, have unhappily pitvaiJcd amon^- 
the powers ofEuro[ic, the United States of America, iirmin their prinriple*: 



THE OLIVE BRANCH. Ill 

jt peace, have cnfleavoured by justice, by a regular discharjyc of all their 
national and social duties, and by every frienilly oihcc their situation has 
admitted, to niaintiin with the belligerents their accuslonied n-htions of 
i'liendship, hosiiitality and connnerciid intercourse. Taking- no part in the 
questions which aaimatc the powers against each otlier, nor pennitting' 
theniseh-es to entertain a wisli but for the restoration of general peace, 
they have observed with good faith the neutrality they assumed; and they 
beheve that no instance of a departure from its duties can be justly imputed 
to them by any nation. A free use of their harbours and waters, the means 
of refitting and of refreshment, of succorto their sick and suffering, liave, at 
all "-imes, uiid on equ;d principles, been extended to ail, and this too amidst 
a constant recurrence of acts of iosubordinution to the laws, of violence to 
the persons, and of trespasses, on tlic property of our citizens, committed l)y 
otiicers of the belligerent parties received among us. In truth, these 
abuses of tlie laws of ho.fpitality have, with few exceptions, become habitual 
to the commanders of the British armed vessels hovering on our coasts, and 
frequenting our harbours. They have been the subject of repeated repre- 
sentations to their government. Assurances have been given tliat proper 
orders should restrain them within the limits of tlie rights and of the res- 
pect due to a friendly nation: but those ordei-s and assurances have been 
\vithout efiect; no instaTice of punishment for past wrongs has taken place. 
At length, a deed, transcending aU we have hitlierto seen or suiiered, brings 
the pubhc sen sibdivy to a serious crisis, and our forbearance to a necessary 
pause. A frigate of the United States, trusting to a state of peace, and 
leaving her harbour, on a distant service, has been surprised and attacked 
b}' a British vessel of superior force — one of a squadron then lying in our 
waters, and covering the transaction; and has been disabled from service, 
with tlie loss of a number of men killed and wounded. — This enormity was 
■ not only without provocation or justitiable cause, bat was committed with the 
avowed purpose of taking by force, from a sliip of war of the United States, 
apart of her crew and Uiat no circumstances might be wanting to mark 
its character, it hq,d been previously ascertained, that the seamen demanded 
ere native citizens of tlie United States. Having effected his purpose, he; 
iCturaed to anchor with his scjuadron within our jurisdiction. Hospitality 
under such circumstances ceases to be a duty : and a continuance of it, with 
such uncontrolled abuses, would tend only by multiplying injuries and irrita- 
tions, to bring on a rupture between the two nations. Tliis extreme resort 
15 ecjually opposed to the interest of both, as it is to assurances of the most 
friendly dispositions on the part of the British government, i: the midst of" 
which this outrage has been committed. In this hght, the 'subject cannot 
hni jn-esent itseh", to that government, and strengthen the motives to an 
honourable reparation of the wrong wluch has been done, and to that effectu:il 
^•ontrol of its naval commanders which alone can justily the government of 
the United States intheexerci.scs of those hospitalities it is now coastrained 

') discontinue. 

In consideration of these circumstances, and of tiie right of ever}' natioE 
) reg-ilate its own police, to provide for its peace and for the safety of its citi- 
ens, and consequently to refuse the admission of armed vessels into its har- 
ours or waters, either in such numbers or of such descriptions, as are in- 
)nsistent with these, or with the nialntainance of the authority of the laws, 
: iiave thought proper, in pursuance of tlic authorities sjiecially given by 
law, to issue this my jjrociamation, hereby requiring all armed vessels bear- 
ing commission under the go\ernment of Great Britain, now within the 
harbours or waters oi' the United States, immediatel}' and without any de- 
lay to depart from the same; and intt^rdicting the entrance of all tiie said 
harbours and waters to the said armed vessels, and to all otiiers bearing coin- 
emissions under the authority of the British government. 

And if the said vessels, or any of tliem, shall fail to depart as aforesaid, Or 
if they or any others, so interdicted, shall hereafter enter the hari)ours or 
waters aforesaid, I do in thatca.se forbid all intercourse with thera or any 
ot tliem, their oHicers and crews; and do prohiipit all supplies and aid from 
being furnished to thera or imy of them. 



112 THE OLIVE BRANCH. 

And I do declare and make known, that if any pei-son from, or within th« 
Jlirisdiction uiul Umits of the United States, shall afford any aid to any such 
ressel, contrary to the prohibition contained i)i tins j)roclamation, either In 
refitUng any s ich vessel, or in furnishing her, her othccrs, or crew, with sup- 
plies of any kind, or in any manner whatsoever, or in, if any pilots shall assist 
in navigating any of the s;iid armed vessels; unless it be for the purpose of 
carrying tnem, in the first instance, beyond the limits ..nd jurisdiction oftlie 
TTnited States, or unless it be in the case of a vessel forcea by distress, or 
charged with public despatches as herein;ifier provid«d for, sucii person or 
persons sh;ill, on conviction, suffer all the pains aud penalties by the laws 
provided for such offences. 

And I do hereby enjoin and require all pereons beai-ing office, civil or 
military, within or under the authority oftlie United States, and all others, 
citizens or iniiabitants thereof, or being within the sai^ie, with vigilance and 
promptitude to exert their respective authorities, and to be aiding and as- 
sisting to the carrying tlxis pi'oclamation, and every pai't thereof, into full 
•ffect. 

l*i'ovided nevertheless, that if any such vessel shall be forced into the har- 
bours or waters of the United States by disti-ess, by tlie dangers of ihe sea, or 
by the pursuit of an enemy, or shall enter tliem charged wi h despatches 
or business from their government, or shall be a public packet for the convey- 
ance of letters ordespatclies, the cominanding officer immediately reporting 
his vessel to the coJJecior of tiie district, stating the object or causes oi enter- 
ing the said liarboui-s or watei"s, and conforming himself to the regulations in 
tliat case prescribed under the authority of the laws, shall be allowed tlie 
benefit of such regidations, respecting rep;iii-s, supphes, sta}', intercourse 
and departure, as shall be permitted under tiie same authority. 

in testimony whereof, I have caiised the seal, &c. 

Given at Washington the second day of July, one thousand 
eight hundred and seven, and of tlie independence of 
tJie United States the thirty-first. 

TH. JEFFERSON. 
By tlie President, 

Ja.hes Madisox, Secretary of State. 

At this distance of time, it is hardly possible to realize the 
indijiuation, the ab!iorrent".e, tlie resentment, universally ex- 
cited by the outrajrj'ous conduct of Captain Humphreys. It 
pervaded every quarter of the union, without exception. All 
party distinctions were lost for the moment. Federalists and 
democrats, foreigners and natives, all uni'ed in the strongest 
call upon the government to procure redress for t!ie outrage. 
War was contemplated throughout the union, and there was 
hardly a meeting held, of which the members did not most 
solemnly pledge themselves to support the constituted au- 
thorities in whatever measures miglit be rcqui.-iitc for i\\v 
defence of the national rights and national honour. 

To enable the reader to form some idea of the fervid state 
of the public mind, I submit the I'lllowing extracts to his pe- 
rusal. Tliey are fair specimens of tiic universal sentiment 
on this interesting topic. 

Extracts from the j.)roceedings of a meetinq^ nf the citizens of liichmond, heln 

July 1, imj. 

^'Ifesolvecl, That while we deprecate the horrors of war, and approve all hon 
oiirable means of averting them, we possess the finti hope that the government 
of ^le United States will «7w;^# r/iw uw/»«r«//W«/ tvfni'^r -rifh the spirit wltidt 



THE OLIVE BRANCH. 113 

htcomes the nation, and which the nation feels; believing as we do, that how- 
ever uiie([iiul niav be our naval strength, our enemies have nevertheless vul- 
nerable points within oui- reach, tlirough which we may be able to strikethem 
\-itaIIv." 

Extract from the proceetlinirs of the citizens of West Chester, Jnhj A:, 1^07. 

" lies-olved iinanimondi/, Th.it we shall consider the Government of (ireat 
Britain as havinEj forfeited all claim to the friendsh.p and hospitality of the 
government and^people of the United States, until ample and proper satis- 
faction be made; and in conformity therewith, we do solemnly pledge 
oui-selves to maintain the strict observance of the proclamation of the presi- 
dent of the United States, by every means in our power. 

" Resolved, 'I hat we shall at all times, be prepared to encounter all hazards, te 
maintain the ri^;Us aTid irul.'pewlence of our country ~j>ith our lives and our for- 
ttnies; suid tliat we will support the administration of the general govern- 
ment in every proper measure which it may adopt, in tlie alternative of z 
coerced reU-i'bution of our wrongs, or in calling forth the energy and resour- 
ces of the people at this important crisis." 

Extract from the proceedings of the citizens of Le-iuistotim and its vicinity, July 10, 

1807. 

"Resolved unanimously. That the repeated aggressions and violations com- 
mtted btf Great Britain' against all neutral nations in genei-al, and pai-ticularly 
against the persons and privileges of our citizens, as a free and independent peo- 
ple, have excited in u.s just'abhon-ence and indignation; tliat the late out- 
rage by the Leopard ship of war against the Chesapeake, we consider as 
a premeditated insult -to our government and national character, and wear- 
ing so barbarous an aspect, tliat longer patience would degrade the name of 
Americans. 

"Resolved unammouslv, That if upon the meeting of Congress, it shal|» 
be found necessarv to resort to hostile measures aganist Great Britam for 
the atUinmentof'iurtice, we will cheerfully submit to any deprivations, or 
hardships attendant on a state of war; and we will make every exertion to 
perfect ourselves in the military art, and equip ourselves to oppose the b?ise 
and coward'y enemy of our country." 

Extract from the' proceedings of the citizais of Alexandria, Jnne 27, 1807. 

« Resolved, That the tyrannic conduct of the Britisli nation on the ocestu 
has justly rendered her odious among all civilized powers. 

"Resolved, That we view the late savage aild dastardl} outrage commit- 
ted by the Leopard British ship of war on tiie United States frigate Chesa- 
peake with due incUgnation." 

Extract from the proceedings of the citizens of Wilmington, I) eUitv are. My 4, 
1807, the ve7ierable John Dicki7ison in the chuir. 

i'Resolved, That we view with the strongest sentiments ■ f Indignation and 
ablioiTCnce the late unprovoked, lawless, and ferocious attack made by the 
British s'.iip of war Leopard upon the frigate Chesapeake, and the darmg 
insult offered thereby to the flag, the government, and the people of the U. 
States." 

Extract from the proceedings of the citizens of Baltimore, Jime 30, 1807. 

" Resolved unanimously. That we view witli iiuliguation and horror the 
v,fanton attack lately made upon the Chesapeake frigate by the Bntisji ship 
of war, Leopai-d, by which many of oui- fellow-citizens have been kdled and 
wounded, and the government and flagof our countiy most grossly insulted. 

« Resolved unanimouslv. That we have pertect confidence in the wisdom 
and firmness of the administration to enforce satisfaction for an outrage so 
glaring and injurious to the honor and dignity of our country. 

" Resolved unanimously. That -we ivilliuith tnir lives and fortunes support the 
government in all such measures as they may adopt on this momentous occasion, t» 
obtain redress and satisfaction for the outrage aforesaid." 



114 THE OLIVE BRANCH. 

Extract from the procesdinsfs of the citizenn of PbiladelpJda, July 1, 1807. Joseph 

UupUiison, esq. secrctctri/ * 

" Resolved, That the conduct of treat Britain towards the United State, 
has been too often iiiarlicd by hostility, injustice, and oppression; and tlia' 
the outraj;o committed by the Leopard, one ot her ships of w ar, under the 
express oi-ders of one of her admirals, upon tlie Chesapc.ike, a frigate be 
longing to ;he I'nitcd States, is an act of such consumate violence and wrong-, 
and of so barbarous and nuu-derous a character, that it would debase andde 
giMle a.iv nation, and much mare so, a nation of freemen, to submit to it. 

'•'Resolved, That \vc will support the administration of the general gov- 
ernn'cnt in :dl and everj measure which may be adopted by them, to avenge 
the wrong-s our country has sufiered fiom Great Britain, ai.d to compel the 
inost rigid reUibution; and that to attain a full measure of justice from her, 
We pledge ouri^elves to make any sacrifices, and to encounter any hazards. 

" Resclved, That by the laws and usages of nations, a national ship is al- 
wavs exempt and free from examination or search, by any foreign vessel oV 

power. 

Jlenlved, That this premeditated outrage is considered as tantamount to a 
declaration of war on the part of Great Britain, and as evincive of an irreconci- 
lable hostility totliis nation. 

" Penoivi'd, That we entertain a confidence, that the government of the 
United feta'es will adcipt the most decisive and vigorous measures to obtain 
reparat'oii for th.e injuries and wrongs sustained from the government of 
Great Britain." 

Hxtractfrom the proceedings of a meeting of citizens of Pittsburg, held Jtdy 10, 

1807, 

"Resolved, That the late outrageous and hostile conduct of the officers 
of the British nu.\y, tr the flag of tlie United States on the coast of Virginia^ 
has excited our iiighest indignation. 

"Resolved, That it is the duty of every true American to aid the govern- 
ment of our country in all measures having a tendency to protect its best in- 
terest, its honour and independence." 

Extract from the hrocec dings of the citizens of J^urfulk, June 24. 

" Resolved unanimously. That we view the luiprovoked, piratical, savage, 
and assa5,sin.like attack upon the Chesapeake with that horror and detesta- 
tion vliich should always attend a violation of th-* faith of nations and the 
laws of war; and wc pledge our lives and our property to co-operate with 
the goverrment in any measures which they may adopt, whetlier of vengeance 
or retaliation." 

Extract from an address of a committee appointed in JVorfulk, to their felloiu Citi- 
zens, dated Jnlii 11, 1807. 

"The last deed of savage ferocity, unparalleled even in the naval annals of 
Britain, uw-akcned the seniiment of abhorrence in every breast. Every voice 
•was loud iirits call tor rep;iration, conimeiisurate to the insult; British in- 
solence and l);u-barity had re ached the 7t(? /^///s ultra. They had the unblush- 
ing eflidnleiy to claim the nglits ol'hospitality, while their hands were crim- 
bi-nedaiid smoking with tic blood of your country men; even at the instant 
they liad declared war, in Sight of those slioies from which, not many 
years past, their di-scomfited and recreant nnrmidons were driven with dis- 
ffKicc; in sight oftho.se monuments, which fill yotir breasts with a holy and 
aspiring- admiration i\>r the valour and triumplis of your forefathers.' The 
nation was unexpectedly l>lunged into var, and yourselves the first exposed 
to its I'lUhless blast, 'i'he choice of tan. e .sutuiission or resistance was for- 
ced on your consideration; with one voice you declared tliat your ancestors 
had wrested their rights, their liberties, and independence from the suflb- 
cathiggi-a.sp of Britisii tyranny, by the sword; and th^t you, their posterity, 
had resolved with it to defend and to perpetuate the hallowed patrimony." 

•To readers at a distance from Philadelphia, it may not be amiss to "state, 
that Mr. Iloi^kinson is and has always been as decided li federalist as Uarri- 
Bon Graf Otii>, Timothy rickerhig, or Josiah Uuiiicy. 



THE OLIVE BRANCH. 116 

Extract from the proci-cdings uf tile Citizens of Mew Turk, July 2, 1807. 

" Huvini-- ]-eccivcd, with llie jiiost lively iiidig'n.'ition; authentic informa- 
tion, tliut'on the 22il ull. an attack, iinwarrantecl b} tlie known usages of 
nations, and in violation of our national rights, was made ott" tlie capes of 
\'ivginia, on tlic United Stales' frig'ute Chesapeake, eoiiimodore liarroii, 
by his Bi-itannic majesty's armed siiip the Leop;ird, captain Humphieys • 
the citiiens of New York, assembled in ji^enerat meeting-, deem it to b<^ 
ilicii- duly to express their opinions on tins fresh outrage offered to their 
national sovereignly by the navy of (hxat Britain. 

" licsolved, diat we "consider tiie dastardly and unprovoked attack made 
in the United SLites' armed ship Chesapeake, by bis Britannic n\ajesty's 
siiip, tiie Leopard, to be a violation of our national nghts, as atrocious as it 
is un])recedented." 

Last ill the long list, let inc tike tlie liberty of oftering to 
the world the sentiuionts oT the citizens ol" iJoston, in town 
meeting, held iu the court-house. 

Boston, July 10, 180". 

"Whereas it appears, by a proclamation issued by tlie president of the 
United States, that a most wanton and cruel outrage has been commit- 
ted upon the United States' frigate Chesapeake, by the British ship of 
war Leopard, iu which our citizen's have been wounded and murdered, 
and the flag of our nation insulted atid violated. And whereas it is the 
duly, as well as right, oi' tlic citizens of a free country to express their 
readiness to support the ponstituted authorities in the measures thev 
may adopt for national redress of an injurj' so bai'bai-ous ii> its nature, and 
so unprecedented in its (execution: therefore, ' 

" Resolved unanimously, That the late aggression, connnitted by a Bri- 
tish ship of war on a frigate of the United States, for the avo\vcd jjur- 
pose of t;dcing from her by force a part of her crew, was a wanton out- 
rage upon tlie persons and lives oi' our 'citizens, and a direct attack on 
our national sovereignty aiid independence ; that the spirited conduct of 
our fellow citizens at Norfolk on iJiis occasion, before the orders of gov- 
ernment could be obtained, was highly honourable to themselves and t(> 
the nation. 

" Kesolved unanimously, ThsX {S^tlie Jirvi, dignified and temperate pofici- 
adopted by our execniive at l/tis tnotneiitoiis crisis is entitled to our most cor- 
dial approbation and support. 

" Resolved unanimously, Tliat with all «ui' personal influence and e\- 
erdons we will aid and assist the constituted authorities in canying the 
proclamation of the president of the United Suites, in every particular, 
into full and eilcctu:d execution. 

'• Resolved unanimously, That though v.'e unite with our government in 
wishing most ardently for peace on just and honourable terms, ) ct 03°we 
are ready cheerfully to co-operate in any measures, hcM^ever serious, 
wliich they may judge necessary for the satet}^ and honour of our couri' 
try, and will support tliem with our lives and fortunes." 

Besides- the above meeting, there was another held in Bos- 
ton, at Faneuil Hall, on the 16th July, 1807, at which John 
Coffin Jones, esq. acted as moderator. John Quiucy Adams. 
Harrison Gray Oiisy Win. Eitstis, Christopher Gore^ Charles 
Jones, John C. Jones, Tliomas H. Perkins Jonathan Mason, 
and John Warren, esqrs. were appointed a ctxnniittee to pre- 
pare a report, which contained the following resolutions — 

Rosolved, that we consider the unprovoked attack made on the United 
Stites armed ship Chesapeake, bytlie British sliip of war Leopard, a wan 
ton outrage upon the lives of our fellow-citizens, a direct vielation of our 
national honour, and an infringement of our national rights and sovereignty, 

16 



1 16 THE OT.IVE BRANCH. 

Kesolvcd, flint w-'i most sincerely app^()^c the proclaTftalioii, and the 
tinii and dispubsionatc course of pol'icy purstied by tlie president of the 
Ignited States, and ttc will cordially luiite with our fellow-citi/ens in afl'ord- 
;t»g cUecuial supjiort to such nieusiires as our g-overinnent may further 
adopt, in the present crisis of our aflairs. 

To lliose uiKscquainted with the solemnity and regularity of 
ilie proceedings in IJoslon town meetings, it may not be im- 
prop;;r to state, that there is probably no town ni the world 
whose public meetings are conducted with more propriety and 
decoruu' — and that these resolutions may be regarded as full 
and as fair an expression of the sentiments of the citizens of 
the town as ever was given. 

I liave already offered a few reflections on the charge of 
French influence, so universally alleged against Mr, Jefferson, 
and so generally believed by "^ the federalists throughout the 
union. At the period of passing these resolves, he had been 
»n office six years and four months, out of eight years of his 
presidency. And, behold, the town of Boston, alter so long 
an experience of his conduct in this dignified and arduous 
iiiTice. pa.-;ses on liim the highest encomiums for his ^'firm, and 
(Hspasaionata coiirsp of policy,^' at a crisis of the utmost del- 
ioacv. \''f'hat a contrast — what a contradiction between this 
panegyric and the never-ending abuse, tlie remorseless viru- 
I<!nce' with which he has been assailed from that period to 
the picsent, in that town, by men, the major part of whom 
wei-e probal)ly at the nteeting, and concurred in this vote of 
iipprobatioii ! Alas ! alas I what a poor, miserable, contetrtpti- 
ble, seirseless animal is man ! To how little purpose is he 
cndow'.Hl with that proud, distinctive faculty, called reason, ot 
which he makes so little use ! 

It, ia due tor justice, and the spirit of impartiality which I 
have studiously laboured to pi-eserve throughout this work, to 
^r.ite, that, previous to the sailing- of the Chesapeake, Mr. Ha- 
milton, the British consul at Norfolk, had made repeated oiH- 
<. ial demaiuls of these four seamen, which demands were re- 
pelled by the officers on board the Chesapeake, with the con- 
currence" and approbation of the- cabinet at Washington. This 
refusal led to the orders issued by admiral Berkeley, then at 
Halifax, to Captain Humphreys, to take the men by force. 

It is also due to justice, to state, that as these men had 
entered voluntarily on board the Chesapeake — and as Great 
Britain steadily refuses to surrender foreigners who enter her 
vessels voluntarily — the claim made for these lour sailors was 
rut justijied or ^\arranted by her own practice. 

The following account of three of the four men thus seized. 
]i extracted from a letter written by commodore liarron, to the 
secretary of the. navy, and dated April 7tlu 1812. It arose 
tron» tiie recpiisition of the British Consul at Norfolk, for the de- 
livery of these persons. 

•' XVJU^juii Ware, i>rcsscdfrom on board the brig Neptune, captain Cratts, 
by the Hrilish frigate Melampus, in tke b»y of Biscay, and Uas sewed ofc 
Lio'ird I If said fr'!;atfe tifteiMi iitgntlifi. 



IHKOLIVK BRAiNCJl. il" 

•• Willium Ware is a native Ameiicaii, born on Pipe creek, Frederick coyu- 
i^-, state of \lar\'l:md; at Briioo's mills, and served liis time at said mills, 
He also Jived at Ellicott's mills, near Bidtiniorc, and drove a wagg-oi\ several 
years Ik- t,\ ecu Hagerstown and Baltimore. He also served eighteen months 
on hoard tho United States' iVig-ate Chesapeake; under the counmand ofconi- 
niodore .Moms and Captain James Barron. He is an Indian-looking inan. 

"l)u iel Afartin was pressed at the same time and place. He is a native 
of Wes -port in Massachusetts about tiiivty miles to the eastward of Newport, 
Rhode Inland; served his time out of New- York witli captain Marrowhy, in 
the Ca.edonia; refcrt; to Mr. Uenjamm Dans, merchant, and Mr. iJenjamiii 
Corce of W'est-port. He is a coloured man. 

"John Strachan, born on the easieni shore of Maryland, (iueen Ann'i> 
county, between Centerville and (iueen's-town; refers to Mr. John 

I'rice, and Pratt, Esq. on Kent island, who know his relations. 

Strachan sailed in the brig .Martha Bland, captain Wivdl, from New-York to 
Dublin, and from thence to Liverpool. He lliere left the brig and shipped 
on board an Enghsii Guineaman. He was pressed onboard the Mclanipu.-. 
oft' cape Finisterre; to better his situation he consented to enter, being de- 
teriiiined to make his escape w^hen opportunity ollcred. He served on board 
the frigate two years. He is a white man, about live feet seven inches hig'h. 

" VVd:i:im Ware and John Strachan have protections. Uaaiel Alai'tin says 
he los^ h.s after leaving the frigaic." 

While the American u:ind was festering luuler tlie atrocioiir. 
outrage perpetrated by Capt. Humphreys, the British government 
isiu^d a prochimation, directing the search for, and seiiiireof 
subjectson board neuti;;d merchant vessels, of vvhicii I subjoin th<- 
twopriucipal [>aragrapiis. 

■ 'For the better execution of the inn-poses of this oiu- loyal pjoclamation, 
j v^e do authorize andconnnand all ca;)tains, masters, and others connuanding 
our ships and vessels of war, to stop and. make stay of all and e\cry sucli 
person or persons (being oar natural born subjects) as shall endeavor to 
transport or enter themselves jntd the service of any foreign state, contrary 
to the intent and command of this our royal proclamation, and to seize upon; 
; take, and bring away all sucli persons as aforesiud, who shall be found to be 
employed or serving in any foreign merchant ship or vessel as aforesaid : 
but we do strictly enjoin all such of our .captains, m.aster.s, and others, that 
they do permit no man to go on board such ships and vessels belonging to 
states at amity with us, for the purpose of seizing upon, taking-, and bringing 
away, such persons as aforesaid, for whose discreet and orderl}' demeanor, the 
said captains cannot answer; 'and that they do take especial care that no un- 
riecessary violence be done or o'lered to the vessel, or to the remainder oi 
the crew, from out of which such persons shall be taken. 

'' And in case of their receiving information of any such person or persons 
being employed, or serving on board any ship of war belonging to such for- 
eign state, bemg a state at amity with u.s, we do authorize and command our cajj- 
tams, masters, and oihei-s commanding ouf ships of war, to requi.re of the cap- 
tain or commander of such foreign ship of \var, that he do forthwith release 
and discharge such person or persons, being our natural born subject or sub- 
jects; and it such release and discharge shall be refused, tlien to transmit in- 
tbrmation of such refusal to the commander in chief ot the squadron under 
wlijose orders such captain or commander.; shall be then serving; which in- 
fonnation the said commander in chief is hereby strictly directed and en- 
joined to transmit, with the least po.ssible delaj, to our minister residing at 
tlie Seat of government of that state to which the said foreign ship of war 
shall belong, to demaml reparatigu for the injury done to us by the unwar- 
rantable detention of our naturaj boin subjects in the service of a foreign 
state." 



lis THE OLIVE BHANCJL 

CHAPIER XXT. 

Blockade of the Coast from Hit Elba to fir est. Berlin Decree 

JLxsTEAD of redressing the grievances of which our jiierchauts 
so loudly, and so eloquently, and so justly complained, the Bri- 
tish irovernment, on the l6th. of May, 1806, under the adminis- 
tration of the celebrated Charles James Fox, issued a proclama- 
tion, blockading the coast of Germany, Holland, and France, 
from the Elba to Brest, extending to about 800 miles. There 
never was an adequate force stationed to effect a legal blockade of 
a third part of the coast included within the proclamation. 

The French government, exasperated at this offensive and un- 
justifiable measure, retaliated on Great Britain by the notorious 
Berlin decree, whereby the whole of the British dominions were 
declared to be in a state of blockade, although a single French ves- 
sel of war hardly dared to shew itself on the seas 1 I ! 
Imperial decree declaring- the British Isles in a state of Blockade. 

Imperial Camp, Berlin, A^ov. 21, 1806. 

Napoleon, Emperor of the French. :ind King of Italy, considenng: 

1. That England does not admit the right of nations, as universally ac- 
knnw ledged b; all civilized people, 

2. That she declares as an enemy every individiuil belonging to an en- 
emy state; and in consequence makes prisoners of war, not only of the crews 
of armed vessels, but those also of 7nerchant vessels, and even the supercar- 
goes of the same; • '' 

3. That she extends or apphes to merchant vessels, to articles of com- 
merce, and to the property ot mdividuals, the right of conquest, which can 
onlv be a])plied oi' extended to what belongs to an enemy state; 

4. That she extends to ports not fortified, to harboiu-s and mouths of rivers, 
the J-/;--',? of blockade, which according to reason and the usage of civilized 
iia ions, is applicable on.y to strong or fortillcd ports; 

5. That slio d(.-clares ))laces blockaded before which she h.xs not a single^ 
vessel of w.ir; although a place ought not to be considered blockaded but 
wlien it is so invested as that no a])proacli 1o it can be made without iuuni- 
nent hazard: tliat sJic declares cv^n places blockaded which her united for- 
ces would be incapable of doing, such as entire coasts, and a whole empire; 

6. Tlial tliis unequalled abuse of the riglit of'blockadc has no other ob- 
ject Oian to interrupt the communication of ditfevint nations, and to extend 
the commerce and industry of England upon the rain of tJiose of the conti- 
rcnt; 

7. That this being the evident design of England, whoever deals on the 
continent in English merchandise favours that design, and becomes an iic- 
coniplicc; 

8. 'Ihitt this conduct in England (wortliy only of the first ages of barl)ar- 
ihin) lias bcnefitedher to the detriment ot other nations; 

9. That it being right to oppose to an meniy the same arms she makes 
use of; to combat as slic does; when all idetts of justice, and every liberal sen- 
timent (the result of civilization among nicn) are disregarded: 

Me li;u e re solved (o eniorce ag:unst England tlie nsages wlijch she has 
consecrated in hermaritime code. 

The piTsent decree shall !)C considered as tlie fundamental law of the 
emph-e, until England has acknowledgt d that the ngliin of war are the same 
on lajid as at sea; that it cannot be extended to any private property what 
evei-, nor to persons w ho arc not milit.ir}-, and until the right of blockading 
be roHirMined to fortiiied places actually jjivtsicd by competent forces. 



THE OLIVE BRANCH. 11** 

Article 1- The IJritisU islands are in a stuTC of hlotkiule. 

2. All commerce inid corrcspoiideiKo \vitli them is prohibited. Conse, 
iiuentlv, all letters or packets written in Eii.nhmd, or to an Kiiglishnian, -wril- 
itn in the Ev^lish lanpiage, shall not be dcspatclied from the po;;t-offices; 
and shall be seized. 

3. Every individual, a subject of Great Kritain, ot whatever rank or con- 
dition, wlio is tiiiind. in countries occupied by our troops or thos^i of our 
aUies,-shall be made :i prisoner of war. 

4. Every w»re-liouse, all merchandize or property whatever, belonging 
to an Englishman, are declared good prize. 

5. One half of the ]n-oceeds of merchandize declared to be good prize 
and forfeited as in the preceding articles, shall go to indemnify merehant-; 
who have sviflered losses by the English cruisers. 

6. N vessel coming directly from England or her colonies, or having been 
there since the publication of this decree, sliall be admitted into any port, 

7. Every vessel that, by a false declaration, contra vcnes tlie foregoing dispo- 
sition, shall be seized, and tlie ship and cargo confiscated as English proper- 
ly. ■ 

' 8. [This article states, that the councils of prizes at Paris and at Milan 
shall have recognizance of what may arise in the empire and in Italy under 
the present article.] 

9. Communications of this decree shall be made to the kings of Spain, 

N'aplcs, Holland, Eti-uria, and to our other allies, whose subjects, as well as 

ours, are victims of the injuries and barbarity of the English maratime code. 

11). Ovu' ministers of foreign relations, &c. are charged with ihe cxecu 

lion of the present deci'ee. 

NAPOLEON. 
Extravagant as this decree appears, it is capable of some de- 
fence ; a defence not void of plausibility. It was promulga- 
ted to retaliate the blockade ot a great extent of coast, of 
which, as I have stated, two-thirds were not invested by any 
force whatever. Xnd it cannot be denied that if the block- 
ade of a single port three miles in extent, much more a long 
line of coast, without a force to support it, be legal, the block- 
ade of the^ British dominions, or even of a whole continent, 
without a force, is likewise legal. And I am persuaded that 
Capt P)6yli's celebrated blockade of the British dominions, was 
• |uite as legal and defensible, as the late blockade of such 
]>orts of the United States as had no naval force stationed 
before them. 

So far as respected American vessels, the Berlin decree was 
)Kit enforced for twelve months. This is a most important 
fact, and is not asserted lightly. It stands on respectable au- 
rhority, to which no objection will lie. Tlws authority is Alex- 
aHder Baring, Est[. member of the British house of commons. 

" j\'e cond&nnatwn of an American vessel had ever taken place under it , 
and so little did the French privateers interfere vi^ith the trade of Ameri- 
ca with this country that tht inmrunce on it has been very little Mgher 
than in time of profound peace ,- while tljat on the American trade with, 
the contineiit of Europe Iuls at the same time been doubled and even 
ti-ebled by the conduct of our ci-uizers."* 

Be.sides the above authority, i annex an official proof of my 
position :-- - 

*" Enquiry into the causes and consequences of the orders in council; 
and an examination of the conduct of fireat Britain towards the neutral 
commerce of America. Bv Alexander Baring, esq. M. P." London, pub- 
lished February, 1808. Republished in Philadelphia, by Bradford and Inskcep. 



igo THE OLIVE BRAIN Cll. 

Paris, Mv- U, 180; 

SiB_it was not till yesterday that I j-eceived IVom Mr. Skijnvith a c«- 
pv of the decree of tli'e council of prizes, iii the case of tlie Ilorizolfi. 
This is the fu'^' uvfrkncUy decision of that body imdei- the decree of the 21'^ 
^f JK^v, 1806. In this ease, and on the petition of tl\e defendant, the 
court has recommended the restoration of the vihok cargo. I did not 
however think proper to join in asking as a favour, what 1 believed my- 
- .ll' entitled to as a right. I subjoin a copy of my note to the ministei 
of foreign affairs. And am sir, &c. 

.Mr. Madi^o,^ &c. . lOHX ARMSTRONX.. 



CHAPTER XXII. 

Orders in Council of JVoveinber 11th, 1807. Milan Deem. 

As a retaliation for the preceding BtMlin decree, were issued 
the orders of Nov. 11, IbOr, whereby all ncutnd vessels, bound 
10 France, or her dependencies, or to any port from which 
British vessels were excluded — and further, all vessels famish- 
ed with French consular certificates of the origin of the car- 
goes, were declared liable to seizure and condemnafion. This 
measure, so destructive to the rij^hts and interests of the Uni- 
ted States, was prediraled upon our ac([uiesence in the Berlin 
decree of November, 'P06, twelve months anterior, although 
that decree, as 1 have »rated, had not been enforced against 
our commerce, and of course we had no right to remonstrate 
against it. There did not, therefore exist tliut acquiescence 
w'liich could have warranted this high-handed outrage. 

To enable the reader to judge correctly on the subject of 
these celebrated orders, I annex a copy of them at full length. 
Jit the Court of the (Queen's Palace, the 11th of A'*oveniber, 1807, 
present, the King-^s most excellent Majesty in Council. 

AVhereas certiilii orders, establishing an unprecedented system of war- 
fare against this kingdom, and aimed ebpecially at the destruction of its 
commerce and resources, were some time since issued by the government 
of Trance, by -which "the British islands were declared to be in a state 
of blockade ;" tliereb} subjecting to capture and coiidcmnation all vessel? 
with theii- cargoes, wliich should continue to trade with his nuijesty's do- 
minions : 

And whereas by Ihe same orders, " all trading in Knglish merchandize 
j.i prohibited; and every article of merchandize belonging to England, or 
coming from her colonies, or of her manufacture, is declared lawful prize." 

And whereas the nations in alliance with France, and under her con- 
troul, were required to give, and have given, and do give, elVcct to such 
orders : 

And whereas his majesty's order of the 7th of Januaiy last, has not 
answered tlie desired puipose, eitlier of compelling the enemy 1«> recall 
those oiilers, or of inducing n<.utral nations to interpose, wilji effect to 
obtain tlifir revocation ; but, on the contiary, the same have been re 
ccntly enibreed with increased rigoiu- : 

And whc-ri xs liis majesty, under tliese circumstances, finds himself com- 
pelled to lake further measures for as-titiug and vindicating his just 
riglus, and for supporting that niaratiiiie jjower which the exertions and 
valour of his people have, under the l)k;ssing of providence, enabled hinj 
to Cbtublisli aiid mainUiu ; suid tlie maii^tenanct- of which vi nni more 



THE OLIVE RRANCII. 121 

!«5sential to the safety and prosperity of his aiajcsty's dominions, than it 
Is to t!tc protection of sue ly states, :is still retain tlieir independcnct, and 
to til. general intercourse and liapj/iness of mankind. 

His nuijesty is therefore pleased, by and witli the adN ice of his privy conn- 
ril to order, and it is hereby ordered, that nil ports ant! places of France and 
her allies, or of anij other coimtrij at v.-ar ni'ith his niujes! :.', and all (jIIut ports or 
!>laces in Europe, from -n'/iich, althovgh net at -.car ii-ith h'n miijesty the liritish 
/''(in- is excluded, and all the ports or places i7i the colonies Oetonging to /lis ma- 
i^-s/ii's enemies, shall from henceforth, be subject to llie same restrictions in point of 
Trade and nuvi^aiion, ivith the eTceptioim hereinafter mentioned, as if the sanr 
■ivere actnallii blockaded by his ■i)tajestii\^ naval forces, in the most strict and rigo- 
'■ons manner. And it is hereby farther ordered and declared, that all trade 
in articles which are of tJic produce or maiviifacture oi' the said countries or 
colonies; shall be deemed and considered to be unlawful; and that every vessel 
tradins^ from or to tlie said countries or colonies, together with goods and 
mercliandize on boaixl, and all articles of the i)rodiice or manufacture of tlie 
-iaid countries or colonies, shall be captured and condemned as prize to the 
•:aptors. _ • _ ' ■ 

Ikit although his majesty would be fully justified, by the circumstances 
and considerations above recited, in establishing such a system of restric- 
tions with respect to all the countries and colonies of his enemies, without 
exception or qualifications; yet his majesty, being nevertheless desirous not 
to subject neutrals to any greater inconvenience than is absolutely insepara- 
ble from tlie Ciirrying into etiect his majesty's just determination to coun- 
teract the designs of his enemies, and to retort upon tliemselves, tlie conse- 
cjuences of their own violence and injustice, and being yet willing to hope 
that it may be ]:)ossiljle (consistently \vitli that object) still to allow to neu- 
trals the opportunity o!" furnishing themselves with colonial pradiice for their 
ow^n consumption and supply; and even to leave open fir tlie prc^rmt SUCH 
TRADE WITH JUS MAJKSTV'S ENEMIES AS SHALL BECARKTED OX 
iUUECTLY \M TH 'J'HE PORTS OF HIS ISLUESTY'S DOr^HNIONS, OK 
OF HIS ALLIES, in tlie manner hereinafter mentioned. 

His majesty is? 'therefore pleased fartlier to order, and it is hereby order- 
ed, that nothing" herein contained shall extend to subject to capture or con- 
demnation, any \essd, or the cargo of any vessel, belonging to any country 
not declared by this order to lie subjected to the restrictions hicident to a 
state of blockade, w.hich shall liavc cleared out with such cargo from some 
port or place of the coimtry to which she belongs, either in Europe or Amer- 
ica, or from some free port ui liis maje&ty's colonies, under circumstai^.ces 
in which from trade such free port is permitted.direct to some port or place;ir> 
the colonies of liis nwjesty's enemies, or from tJiose colonies direct to the 
country to which such vessel belongs; or to some free port in his majesty's 
colonies, in such cases, and wich such articles, as it may be lawful to import 
into such free jnn-t; nor to any vessel, or cargo of any vessel,, belonging U- 
any country not at war with his Tiiajesty which shall have cleared out fron, 
some port or place in this kingdom, or from (;il)raltar or ^Lilta, under 
such regul.itions as his majesty may think fit to prescribe, or li-om any pov 
belongii\g to liis majesty's ;diies, and shall be proceeding direct to the'por 
specified in her clearance; nor to any vessel, or the cargo of anv vessel, be- 
longing to any country not at war with his majesty, wl'iich sliall'be comiiii' 
from any port or place in Europe, which is declared by this order to be sub- 
ject to the resU-ictions ihcident to a state of blockade, DESTINED TO 
SOME POIi'IOli PLACE IN ECROPE BELONGING TO HIS MAJESTY. 
and which shall be on her voyage direct thereto; but these exceptions are 
not to be uiiderstood as excepting from capture or confiscation anv vessel 
or goods which shall be liable tliereto in respect of having entered or de- 
parted i'l-om any jKnl: or place actually blockaded by his majesty's squadrons 
or ships of war, or for being enemies' property, or for any other cause than 
the contra '.ention of this present order. 

And the commajiders of his majesty's ships of war and privateers, and 



122 THE OLIVE BRAN€II. 

•ther vessels acting' under his majesty's comnussion, shall be, and are hereby 
instructed, to warn cvtrv vessel v. liich .sliall hQ^c■ commenced her voyagtr 
prior to any notice ofthi's order, and shull be destined to any part ofFrance, 
or of her allies, or olaiiy other cotmtry at war witli '.lis majesty, or to any 
port or plucn; from wl|lch the Rritish Hag-, as albresaid, is excluded, or to ;iny 
colony bcFoiiginpf to his majesty's enemies, and which shall not have clcareiJ 
out us is herein before uUowed, to discontimie her voyage, and to proceed to 
some port or place in this kingdom, or to tJibraltaror Malta. And any ves- 
sel which, after having- been so w;irned, or after a reasonable time shall have 
been aflbrdedf ir tlie arrived of information of this his majesty's order to awy 
port or place from \vh:ch she sailed, or which, after havintf notice of this or- 
. der, sli:ill be found in the prosecution of any voyage contriu-y to the res- 
' trictions contained in this order, shall be captured, and, togetiier with her 
cargo, condemned as bwfid prize to the captors. 

And wl.creas countries not engaged in the Mar have acquiesced in tlic 
orders of Trance, prohibiting all tra<le in any articles the produce or man - 
nfaeture of his majesty ',s dominioas; and the merchants of those covmtries 
iiavc given countenance and etfect to those prohibitions, by accepting from 
persons styling themselves commercial agents of the enemy, resident a» neu- 
tral ports, certain documents termed "certificutcn of orisj-in" being certifi- 
cates obtained at the ])orts of shipment, dcckiring tfint the articles of the 
rafifo a)\not of the piodiice or muiutfuclure nf hix inajesly's dominions, or to that 
effhcl. 

And whereas this expedient has been directed by France, and submitted 
to by such merchants, as part of the new system of warfare directed against 
the trade of this kingdom, and as the most eifectual instrument of accom 
plishingtlie same; and it is tiierefore essentially necessary to resist it. 

His majesty is therefore pleased, by and with the ailvicc of his privy coun- 
cil, to order, and it is hereby ordere^l, that if any vessel, after reasonable 
time shall have been alForded for receiving notice of this his majesty's or- 
der, at the port or jilace from wliich such vessel sliall have cleared out, sliail 
be fffiiicd currying anp such, certificate or document ai afurescdd, or umj document- 
referrinpr to or antlieiiticntinff the fame, such vessel shall be adjudged lawful 
prize to ihe wiptor.s, together with tlie goods laden therein, belonging to 
thcper.son or persons by whom, or on whose behalf, an/ such docmnentwas 
put on 1)oard. 

And the right honourable the lords commissionei-s of his majesty's trea- 
sury, his majesty's principal secretaries of state, the lords commissioners of 
tlie' admiralty; and the judges of the high court of admiralty, and courts of 
vice admiralty, are to take the neces.sary measures herein, as to them shall 
rcsjjcctiveh- appertain. 

W. FA\yKENER. 
The preceding orders were assigned by Napoleon as a reason 
for, and jusfificjiiion of, the Milan decree, of wliicli [ sivbniit a 
copy; altlitxigh itjiomeuhat deranges the plan of this part of my 
vork. lint i pi c'fcr «;i-ouping these three documents together, for 
I'lic ea-i^ and convenience o\ the reader. 

IMl'ERLVL DKCREE. 

Jicjoinder to his JSritamiic mdji'stti's Order in Council, of the Hih. JVovenihi'i , 
1807. .it tnr R'i'tjul Palace itt. Milan, Ih-cejubcr 17, \&)7. 

Napoleon, emperor of the French, king of Italy, and protector of the Ilhen- 
if.h confederation. 

Observing the measures adopted by the British government, on the lltli 
Vovcniber last, by wliich vessels belonging to neuti-nl, friendly, or even 
powers the allies of England, are made liable, not only to be searched by 
Kngli.sh crui/cr.s, but to be eompulsorily det;uneil inr^.ngland, and to have a 
tax luiil on them of so much per cent, outhe cargo, ^to be regidated by the 
British legislature. 

Obsciving that by these acts, the JJritish government denationalizes ship*' 
of every nation in Europe; that it is not competent lor any government to de- 



{ 



THE OLWY: miXNCU. 123 

/ hact Irom its own inclcpciRlence unci lights; all the sovcreiiifiw oi" Europe 
hnviiig ill tnist the sovcreigntii.'s :iiid independence of^the Hug; that it by an 
pardonable weakness, and which in tl\e eyes of postcvi y would be anin- 
lihle stain, if such, a tyranny was allowed to be established into principles, 
I consecrated by usage, the English would av;dl themselves of 
*l to' assert it as a rig^ht, as they have avjuled themselves of the tole- 
rance of government to establish tiie inunious pnnciplc, that the flaj^ of a 
imtion does not Cdvcr goods, and to give to their right of blockade an ar- 
bitrary extension, wtiich infringes on the sovereignty of every state; we have 
• decreed and do decree as follows. 

I. Every ship, lo whatever nation it may belong, that shall have submitted 
to be searched by an English ship, or to a voyage to England, or sluJl have 
paid any tax whatiiocver to the English government, is thereby, and for that 
alone, declared to be iLnalmialized; to have foi'feited the protection of its 
.king; and to have become English property. 

II. Whether the ships thus denationalized by tlie arbitrary measures of the 
i, English government, enter into our ports, or those of our allies, or whether 

thej- f:dl into the hands of oiu- ships of war, or of our privateers, tlicy ai'e 
declared to be good and lawUd prize. 

III. The British islands are declared to be in a state of blockade, both by 
land and sea. Eveiy ship of whatever nation, or whatSQe\er the nature of it.s 
cargo may be, that sails from the ports of England, .or those of the E glish 
colonics, and of tlie countries occupied by English troops, and proceeding tw 
England, or to tiie Englislr colonies, or to counti'ies occupietl b)' English 

' troops, 13 good and lawfid prize, as contrary to the present decree; and may 
be captured bj^ our ships of war,or our privateers, and adjudged to the captor. 

IV. These measures, which are resorted to only in just retaliation of tlie 
■: barbai'ous system adopted by England, which assimilates its legislation totliat. 

of Algiers, shall cease to have any efFect with respect'to all nations who 
shall have the finnness to compel the Englisli gxnemmeiit to respect theii' 
flag. Tlicy shall continue to be rigorously in force as long as tliat govern- 
ment does not return to the principle of the law of nations which regulate.* 
the relations of civdized states in a state of war. 'I'he j^rovisions of tiie 
present decree shall be abrogated and null in facts, as soon as the English 
bide again by the principles of the law of nations, which are also the prin 
pies of justice and honour. 

All our ministers are charged with the execution of the present decree, 
^hich shall be inserted in the bulletin of the laws. NArOLEON. 

On the 25th of November, 180r, an additional order in couu» 
cil was issued, and on the 25th of March, 1808, an act of pai'lia- 
I ,'inent passed, the object of both of which was to permit a trade be- 
tween neutral nations (the only neutral nations then were the 
I'nited States and Sweden) and France and her dependencies, 
on the condition that the vessels engaged in it should enter some 
j JBritisk pert, V AY A TRANSIT DUTY y and take out a license! 
I *Snd the British government affected to regard' this arrangement 
j OS a favour conferred on neutrals.'!.'.' This was fairly capping the 
I climax. 

it may not be unsatisfactory to the reader, to state tlie duties 
, thus laid on the exports of the United States by a foreign natioa 
Well might Mr. Baring declare — 

"It is imniatei-ial, whether it be a tax on stampts, or on cottcn. Thif 
question has been tlie mibject of a long and bloody war." 

Goods alloived to he bnnded- 
Berllla - - - 10« per cwt. or - - - - ^ 2 22 

Bai'k (Peruvian) - 6s — - . ... 1 35 

C«cl*n«al - . . 7s — - - - - \ 67 

U 



i.'24 



THE OLIVE BRANCH. 



13 



Cocoa nuts 

Coffee 

Ging'er 

Gum Arab, and Senegal 

Hemp 

Hides (i-a\v) 

Indigo 

Iron (in bars) 
Pimento 
Pitch 

Qi'icksUver 
Rhubarb 
Rice 

Rum and Spirits single - 
Do. over-proof 
Sugar (brown or Muscavado) 
Do. (white ov clayed) 
Tallow ^ 
Tar - 

Tobacco 

Turpentine (common) 
Wine 

Wood (mahogany 
Cotton 
Timber 

Masts, &c. 6 inches under 8 
8 12 



/I — 

1 8» — 

7* — 

105 — 

15* — - - 

3s pcrlude ^. 
6(1 per lb. 
2s — 

— per cwt. 
2d per lb. 
4« 4</per 31 ^gal. 
Is per lb. 



-4 44 
6 20 



2s 



2s per cwt, 
3d per gal. 
Is 4<1 — 
10s per cwt 
14s per cwt. 
7s 

4s 4d per 31 i gal. 
Id A per lb. 
3s 6d per cwt. 
per 262 gals. 
per ton 
9dperlb.- 
i\ 7s der 50 c. feet 
5s per piece 
10s — 



/6 
1 



12 and ujowards 11 7s — 



Goods not alh-wed to be bonded, and vpm -which thn home-consvmption 

mnst be paid on importation: 
Anchors40 per cent, on the value, 



Annatto 

Argol 

Asiies 

O.ik bark 

Bread 

H utter 

Cable and Cordage 

\Vheat 

Wheat meal and Flour 

Stock-lish ■ ' - 

Other Fish 

Seed Oil 

Poik 

Fla.x-.sccd 

Prize goods proliiliitcd. 



12 8s 4</ per cwt 
5s — 
10s — 
2s 6d 

4s— 

a — 



1 57. 

2 22 

3 or* 

67 
• 11 

45 
13 32 

4 
96 

22 

45 
45 
15 
30 

2 22 

3 11 
1 57 

96 

78 

26 64 

4 44 
17 

5 98 

1 11 

2 22 
5 98 

duties 



§10 65 



11- 



18s — 
10s per qr. 
5s per cwt. 
2s Cd per 120 

4s per cwt 
aO 10s per 252 gals. 
17s 6d per cwt. 
Is 6d per 56 lb. . - oS 

Goods not enumerated, but which may be useet 



55 

90 
44 
00 
22 
11 
56' 
90 
46 62 
3 92 



4 
4 
2 
1 



in tliis country — on \\\c present «'(t/ics 40 per cent. 

\ ktter from jUatbbonc, Ifnghes and Dnncnn, of Liverpool, dated in the bc- 
giiniing of April, 1808, lias tliis paragraph: 

"'i'\\Gsv. (liitieato atUich to the cargoes of all vessels from the United Stales 
to thase ports on the continent, which are under the tuflutmce of France, and ar- 
rive in this country, in compliance with the orders in council of the 11, J\ove!n,',r 
.■? S'l/nofjsisofpurtoft-he Ef'ectsoftliesc Duties. 
' A cargo of cotton, of 1000, bales, «»f 300 lbs. each, wliich is about the com- 
mon weiglit, paying 9d, sterling; per lb. in England, would amount to the pre- 
cise sum of 50,000 dollars. The same cargo of cotton at 14 i cents, the aver- 
ago price for fine Louisi:ina*;otlon, would noL cost at \e\v-Orlcans more than 
^i-VVjOdolJars Thus the expoiVr w»\tld h.ivc to pay g6,500in Loudon, a'i » 



THE OLIVE BRANCH. Ii5 

d.itytor hb?rt7to pvoceetl to the continent, more than the orii^iiiul cost — tu 
this mis^ht be :i,l;lecl the various other charges of tonnug-e, Sec. lunouiitiug t* 
jlbout 2000 dollars more. 

A carj^o of tobacco may be said to consist of 400 hojjsheads — for the sake 
•f round numbers, we will suppose each hog'shead only to weigh lOOU lbs. 
and the account stands thus — 400,000 lbs. Tobacco, at Id i 
sterling per pound, is ^2,500 sterling, oi- S 11,100 00 

Tonnage, at 12* per ton on 400 tons, is /240 sterUng, or 1,065 00 

Light money and various other charges and atte^idant ejt- 

penses, would amount to 800 00 

Amount of tribute ou a cargo 12,965 Ou 

Of the 80,000 iiogsheads we generally exported, about 12,000 were con- 
sumed in the British islands. The rest went to tlie cuntinent. Put them, 
as before, at 1000 lb. each, and what is tlie amount of tribute on this single 
article ? 

68,000 hogsheads tobacco, weighing each 1000 lbs. is 68,000,000 
Ihs at 1.1 i sterling per pound, is /425,a0a, or . S 1,998,000 00 

170 ships' tonnage, 5ic. at 2000 dollars each 340,000 00 



Amnnnt of annual tribute on tobacco 2,338,000 00 

A ship would carry about from 3000 to 3J0O barrels of flour; say tor the sake 
of calculation, 6000 cwt. 

6,000 csn. at 5i' sterling per cwt. amounts to ^1500, or S ^''^^^ ^^ 

Tonnage and charges, as above 1,865 60 

Amount of tribute on one cargo of flour 8,525 60 

A ship load of fish would cost about 3500 or 4000 dollars, including the du- 
•ies ajid charges.* 



^ CHAPTER XXIII. 

E.3^'Ae orders in council of JVovembev 11, 1807 , defended by Ainer- 
W icans. Founded on the untenable plea of American acquies- 
cence in the Berlin Decree. Enquiry into their causes.and con- 
femences by 'Jl. Baring, Esq.M. P. 

A ERNicious as were the, orders in cotincil to the most vital 
interests of the United States — degrading as was the condition 

c of paying a transit duty in English ports— and unjust and- un- 

[ founded as was tlie allegation on which these orders were predica- 
ted, there were defenders of them in this country — Americans 
born. Among the number were men in high and elevated stations, 

' possessing a great degree of public confidence and political influ- 
ence. It is a most singular tact, that the cause of England hai, 
becu far moic ably supported in our debates, and in our political 
speculations and essays, than in London itself. There is no man 

j of character or standing in society in that city, or in tlie British 
parliament, that has ' attempted lo deny the magiiitude ot our 
wrongs. The ministry and their fi lends have palUated their pro- 
ceedings by the miserable plea of necessity — and of retalvatiou— a 
plea that Barbarossa, or Koulikan, or Bonaparte, could with 

• For all these statements and calculations I ara itwlebted to Nilcs's Weekly 
Keg^tei*, vol. 3, page 79. *" 



i26 THE OLIVE BRANCH. 

equal justice advance. But such respectable men as the Roa- 
coes, the Wliitbrcads, the Barings, have bestowed on the outra- 
geous measures of their government, the most unqualified repro- 
bation. I have it not in my power at present to refer to the de- 
bates in parliament. But I perfectly well recollect, and such of 
my readers as have access to them will see at once, that the rec- 
titude of the conduct of our government, and its mild endeavors 
to procure redress, have received the most unequivocal encomiums 
Irom some of the most illustrious characters in Great Britain. 

The respectability of Mr. Alexander Baring is a matter of pub- 
lic notoiiety tin-oughout the commercial world. There is no man in 
England more attached to the honour and the interests of his coun- 
try. His testimony has been, as I have said, uniformly borne in 
our favour, and against the enormous injustice of the orders in 
council— and as it cannot fail to have a weight proportioned to his 
talents, integrity, and character, 1 shall very freely ([uote from 
such an unexceptionable source. 

Th? orders in council of JSov. 11, 180r, were, as we have seen, 
predicated upon our ac(|ulescence in the Berlin decree. Air. Ba- 
ring having stated the fact,* that this decree not having been put 
into operation against our commerce, we had no right to re- 
monstrate against its, proceeds, 

" Unless, tlicrefbre, his majesty's ministers have some information of which 
the public is not possessed, and which contradicts tire veiy clear evidence 
the public do possess, we must conclude tliat the assertioir in orders jn cou)i- 
ciltliat America had bceng-uilty of th^t acquiescence in the decrees ofFrance, 
which was to diaw down, and has drawn down upon her, our menaced re-' 
taliation, 03* is totally void of foundation."! 

The fallacy of the allegation of an acquiescence in the Berlin 
decree having been proveil, Mr. Jiaring tlius accounts for the 
Milan decree, which was the oflspriug of the orders in council 
oflSoyembcr 11, 1807. 

'^ If what has been stated, be correct, that our orders in council are n ' 
justilicd, by any previous provoca. ion, (Xj^Tbey must be evidently acts ' 
original ag-gression; and France retaliated mucli in tiic same manner.and with 
the sameriglit as we ourselves should have done, hud the Berlin decree been 
rigidly executcd."^^ 

The following masterly analysis of the orders in council is lakoi 
from Mr. taring's pamphlet. 

" Jill trade directii/ from America to WeHf poyt art J country <i! -a-ar -unth 
(iri'Ait Jiritain, or frovi -which the British ^fiag- is ejcludcd, is totally prohi/jited. 
In thi.i geticral prohibition, every part of Europe, -with the exception at present c,' 
Sweden^ is included : andno lUstinition \vhatevei\muiie hctvetu the domestic /rv- 
dttce of Jlmerica, and that of tin: colonics, re-exporled from thence ! ! ■' 

"'I'he trade from America to tJie culonies of ali tiulions, reriituns vmaltercd 
by the ])rescnt order. Jimcrica may exUort tlic pivduce of her oivn country. 
hut that of no other, to Sivedni. 

" With the above exception, all articles, whctlier of domestic or colonial 
produce exported by America to Europe, must bt landed in this country [I'^ng- 
land] from whence it is intended to permit their exportation, under such 
•pgiilitions as shall be hereafter dctermuied. 

* Bee page 119. f Baring's F,»i<iuirv,pag-e T'l.. Jl>'<> 



THE OLIVE BRANCH m^ 

-' By tliese regulations it is understootl that duties arr to be mpostd on 
^U articles no re-e rfjortcd But it is intimated tliat an excep ion wiU he 
made in lUvour of such as are the produee oC the United tsUiti-s cotton 
excepted, 

" Any vessel, the curg'O whereof shall be accompanied witli certiiicates 
of French consuls abroad, of its oruvin, shall, tog'cthei- with its cargo, be 
liable to seizure and condemnation.'"* 

It is here proper to make ii solemn pause. The subject de- 
serves the deepest, the most serious reflection. Let us exa- 
mine this sketcli, drawn by a masterly hand, beyond the reach 
of suspicion. Let us consider tiie despotic, the lawless claims 
it asserts— the prostrate, the base, the despicable state it pla- 
ces the c;')minerce and the rights of a sovereign, an indepen- 
dent, and unotfendiii;^- nation whose trade was of incalculable 
importance to the power thus tlaring to legislate for us, and 
destroy our dearest rights of sovereignty. W lien this is all 
fiiirly and duly weighed, let us correctly appreciate the con- 
duct of so many Americans, who have asserted with a zeal 
worthy of a good cause, tliat Euglantl " has really done our 
commerce no essential injury !"t The annals of the world can 
produce nothing more indefensible — -nothing more astonishing. 

The end proposed by llie British government in tliis stupen- 
dous project of usurpation, is thus ably sketched. 

".OZ/" ^''^ Amencans are to bring i» this cunntrif all the produce of tJieir 
i, and all tliat of oJir enanics' colonies, -which they export to Europe 
\ve are here to form a grand emporium of the costly produce of Asia 
and America, which is ta be dispensed to the difii^ient countries of Eu- 
I'ope, under such regulations as we may think proper; I suppose, accor- 
ding" to theu" good behaviour. (Xj= TaxQs are to be raised from the con- 
iiers on the continent; and they are to be eontrivv^d with b-icli judicious 
,,.ill as to secure our own West India • planters a preference to tliose of" 
» iiba and Martinique."t 

'' The American merchant, with the best intentions of tr.idi/ig legally, 
cannot always know what this country peraiits ; for we admit that u]j- 
holding a general principle wliich we never enforce, we may and do 
varv our permission to neutrals under it as we please. Supposing- hiu; 
jii tills respect not liable to error, he is exposed to unjust decisions hi 
our vice admiralty court — a danger of no common magnitude, if we ara 
to believe the assertion of lord Hawkeshury in the house of commons, the 
29tli of April, 1801, tliat of 318 appeals from these courts, only 35 of tlie 
condemnation'^ tvere co'ifrnied."^ 

AVhat a hideous picture of tlie rapacity 'and piratical pro- 
ceedings of the British privateers is here exliibited ! It is ntjrt 
unfair to suppose, that cf the number of vessels captured and 
brought in for adjucation, one-fourth were cleared in the 
West-Indies. Admitting this calculation, the whole number of 
captures embraced in the statement of Lord Uawkesbury, vas 
probably 420, of which ab6ut 100 were cleared in the West 
Indies — 283 unjustly condemned there, and afterwards clear- 
ed in G. Britain — and only 35 really and bona fide lawful prize 
— so that it appears, that of every twelve vessels brought in 
for trial, eleven were unjustly captured ! 

" If we had maintained and ck^fended this doctrine boldly and fairly against 
all nations, good argmiicits in fuvoiir of it coitld not be v/anting. But when 
* Idem, page 12. f Mi% Pickering's letter to govemor Sullivan, pape 12. 
^Baring's Enquiry, page 16. it Idem, page 4j. 



128 THE OLIVE BRANCH. 

we have umtbrmly yielded it, and iiidecil forborne to claim it, can it be «"»wv 
distent either vith inairnanimity or ffocd policy, to briiiff it fovivard now, BE- 
CJTTSE THE OXLY REM-IIJ^LVO jVEUTJi./lL HAS A DEFKYCE- 
LES'S CO>\LMERCE ? If such co-u-ardlu ivjusiice is to be one of our rcsmir- 
ees in tliete trtdnq- times, when elevation of sentiment and of luitio^wl character 
are m«re than ever ivMited, the inearts and strcjigth of tlds potuerfid empire ere 
indeed strans^eli/ tiuaundnstood"* 

" This dcVision [in the case of the Essex, Oniie,] nlthough the chstinction 
was not mad^' to catch tlie pommon eye, was well know n to embrace the 
ivJiole foreigii trade of Mmerica, excepting that in her own produce. It cir- 
culated rapidly amonsj our cruizers and privateers ; and Ou^'" ^'^c coui-sc 
of a fortnig-ht the seas were cleared of every American ship they could find, 
which now crowded our ports for trial ; and our West India merchants were 
gratifud by neutral insurance and freights being at least doubled by this in- 
genious discovery ."f 

"This decision laid the foundation of all ihe complaints of America of 
our vexatious measiu'cs against her trade, as it introduced a totally new line 
of conduct towards it; and tliat change preduced the non-importation act at 
which we aflcct so much indignation." 

"Nor was the injury to the Americans confined to the application of these 
Hew and vexatious principles; for our privateers, appreUending little danger 
of being made answei-able for their error, were not dispo.5e 1 to make nice 
distinctions; but detiuned and sen.t in every ves.sel they met with; under the 
most frivolous pretences; in which they were also encouraged by the expec- 
tation of actual war. Of the extent to which this w;is carried, some idea 
maybe formed, when it is stated, tliat cargoes, wholly of American produce, 
andrf the produce of neutral countries trading with America, vvei'e captured, i 
aDd even brought to ti-ifd."§ . ' 

" The owners of privateers are in the daily practice of bringing in valua- 
ble cargoes, and ofl'ering immediatel}' to release them for one or two hundred 
gviineas. Thev sometimes require a much larger simi. The London raer- 
'chant is either' obhged to acquiesce in THIS IMQLTIOUS KOiajEKV,^orj 
k.t his con-espondcnt suffer the more expensive vexations which A is unfc 
tunateiy inthe power of these people to infiict."]| 

*'The measures resorted' to by America, midcr these circumstances of 
provocation, were certainly of tlie mildest species of hostility, and such as J 
evidently shewed a desire of peace. A law was passed proliibiting the im-i 
portstion of certain articles of British manufa( turc; by which a demonstra- 
tion of commercial warfare was certainly intended. But it is such as every j 
independent nation, even in time of per.cc, has a right lo resort to witlioutj 
jrlving ofiencc: and if the cottimerce of America were to be materially in-j 
t.eiTupted, a reduction of her importation of European articles became indis- 
pensable. This law, after difli^rent suspensions, is not yet re])ealed. Of its] 
wisdom, as a commercial measure, tiiere may be doubts; but as an annoy-; 
:ince of our trade, for the jnu-posc of enforcing a respect for theirs, we have, 
no right to complain of it."1i' 

" Jf we had treated t)ie commerce of America with sinrcritv, instead of 
molesting it; as we have seen, BY A Rl-'PRTITION OF THE MOST 
DISGliAC;EFUL CHICANE, that commerce would have suffered less, and 
ourf)wn ends would have been answered. Such an appeal to the good sense 
of that country, would certainly have been less likely to produce war than 
the sophibtiT with wiiich they have been treated, and of which cveiy man 
in it mast iklestthe folly ."*• 

" For so extensive an'injurv to a coimtry (Xj* ^VHOSE RIGHT OF INDE- 
PENDEXr SOMJiEIGXrV WAS VIOLATED, ANT) WHOhE COM- 
MEHCE WAS DESTHOYEl) BY THIS PliOCEEDINt;, it would have 
been in vain tose;irch ibr auUiorities or precedents any wliere."]t 

We have seen that French consular certificates of the origiB 

* IJaring's Enquiry, page 47. f Idem, page 50. :j: Idem, page 51. 

5 Idem, pages 57 & Jii, || Idem, page 58. 

i Idem, pa^ie .')'.', ** Idem, page 63. -j-tldcro; page 64,. 



THE OLIVK BKANCII. 12$ 

of the cargo of a vessel, by the orders in council subjected 
both vessel .ind cargo to comlemnation. Ou the ini([uity of 
this feature of the orders, Mr. Baring remarks : — 

'• We in many cases require foreiii,-n articles, imported into this country to 
be accompanied by certiHcates from our consuls abroad. Notliing can, thci-e- 
fore, be more frivolous than the assertion of our ri^t to complam of the uc- 
quiesccnse ©f American merchants in the regulations of France respecting 
ccitilicates of origin."* 

I hope the r»^ader will attend to the consequences of this fea- 
ture of the orders in council. Let it never be forgotten. It is 
worthy of being borne in eternal remembrance. If they had no 
other odious feature, this would be sufficient to disgrace them, 
and their authors and abettors. Suppose Mr. George Cabot, 
Mr. James Lloyd, jun. Timothy Pickering, Cominodore Dale, or 
any other citizen of the L'nited States, to send a vessel to sea, 
owned by himself, manned with American sailors, and loaded with 
American productions —bound for the solitary corner of Europe, 
Sweden, which was not interdicted by the orders in council-— 
suppose her provided with a French consular certificate of the 
origin of the cargo: and finally, to close our suppositions, sup- 
pose hercarried into London by a British privateer — and brought 
before Sir William Scott for adjudication. — She would most assur- 
edly be condemed for an infringement of the law of nations, 
in being provided with a French consular certificate!!! Whaf 
an awful mockery of justice in those who prescribed, what a 
shameful prostration and baseness of mind in those who preach- 
*ed submission to — such a lawless regulation, calculated to *'prey 
ipon the unprotected properti/ of afriendly poiver.^^ 

<■' The Goraprehensi\e nature of the injury which America must suffer 
trora our svstem, by leavins"- no class of its population unaffected by it, af;- 
fords little hope of the interference of any for the preservation of peace. The 
great interest which a country still possessing the means of independence, 
shovddfeel in the preservation of ours, — ivill be lost in the more immediate anil 
perceptible conseqitfnves of our foUy and injjiiitice."^ 

"The new orders were of a description to produce a revolution in the wholo 
commerce of the world— and a total derangement of those neutrtd rights and 
i relations by which civilized nations have hitherto been connected."§ 

" It must be evident from tlie whole tenor of our proceedings, that com- 
mercial interest has been our mo\'ing principle throughout; that, every de 
monstration of the slightest hostility on the other side, has originated in our 
attempts to advance that interest in violating the rights and interests of others;" 
and that— if we are at last called ujion to take up arms, it is on our part a 
quarrel about sugai- and coffee, and not in support of national honour."!l 

", Tlw coiueqtienccs of such a state of things must produce ruin to every ctM^: 
imd description of persons in America: and they are so obvious, so inevitable, 
that one cannot avoid thinking, that they must have occurred to the framers 
ef tliis new system."** -r^ 

" To make this limltition of neutral trade a part of the law cf nations, it 

, * Idem, page 66. fSee Boston Memorial, page 73, %V9. edit. 

* Enquiry, page 78. § Idem, page 10. 

3 Idem, page 79- ** Idem, page 18, 



i^O THE OLIVE BRAiNCH. 

is nots.nflRcient tliat it should be asserted by one power.— It must likewise i 
admiUed bv otlic-rs; which is so f:u- /lom having been the case, that in tdl 
our discussions about ULUtral riylits, we have not only never obtained from 
any nation a recognition of this rule, but — it does not even appear to have bre 
otavy time la-ioiis'ii insisted upon."* 

"What Clin then be the object of holding up this nde [of 1756) as the pal 
l.idiuni of o\ivniariunic rights, or why has it lain so long dormant ? Instead 
of America being accused of a disposition oi cnci oachment hostile to our 
dignity, in refusuig to admit into the law of nations, a principle which has 
neiffiei- been admitted bij or enforced toivards others, are we not rather ourselves 
wanting to our own dignity in proclaiming a law which we have never ven- 
tui'..I -.o defend — in setting aright, which, by our own treaties with foreign 
naiions, we have ourselves encouraged tliem to trample on ?"t 

"It would have been highly interesting to know many instances [of frau- 
dulent ownershi])] had_ been discovered; as by pointing tJiem out to our gov- 
ernment, redress might ha%e been obtained by application to tliat of Ame- 
rica, whose strict Attention to the character of her flag has always been re- 

iiia: kable,"t 

*' I must s!!}', and I speak from considerable experience, that the charac- 
ter of the great body of merchants in America, little desei-ves the unjust in- 
sinuations in wliich writers on this subject have indulged."^ 

"During a considerable part oi tlie last and present war,we have indeed res.* 
peeled tiie rights of those not concerned in it. But the conduct even of 
France can furnish few stronger proots of a thsregard of them, ardof more 
frivolous pretences by which they have been invaded, tlian may be found in 
our conduct in ISiio, and still more in the recent mea-sures which we have 
been considering."!! 

"If our commercial treaties with Portugal are to beheld up, as they have 
been, to the adiniralion oi' statesmen, we cannot fail to admire the' libera' 
polic\ of America towards the produce of our industry, when we conside 
ihe l:'.rj:e balance which she annually pays us, and our illiberal jealousy of 
her intercourse with other countries, fi-om which alone tliat balance can be 
paid."** "' 

" If my for;r;er observations produce, as I think they musl, aconvJction that^ 
the trade and property so sported with, belong to an honest neutral, Uiere 
<an be no doubt thatOLR CONDUCT TOWARDS IT DESERVES THE' 
^ A]\IE OF THE MOST UNQUALU'TED INJLSTlCE."ft 

Tlie reader who compares the stjle and substance of the nie- 
moiials, with Mr. Barino's essay, will find tliat coincidence,, that 
. cogtiHcy, that irresistible conviction which result from truth 
and honourable principles. The American merchants, eloquent-j 
Iv and convincingly pleading for the ri;irhts of their country, and 
tluirown pcrs-oual interests, unjustly assailed — speak nearly the? 
same lan>;uage and make use of the same arguments, as Mr. Bar 
ing, wh^n he souis,'t to save his country from the disgrace and dis- 
honour of emplo\ing her transcendent naval power to overwhelm! 
and prey upon the commerce of an unoflending neutral, merely be-J 
cause that neutral was not in a state to defend herself. 

I trust that no apology can be necessary for these copious ex- 
tracts f'lithis all important topic. The high standing and char- 
acter of tlie writer, as 1 have already observed, and take the liber-J 
iy to repeat, entitle his sentiments to peculiar attention. MoreJ 

* Idem, page 22. f Idem, page 23. 4 Idem, page 32. 
«j Idim, page o6. ^ Idem, page J 7. ** Idem, page IH. 
tfldem.pa^e ir. 



TIIK OLIVE BRANCH. 13\ 

attention. Moreover, as an English merchant, interest, were he 
swayed by such a consideration, "Aould have led hnn to advocate 
the ordei's. But he had too hia;h a regard tor tlie honour of his 
country, to wish it to be sacrificed to paltry, and sordid consider- 
ations ol" interest. 

After the reader has, M-ith the deep attention the subject de- 
berves. perused the above elotiuent defence of American riglits 
—exposure of our wrongs — and appeal to the honour and jus- 
tice of Great Britain, written by a higli-spirited and nobled rnind-^ 
od Englishman, let him ponder lor a moment on the conduct ol 
those America. IS \v!io have devoted their talents, their industry, 
.and their influence to defend the outrageous proceedings of Great 
Britain, and to place tlieirown country in the wrong! 

What a humiliatiiiir contrast! — Mr Baring pleading the cause 
of the injured United States in London — and Mr. Pickering and 
hundreds of other Americans pleading in Boston, New-York, 
Philadelpliia and elsewhere against their own country, and in de- 
fence of British inioads and British violence! 

The contemplation fills the mind with astonishment! Not- 
withstanding the evidence is so fully before us, as to be irresist- 
ible, it is difficult that such an awful delusion could have ever 
existed, and to such an extravagant extent. 

I aver, as my calm and reflected opinion upon this point, that 
■"it would be diflicalt, perhaps impossible, to find in history any 
parallel case. Enlightened American mercliauts were so far 
blinded by party and faction, as to use their utmost endeavours 
to prevent the government of their country from procuring re- 
• dress of intolerable grievances which bore so hea.vily on them- 
selves I 



CHAPTEK XXIV. 

JSnibargo. Situation of American Commerce. Factions chmwur^ 
Embargo a wise, prudent, and necessary measure. 

JL NOW proceed to consider the subject of the embargo, 
which was one of the most potent instruments employed to ex- 
asperate and inflame the passions of the people of the eastern 
states, and which actually prepared a portion of them for open 
resistance to the government. 

The justice and propriety of every measure depend on the cir- 
cumstances that accompany and induce it— -the motives that 
lead to its adoption — and the consequences it is calculated to 
produce. Let us apply these tests to the embargo. 

The reader has had the decrees and orders in council laid 
k^ore kirn in eMenso. He has seen the exposition of the injus- 

18 



13^ THE OLIVE BRANCH 

ficeof the latter by Mr. Baring. And he has had an opportunity 
himsellol". ;iUi!latinj; the cHects of both decrees and orders. 

From a talni consideration of these documents, and of their 
inevitable operation on our trade, it is perfectly obvious, that liad 
our vespcis sailed in Docevuoer, 1S07, and January, February. 
IMiirch, Apii'i, and May, 1808, as freely as they had formerly 
done, they would have universally fallen sacrifices: those bound 
to France and her dopondencies, lo British — and those bound 
for the British dominions, to French cruisers. 

This Avould have produced an almost universal bankruptcy 
among ourinsurance ofiicers and merchants. The plunder of our 
ships and cargoes, and the captivity' of our seamen, Mould have 
augmented the resources of the belligerents, and enfeebled our- 
selves. 'Ihe only real f|UCstion v as, whether our vessels should 
remain at our wharves, the property of our merchants, or be car- 
ried to Franct and England, the prey of privateers. But for 
the embargo, tliere would have been such a calamitous scene pro- 
duced as has rarely occurred in any nation. We should have 
sulVercd all the worst consequences of war, without any of its 
compcn'^atory advantages. ()ur merchf nts would have once more 
made "^the welkin ring" with their complaints of injury — their 
eloquent appeals to the law of nations — their clamours for re- 
dress — tlieir reproaches of the government lor its supineness— 
and their solemn* pledges of support. AVe should have again 
had to negotiate in vain for reparation. And we should 
have been ultimately goaded into a var, after having been de- 
feated in our endeavours to escape it, and deprived of the most 
efficient means for its prosecution. 

It has been said that the Berlin decree not having been car- 
I ied into operation against American vessels; and our govern- 
ment not ha,yiiijr recei\cd an authentic copy of the orders in coun- 
'«il; therefore it was not justified in the recommendation of the 
embargo. ;, And thus that degree of vigilance and care of the 
iiitert'sfs of his coun'ry and of the property of the merchants, 
which entitled Mr. JetVeison to a monument from the mercantile 
interest, has been made the ground-work of the most serious ac- 
tiisdtion! 

Tliere Is no measure of the general government from its 
fn.-^t 'organization to the present hour, mwe strongly marked 
with wisdom, with foresight, and with attention to duty, than 
this ricomuK-ndation. There i>, nevertheless, no measure 
that has generated more factions or senseless clamour-- 

1 li:ul v.iitu-n '•!)(. i|(l^v and dcctptious." JUit I struck tlie wordsfout — how 
j.ropcrlytlie rcadc; will decide. I am dvubtliU iiixstliof tJie cvrrtcUicsBof 
the tJtcj'iii'.>i). 



THE OLIVE BRANCH. 135 

more envenomed prejudice— mure unblushing misrcpresenta 
tion. 

' The afrocious case of thv Hamzon, whicfi was the first in" 
stance wherein the Berlin decree was carried into ellect again&t 
American vessels, had previously occurred. Of this case All. 
Aiinstroug had transmitted an account in a letter dated Nov. I'i, 
1«U7, of which I have submined a copy to tlie reader.* This let- 
ter and the documents accompanying it, established, beyond a 
possibdityof doubt, the extreme danger of our commerce from 
French depredation, "Krench cruizers, and French courts. 

Of the determination of the liritish government to meet the 
Berlin decree with measures of equal violence, undouuted infor- 
mation had been received by our administration in private letters, 
and even in the public papers. The recommendation of the em- 
baigo took place on the 18th of December, 18U7: and |ir7» on 
that dd!/ there had been published in the JVutional InteUi<^enc'fr the 
fulluwiiig paragraph from a London paper: 

lAindon, .TVov. 10. 
"A proclamation is now, we understand, ia readiness tor liiy majesty's 
signatuie, declaring France and the whole of her vassal kuigdoms in a state^ 
ofsie-re imA proldbiting all intercourse -iiiiih iier or them — uiul lUl eiUrunce nf 
vesseu into her or their harbours,— EXCEPT OF SUCH AS HAVE CLEAU- 
ED LAST FROM A BRITISH PORT, EITHER HOME OR FO- 

reiga:' ■ 

Thus, between tlie two nations, our commerce was completely 
cutupSy the roots. The ouly pai-t of Europe, except her own 
dominions and dependencies, with which Great Britain allowed 
us to trade, was Sweden. And the Milan decree, by an extra- 
vagance of despotism, folly and wickedness, never exceeded in 
the annals of piracy and rapine, regarded every neutral vessel, 
that had been searched by a British cruiser, as ipso facto dena- 
tionallzed^ and liable to be taken, bound whence or where she 
might. The mind is lost in astonishment at this ne plus ultra 
of wickedness, madness, and rapine. It was punishing as crimi- 
nal, an act perfectly innocent — wholly unavoidable — and in which 
+he party punishetl !iad been merely passive ! 

Undei- these circumstances, what prudent merchant would 

■send a vessel to sea — liable to capture whatever might be her 

destination? For even if bound to Sweden, or any otler corner 

of Europe, (if any such there were) not emoraced in tne scope 

■of decrees and orders in council, she might be searched by an 

English privateer, and thus be subject to capture by the next 

. French privateer that might overhaul her. 

^"VViiat course had a government to steer, wliich, bound tc 
"vatch over the interests of its constituents, was sincerely di*;- 



See page 119. 



184 THE OLIVE BRANCH. 

posed to perform that duty faithfully? Let any man net tram- 
meled b^ faction or inveterate prejudice, calmly consider this 
question, and I feel most perfectly satisfied, he will reply — the 
alternative was, war against both nations — or a general embargo. 

Notwithstanding this plain state of the case — notwithstanding 
the imperious necessity of this measure — there was, as I have 
stated, no act of the federal government, since its first organiza- 
tion, that excited so much outcry or clamour. It was the sub- 
ject of incessant abuse in all tlie federal papers from New- 
Hampiihirc to Georgia, and from the Mississippi to the Atlantic. 
It has been ten thousand times reiterated, that it wa§ unneces- 
sarily oppressive — that it was wicked and tyrannical — dictated 
by Napoleon — a sacrifice of the dearest interests of the nation — 
and, to cap the climax, unconstitutional. 

f 

In times of faction, the public possesses a wonderful faculty 
of swallowing the most monstrous and improbable falsehoods. 
It was almost universally believed in the Eastern states, that the 
embargo was the result of a combination between the Southern and 
Western States, to ruin ttie Eastern.'!.' I have repeatetlly heard 
this assertion made by men otherwise of sound minds and culti- 
vated understandings, and wliose veracity convinced me that 
they did not attempt deception, but were themselves deceived. 
This extravagant idea proceeds upon the miserable and fatuitous 
supposition, that the merchant, whose vessels remain unemployed 
at the wharves, will in consequence be ruined; but the agricul- 
turist, whoso wheat, flour, rice, cotton, naval stores. Sec. stag- 
nate on his hands, will thereby suffer no injury, or rather derive 
advantage, although they fall in value 30, 40, 50, or GO per cent. 
'Tis passing strange! 

Never was there a more factious or unfounded clamour excited. 
Never, I lepeat, was a public measure more loudly called for by 
existing circumstances, never one beittr timeil, and never one 
that would have produced more salutary consequences, had not 
faction deprived it of its efficacy. 

I feel perfectly satisfied, that with the knowledge Mr. Jefterson 
possessed, of the mighty dangers impending over our commerce, 
he would have justly merited impeachment for a dereliction of 
his duty, had he not recommended An embiirgo lor its protection. 

Mr. Pickering, was the earliest, the most ardent, and the 
most zealous opponent of the embargo. After having in vain 
made every exertion in the Senate to prevent its vassing, he 
laboured, and unfortunately with two naich success, to excite 
1 strenuous and scditiows opposition to it in his own state. and in 



THE OLIVE BRANCH. ISS 

the other Eastern States. He wrote a lonjr, elaborate, and imi)as- 
sioned letter a2;ainst it to the governor of INLissachusetts, in whicli 
he endeavoured to prove the measure vx'holly unnecessary — dictat- 
ed by Erance — and adopted purely through hostility, to England, 
who, he unqualifiedly asserted, " had done our commerce no es- 
sential injury." 

To form a correct idea of the embargo, it must be considered in 
two points of view, wholly distinct — one. its original creation — Ihn 
other, its long duration. The latter may have been, and 1 be- 
lieve was an error. But I should iiot hesitate at this monient to 
submit 1 he decision of the question to Governor Strong, Rufus King, 
George Cabot, or James Lloyd, jun. whether an embargo was not 
an indispensible measure, at a period when all Europe, except 
Sweden, was declared in a state of blockade ? 

The embargo was laid on tha 23d of December, 1807. Mr. 

Pickering's letter was dated Feb. 16, 1808, when it had Jiot 

been two months in operation ; of course its denunciations must 

have been levelled against the enaction of the law — and had 

.no reference whatever to its duration. 

To enable the reader to form a correct estimate of the sound- 
ness of Mr. Pickering's danunciation of this measure, let it be 
observed, that at the date of his letter, ^CT'full and authen- 
tic information had arrived in this countri/, of the enforcement of 
the Berlin decree, and of the enaction of the orders in council^ 
and of the .Milan decree. 

I deem it therefore highly proper to place Mr. Pickering'^ 
declarations in contrast with each other — and likewise with the 
real state of affairs. The reader v/ill then be enabled to de- 
cide the question correctly himself. 

Let me explain the four succeeding columns. The first con- 
,;!iis a statement of the British depredations on American com- 
merce, abstracted from the mercantile memorials of 1805-6— 
the second, Mr. Baring's statement of the eiiects of the orders 
4u council — tiie third, the resolution of the Senate, Feb. 10, 
1806, on which Mr. Pickering voted in the affirmative, andr 
the fourth, Mr. Pickering's vindication of England, Feb. 16 
1808. 

The three first paragraphs of the fust column are from the Bos- 
ton Memorial, signed by James Lloyd, George Cabot, &c. 
These gentlemen are responsible for the truth or falsehood of 
the allegations, in which the British government is almost in 
terms charged with absolute piracy : for, according to Messrs. 
Lloyd and Cabot, and their friends, they wer-;, '•' preyivg upon 
the unprotected property of a friendly ]ww(}y.'' which is bufi 
a mild form ©f expression for piracy. 



1*6 THE OLIVE 15RAN CM 

1805—6, 1808. Mr. Picker- Mr. Pick 

MEMORIALS. ,^ 3IR. jlAUING- ing's semi- erin^s 

1 "-Ml trade ^recthjfiom meiits,reb, seiitj- 

" We conttne ourseWns ^ImericH to cxcri/ /jort aiid 1>^> l^^^. incnts, 

to tlic more alarming'; be- country at \i.<av with Great — i'^eb. 16, 

C&nsc more extensive (leten- -^riltUTi, or from iv/iich "^"hecap- 18U8. 

aions and condemnations of the British jUig is e.Tc/?^- ^^''^ '"^"^ ^^^'i- — • 

American vessels by Great <l^d, is totally proliibitcd. '^t'lTination "I'hesc 

£rita1n."* in this general prohibition ^^j*^^^' °^^^i^^ facts dc- 

" New vessels, on their every part of Europe, -with "^ '^"e British moiisu-ite. 

-^ - - "• '< • ■• • ■ ai. 

their course, and iniurious- wr w made betiveen f/,e courts of ad- wjch her 
\y det;iined undtrtlie vex- domestic produce of ^Imei-- ™l'•'^l^V, "lA- thousand 
atious pretence of a con- ica, and that of tlie colo- ™crican ves- ships of 
tinuity of vo vuge from the mes, re-exported from ^'^'^ ''"^ '^^^^^^ ^^'''i"' could 
country or colony of a be 1- ''!£Wcs."* cai-goes on have de- 

ligerent."* ' " It would probably ^'^'^.P^'^'^^'^^o^siroyed 

" It cannot become the. I^e no exaggeration to ^'^''' beuig our com 
magnanimity of a great and s^y, that upivurds of three ^inpJoyed in nicrce, 
powerful nation to prey f'^urtlis of all the mer- '"^ ^^^'^^ ^^''^'^ ^^^^ HAS 
itpontlie unprotecied proper- t^hants, seamen, &c. w^a. ^^ enemies REALLY 
*V of a friendly power.'"* ged in commerce or vuvi- "ff'i'eat iiri- DONE IT 
" Having- totally sup- gution in .imericu, have '■'''injpi"'l»iL)it- ^'O ES- 
pressed tlie external com- "^ sovie time or other, suf- "^^ "' "^M"^ °* SENTLAL 
merce of her enemies,/«'et/ from acts of our P^^^^' is an INJU- 
Great Britain is 7wiv cowi- cniisers, which to them ^"^P>'cvoked KY."* 

se/ledto appropnate to her- bave appeared unjust, "S'g'ression 

self that of her friends. "-f and which frequtntly "^*"' '''^ /"'"" * Letter 
« Tliis novel principle nmst have been so.^'^''!^ of the irom the 
%ots X.0 7iothing shoit of the '^ 'hey read, it is true, oy "'"'-'•'««'/ ^'''<? hon.Trmc- 
dcs! ruction of neutral com- the poiver of Frmice. ^^^^^<^^ '"States thy Pick- 
merce"\ BUT THEY FEEL Y.\- — "■ ''■''oiation ehug, sen- 

" Every sail h stretched KRY DAY Tii AT OP of their tieu- ator from 
io collect the un-mry-dmeri- BRITAIN "j iral ri-gkts — the SUte 

cans,7vhoareunsuspeclingly " By attempting to '^'''^ ''" *"''" <'t"*Iass to 
cofif.ding in -what was the confine the European '^''O^chmeiit his excel - 
!a~,u ef nations."^ trade of Amenca x^ ^'pori their na- Itncy Jas 

"Our vessels andeflects. Great Britain, aiid by the ''^'''^'^^ "^'^^- ^ii^livan, 
to a large amount, have avowal of an inteiision ^'^"'^^"^'-'•"* governor 

lately been captured by her <» ta.v that trade on its pus- "^ the said 

commissioned cruisers, up- ^oge to the continent, we . * ^^'c^ohi- state dated 
HI tlie fovmdation of new are returning to those t'"" agreed I'cb. 16 
principles, suddenly in- principles, to tihicli, men ^° ^y '^''•^ ''C- lt>08 page 
>-ented."§ as a colony, she xvojild not ".^^^ o* ^he 12. 

'* The revival of her dis- «w^""'- It is immuterial, '-'• States. — 
carded rule was character- whether it be a tar on f ^^; ^^• 
'*ed with such circumstances stamp.i,or on cotto?u This '^^^^- — See 
'jfivitfuity and violence as question has been 'lirea- '^''?'^ ^'^^ 
T-ather to heighten by the Jy tlie subject of a Jong 
i-ontrast the venei-ation of »'>J bloody w ar ; and it 
mankind for the past jus- can hardly be .supposed 
tice of her tribunals."^ that America will now 

-1 submit to a direct attack 

•Boston liunioii.'^l. on her sovereign andin- 

■j-New York meuioi-ial. dependent rifiTits.'" t 

^Philadelphia memorial 'tlan.,g>s Exan,i]^{^n 

'^.BaJtiriiorc i.icniori:.). (j,„g,. j9^ ^ 

jldem, p. 74 
4ldvni, p. 76 



^ 



THE OLIVE BRANCH. 137 

It is not for me, to reconcile Mr. Pickering's sentiments* to 
each other — nor to the tenor of the Memorials— nor to Mr. 
Baring's correct view of the orders in council. Let it be observed, 
let it never be forgotten, that the ^' unprovoked aggrc:<sion^^ of 1806, 
remained uaredre»sed at the date of the letter to Cjovernor Sulli- 
van. February, 1808. And further to this ^'■tmprovoicecl aggres- 
sion^^ of 1806; the orders in council had been added in lb07, 
which more than quintupled the original outrage. But even in- 
dependent of this extravagant addition, it is out of niy power, 
by all the rules of logic at my command, to satisfy my mind how 
*i Ike capture and condeumation of our vesseW^ — under false 
^^pretext,^^ and, as appears by tlie memorials of the merchants, to 
a most enormous amount — "the unprovoked aggression upon 
the properi'j of Giir citizens^^ — the" violation of neutral riglits,^^ 
and ^'the encroachment upon our national independence?' can be 
made to accord witii the broad, the sweeping, the unqualified 
assertion that Great Britain \\a.s^*r'Mlli/ done our commerceno es- 
seniijil injur yy 

To be serious. Thesubject requires seriousness and sobriety. 

Is not this a most astonishing and never enough to be lament- 
■ ed instance of the horrible delusion in which strong party passions 
involve those who submit to their guidance? Can light and dark- 
ness — vice and virtue — seraphs and demons — be more opposite 
to each other than these assertions are.^ \\>uld it not have been 
a most awful inconsistency had they both been cotemporaneous — 
had the state of aftairs, at the period ot making the second, 
been exactly what it was at the period oT making the first.' But 
>vhat an immense aggravation does this inconsistency receive 
■from the consideration, that in Feb. 1808,~the first grievances 
had been unredressed, and others, as 1 have stated, incompara- 
bly more intolerable, been added? The orders in council were, 
an outrage, and injustice, and infraction of our rights of sove- 
reignty, far beyond the enforcement of tke rule of ITaC, which 
was the ground"^ of complaint in 1806, as wanton murder is beyond 
Hiere assauH and battery. 

Never was I more deceived in my life, than I am at this mo- 
ment, if every candid, unbiassed reader do not agree w'ith me, 
that the opposition to the operation of the embargo, was factious, 
disorganizing, absurd, and impolitic in the extreme; and that those 
who rendered the law nugatory and unavailing have a high crime 
to answer for to their injured country. 

* Some of the friends of Mr. Pickering, in order to destroy the effect of 
the inconsistency of these sentiments, have asserted tliat he did not make 
the declaration that "England had done our commerce no essential injury." 
I dare Mr. Pickering thus publicly and explicitly in the face of this nation 
to deny it himselt. I pledge myself to prove it incoutrovertibly. But he 
never will dare a denial. 



J 3$ THE OLIVE BRANCH. 

To avoid the pressure of the embargo, and to hold out inducf.-- 
mentss to our citiy-ens to violate it, and to leave port clandestinely, 
the following most extriordinary order in council was puijlished 
by the British government. 



Georgf R. 

2nstn(ctio)is to the co'.nmanders of oiir ships of loar and jiriva- 
tecrs. Given at our court at Jfindsor, the llth. day ofJlpriL 
1 808, in the 4Bth. year of oar reign. 



Our will and pleasure is, that you do not interrupt anv neutral vessel laden 
with lumber and provisions, and going' to any of our colonies, islands, or 
•ettlements in the "West -Indies, or South America, <o -.vlwmsoevev the proper- 
tii may appear to bfilong, and nohuithstanding such vessel mat/ not have regular 
clearanres and dociimenls on hoard.'/.' And in case anj- vessel s all be met 
witii, imd beinj^ on her due course to the alleged port of destination, an en- 
doiscniont sIjuII be made on one or more of the principal papers of such ves- 
sel, sjiecifyins^ the destinut'.on alleged, and the place v here the vessel was 
so visited'. And in case any vessel so laden shall arrive and deUver her 
Cargo at any of our colonies, islands, • or settlements aforesaid, sucli vessel 
shall be permitted to receive her freight, and to depart, either in ballast, or 
■with any goods that may be legally exported in such vessel, and to proceed 
to any unI)lockaded porl; notwithstanding the present hostilities, or any fu- 
ture host ilies winch may take place, .'ind a passport fur such vessel may br. 
g-ranted id the vessel by tM governor, or other person, having the chief civil com- 
mand of such colony, island, or settlement.' 

G. It. 

• 

This astonishing document demands the most particular and 
pointed attention. — The ministers who prostituted the name of 
their sovereign by subscribing it to such an instrument, merit and 
mu«t icceive the reprobation of every liigh minded Englishman, 
wh.o feels for the honour or dignity of his native country. The 
Avorld l>as never seen such another instrument. And 1 hope 
there \\ ill never be another instance of the kind. I believe that 
this order a'Vone was adequate cause of war. This atjeast is cer- 
tain, that many wars Iiave been declared upon infinitely less pro- 
vifcatian. >^'iia,tl one of the most potent monarchs in the Morld, 
rather than do justice to an unoffending nation, on which for 
fourti-en years, his ministers had perpetrated the most flagrant 
outia^os, invites, and temptS; and affords facilities to its citizens, 
to violate the laws of their country, and openly pursue the in- 
famous trade' of smuggling! 

The subject affords an ample field for, and invites to, copious 
comments. But I forbear. 1 leave it the calm consideration otf 
the candid reader. 



THE OLIVE BRANCH 139 

CHAPTER XXV. 

.Enijuiri/ into the Constitutionality of the Jet for enforcing- the 
Embav^-t). Compared with acts passed duriitg the presidency 
of Gen. H'dshiui^ton and John Jidanis. J\*ot S!) rigorous. Fac- 
tious clamour. ^Lamentable public delusion. 

J. HE original embargo act liad been openly and flagrantly 
violated. The piblic prints in Bosion had audaciously and 
seditiously invited tlie citi'/oDS to set it at defiance. The liritish 
government had also, as we have seen, added the allurement 
of its powerlul invitation. Such an invitation was urinecessarj. 
There are always t(» be luund in every couununity, men who will 
seek the shortest road to fortune, whether through the daik paths 
of saui;2;"-lin^, or otherwise. And these men united their ob- 
streperous brawlings, witti the clamour raised by those whose 
grand object was to haracs the government, for the cliance of re- 
gaining the power they had iost. Thus was removed from the 
crime of S!nug2;lin2:. t!.e odium it deserved, and transferred to an 
act calculatedto preserve the property of the merchants from 
belligerent dcprodation ; an act, be it never forgotten, which was 
the mildest mode of procuring that redress for which the mer- 
cantile part of t!ie comiuunity had so loudly clamoured — and in 
the pursuit of which, they had so solemnly pledged themselves 
to support the governniint ! I I 

To prevent these evasions, an act was passed to enforce the 
embargo. This was neces-arily more strict and severe in its 
provisions tliaii the original act. Meetings were held in various 
parts of the United States, denouncing the latter as oppressive 
and unconstitutional. A very numerous and respectable one 
■was held in tlie city of Philadelphia, attended by a laro;e propor- 
tion of the merchants, and a great number of other citizens. Of 
this meeting Commodore Truxtun was chairman. Sundry reso- 
lutions were passed, which embraced the essence of all the ob- 
jections raised against it throughout the union. I shall assume 
these resolutions as a text to reason upon, and shall endeavour t© 
refute the objections. 

During the administration of General Washington, an euibar- 
p^o act had been passed by Congress. And during his adminis- 
tration, and that of Mr. Adams, various other acts had been pass- 
ed embracing prohibitory and penal clauses of a tenor similar 
to those of the embargo law. No federalist will pretend that 
.any of those acts were unconstitutional. Some of their clauses 
were far more exceptionable than those of Mr. Jefferson's em- 
bargo act. If, therefore, the latter contain no provision whatever, 
whicli is not substantially to be found in those passed during the 
administration of the two first presidents, I presume that there is 
not a candid federalist in the union who will hesitate to admit, 
that the clamour against the foimcr, as unconstitutional, was 
ti-uly " factieus, disorganizing, seditious, and iacebiuical."' 

19 ' . ' 



140 THE OLIVE BRANCH. 

'i'hc 9 til, 10th and 11th sections uere the most rigorous, the 
most obnoxious; and, of course, were selected by tiie Philadel- 
phia Jneeting, a? proper subjects for denunciation. I shall there- 
fore fairly collato them with the corresponding sections of the 
former eiiibar^o and other acts, passed during the reign of fed- 
eralism to enable the reader to form his opinion : 

l> xcfedin^s of the Meeting of the Citizens of Philuilelphia, Com.' Tfuxtun 

in the C/iuir. 

" JfefoheJ, Thatv.'e consider the late act of Congress, commonly called 
•• Tlic tnroicin.a: law," to he a direct invasic^ of the established principles 
of civil lihcrlv, and of the express provisions of the constitution; as arbitrary 
and severe to a degree inineccssary, even to accomplish the objects for 
M'hich the law is professed to have bet-n enacted; as creating' an enormous and 
dancjcrous augmentation of executive influence and power; and as unne- 
cessarily exposing the citizen to the miseries of civil discord and militarj ex- 
ecution 

"Renolved, That the 9tli. ."wction of this act, which authorizes a ministerial 
oflicer, without process of la-w, to seize goods at his discretion, under a 
m-etencc that he helie^-es they are intended for exportation, or apparaitly on 
the way lor tjie territories of a foreign power, is, in our opinion, a breach of 
Uie fourth article of the amendments to the constitution, which provides, 
" that the right of the people to be secure in their persons, houses, papers, 
and eficcts, a^-ainst unreasonable searches and seizures, shall not be violat- 
ed:" and of the 5th article of the aniendments, which dechu-es, " that no 
man shall be deprived of life, hberty, or property, but bv due process of 
law." ^ 

♦ENFORCING LAW,' • PRECEDENTS 

Signed by jF.rrr.nsox. Signed by Washington andAnxMS. 

1." That "the col]tctors of 1. "That every collector, naval officer, and 
ail the districts of the United surveyor, or other person especially appoint- 
States, shall be, and they arc ed by'either of them for tiuit purpose, shall 
hereby authorized, to take have full power and autliorily to enter any;ship 
into their custorfi/ specie, o^''^ or vessel, in which they shall have reason to 
any ai-ticles of domestic suspect any goods, wares or merchandize sub- 
gwwth, produce, or manu- ject to duty shall be concealed, and therein 
'fiiCtUi-e, f/intd mi 6oard of an;/ to search for, seize, and secure any such goods, 
^hip or vessel, boat or other ~u>a- wares, and merchandize," Sec. — See act of 31st 
fir craft, when there is rca- July, 1789, sect. 24. Act of 4th August, 
tan to believe \]iAt they are ?>;- 1790. .sect. 48. 
?r7(.'/eri for exportation: " That it shall be the duty of the several 

2." Or when in vessels, officers of the customs to make siezure of and 
carts, -waggons, sleighs, or a- secure any shij) or vessel, goods, wares or 
Tiy other carriage; or in any merchandize which shall be hable to seizure 
nianner apparently on their by virtue of this act, as well without, as with*' 
Way towards the tenitory of in their re.sjiective districts." — Sc sect. 26 and 
a foreign nation, or the'vicin- 50 of Gie same act. — See also, act of tlie 2d. 
'*y thereof, or towards a March, 1799, sect. 68, 70. 
l>lac.c w here sticli articles arc " That it shall be lawful for any officer of 

inleiidcd to be cx])orled: the revenue; to goon board of any ship or 

o. "And not to permit ^x.■ssel, tvhelher.she sh:ill ue within, or with- 
such articles to be removed, out his tlistrict; and the same to insjject, 
until bond with sufficient search, and examine; and if it shall <:ppear, 
sureties shall have been that any breach of tlie laws, of the U. States, 
gi*en for ihe laiid'.iig, or lias been committed, &c. to make .seizure of 
the dehvery of the .same the same." — Sec act of 18tli Eeb. 1793, sect. 27. 
*n some place of the Unit- "That any of the aforesaid articles (arms & 
*ed Slates, where, in the ammunition) excepting such of t hemas may 
'iwir.loi, r,r,h.. c oUector, thcr<" roM'-titit,. :: part fflf the equipment of any vae- 



THE OLIV& BRANCH. 



i4l 



iX. page 192, sect. 9, of the 
^rt to enforce the embargo. 



shall not he any danger of scl, which during the conthmance of this prohi- 
such articles being export- bition, shall be found on board of any vessel 
ed.' l.aw.^ U. States, vol. in any river, port, bay, or harbour, within 

the territory of the United States, if///* an 
intent to be exported IVoni tlie United Stales, 
to any foreign country, shall be forfeited,' 
Sec— See act of 22d Alay, 1794, sect. 2. 

' That all goods, wares, and merchandize 
brouglit into the U. States by land, contrary 
to this act, shall be forfeited, together with 
'/(C carriages, horses and 0.1 en, th:>t shall be 
employed in car-ying the same; provided 
nothing- herein shall be constraed to extend 
to household furniture and clothing, belong- 
ing to any person, or persons, ;ix;lually com- 
ing into any part of the United States, for 
the purpose of becoming an inh abitant, or 
inhabitants thereof — See act of 4th. August, 
1790, sect. 70. 

' Thtit it shall be lawful for the President 
of thf United States, to give instruclions to 
the commanders of the public armed ships 
of the United States to stop and examine 
any sliip or vessel of tlie United States on 
the high seas, which there may be reason to 
suspect to be engaged iij any tra fhc qir com- 
merce contrary to the true t tr.cr heeof, 
&.C.'— Act of 9th. February, 1799 , i-tct. . 



iJii the ^ Enforciv^ 
LaivJ' 

1. ''Ministerial of- 
ficers are authorized to 
act withotit process of 
law. 

2. "Ministerial offi- 
cers may take j^oods 
into their custody found 
on board of any ship or 
vessel. 



o. "Ministerial offi- 
cers, without process, 
may seize goods on 
board of any vessel, 
when there is reason to 
believe, that they are 
'intended fOr expovta- 
rioa. 



REMARKS. 

On the Precedents. 

1. <' Ministerial officers are author 
ised to act without process of law. 



e. " Ministerial officers, or other per- 
sons specialli/ appointed by them., may 
enter any ship or vessel, and seize the 
goods on board, «s ivell without, as with- 
in their respective districts: and com- 
manders of public vessels may seize 
ships on t!ie high seas, bound to. or sail- 
ina; towards any interdicted French port, 
there being reason to suspect an illicit 
traffic. 

3. "Ministerial officers, or any per- 
son appointed by them, may enter any 
vessel, in which they have reason to 
suspect goods subject to duty are con- 
cealed, &c. And if it shall appear to 
them, that any breach of the laws is com- 
mitted; or, (in ilie case of arms and am- 
munition) that there was an intent to 
export, they may make seizures. 



142 



THE OLIVE BRANCH. 



4. "Ministerial offi- 4. " Ministerial officers, without pro- 

cers, without process, cess, may seize goods apparently on 

may detain ijoods ap- their way to be imported by land; and 

parentlv on their way vessels apparenly on tlieir way towards 

to be exported, till se- a French port, may be seiz.ed by milita- 

curity is given, that ry officers, 
they shall not be ex- 
ported. 



5. « The power of 
seizure is confined to 
goods, &c. found on 
board of vessels, or ap- 
parently on their ivay 
to be exported. There 
is no power given to 
any ministerial officer 
to enter any house 
without process." 



5. " The seizure is extended to goods, 
&c. found on board of vessels, or ap- 
parently on their way to be imported by 
land, and to vessesls on the liigh seas. 
Tliere is no power given to a municipal 
officer to enter houses without process." 



Commodore Tvuxtoti's Third Fesolution. 

" Resolved, That the tenth section is contrary to the spirit of the constitu- 
tion inasmuch as it vests in the president a legislative authority by giving t*. 
liis instructions, in certain cases, the force of law." 



' ENFORCING LAW' 

' The powers sriven to the 
' collectors, either by this 
' or any otlier act, respect- 
'ingtiie eiribargo, to re- 
' fuse permission to put 

• any cargo on board any 
' vessel, boat or otlier wa- 
'ter craft; to detain any 
•vessel, or to take into 
' their custody any articles 
' for the pvirpose of prc- 

* venting violations of the 
' eiiii.argo, shall be exer- 
' cised ill conformity with 
'svch iimtruclions, as the 
' President may give, and 
' such f^cneraJ rules as he 
'via;/ firt'scribe fur that fnir- 

"■pose, MADE IN PUHSUANCE 

' oi' Tilt; I'owr.ns afohe- 
' SATii; whicli instructions 
' and general rules, tlic col- 

♦ lectors shall be l)0tind to 

• obey.' — Idem, section 10. 



PRECEDFA'TS, &;c. 

Under Washitigtoji and .^dams. 

' That the President of the United States be , 

'and he hci-eby is autiiorized and empowered, 

^ivhenever inhis opinimi the public safeii/ shall so 

'rerpiire, (j^ TO LAY AN EMHAUGO on all 

* ships and vessels in the ports of the United 
< States, or the ships and vessels of any foreign 
' nation (Xj' under such regidatio7is us the cir- 
' cumstances of the case may require, and to con- 
'tinue or revoke the same, wlienever he shall 
'think proper, (Ci'ANii the phesiuext is' 

'IIEUEIIY FULLl ArTIIOlUZEI) TO OIVE ALL SUCH 

* OUDEKSTO TUB OFFlfEUS OF THE UNITED STATES 
' AS MAY BE NKCESSAKY TO CAIIUY THE SAME INTO 

•ruLi. EFFECT.' — Scc aot of 4th. June, 1794, sect. 1 
» ' That an embargo be laid on all ships and 
'vessels in tiie ports of the United States 
' wheiber already cleared out or not, bound t(> 
' any foreign )iort or place, except ships oi 

* vessels uniler the immediate directions of tlif^ 
' president of the i'nited States. And thai 
'the i'hf.sidxnt of the uniteu states be au- 
'thobizedto filte such instkuctions to tbk 

' REVENUE OrriCERS OF THE UNITEP STATES A*^ 



THE OLIVE BRANCH. 



^ur. 



'M ' The Enforcing 

1. " There is no le- 
gislative power given 
I to the president. The 
constitution declares 
that he shall see the 
laws faithfully execut- 
ed. His instructions 
are to be given in or- 
d*er to execute the law, 
not to make if; and the 
instructions must be in 



< SUAIX APPEAR B£ST ADAPTED FOR CAKttVlNI, TH£ 

•said iir.soLUTiox i>To Fi Lju KfFti.T.' — Kesolvc 
« oftlic 2Gtli Ararch, 1792, 

' That the president of the United States, he. 
' and he is hereby authorized, to direct the rc-ve- 
' nuc oflicers, and the olTicci's, coninumding forts 
' and revenue cutters, to aid in the execution of 
' the health laws of the states, respectlvel)^ in 

* such manner as mav appear to 1dm necesbary.' 
Act ofSrth. May 1796. 

< That it shall be lawful for the president of 
'the United States, it" he shall deepi it expedi- 
«ent and consistent with the interest of tiie 
' Uni+ed States, by his order, to remit and dis- 
►■ continue, tor the time being-, the- icstraints and 

* prohibitions aforesaid, either with respect to 
' the French Hcpublic, or to any island, &c. 
'with which aconunercial intercourse may be 
' safely renewed; and also, to revoke such or- 
« ders, whenevei", in his opinion, the interest of 
' the United States" shall so require.' — Act of 
9th February, 1729, sect. 4. 

' That it shall be lawful for the president 
' of the United States at any time during the con- 
' tinuance of this act, to order all such aliens, as 
'he shall judge dangerous to the peace and safe- 
'ty of the I iiited States, or shall have reasont^- 

* ble gTound to suspect, as concerned in any trea- 
' sonable or secret machinations against the gov- 

* verninent thereof, to depart out of the territo- 
•riesof the United States, within such times as 
' shall be expressed in such order.' — Act of June 
25, 1798, sect. 1. 

* And all marshals and other officers of the 
'United States, are required to execute all pre- 
' cepts and orders of the president of tlie United 
' States, issued in pursuance-or by virtue of this 
' act.' Idem, sect. 4. 

REMARKS 

On the precedents. 

1, ''The president is empowered 
IC?- TO LAY, AND TO RP^VOkE 
EMBARGOES. His discretion in es- 
tablishing regulations, is only limited "tu 
such asthe circiiinstances of the casemaij 
require','" while his orders might be di- 
rected to, and must be obeyed by, a^i offi- 
cers of the United States civil and m'lLi- 
tart/., he being constituted the sole judge 
of what orders were necessary, to carry 
an embargo into eiiect! 



144 



THE OLIVE BRANCH, 



i 



eursuanceof the pow- 
ers expicj^sly eranted 
to the coUecfois by 
the law." 



2. "The president's instructions ic 
military and civil officers, are al<io ab- 
solute, without any limitation by law. or 
ant/ use of civil jnocess, to aid in execu- 
tion of State- Health Laics- to cntorcf 
the nan-iiite.rcoiirse Lait-s against Fiantf. 
and to expel aliens tVoni the country." 
Commodore Triijctun's fourth Tiesolntion. 
" Resolved, That tlie eleventh section of'the act violates a political apd cr 
rieht.more sacred tlian any constitution/in authonzinp; the military u, five up 
the people, without tlie silnctiun or interposition of the civil authority, 
principle contained in tiiis suction, if much furjier extended, mipht, 

our g-overnment into an absolute despolism." 
FUEGKDtiNTS, 



principl 

competent force, convert 
'ENFORCING LANV.' 
«It shall be lawful for the 
'president of tlie Unit d 
'States, or such other per- 
•son as he shall have em- 
-powered for that purpose, 
•to employ such part of 
'^the land or naval forces, 
'or militia of'the United 
•States, or of the territories 
'thereof as may be judged 
•necessary, in conformity 
'with llie provisions of tliis 
■and other acts respecting 
•the embargo, for the pur- 
-^pose of preventing- the il. 
-legal depiu'ture of any 
•ship or vessel, or of de- 
■tiiining, taking possession 
•of, and keeping in custo- 
•uy and guarding any spe- 
•cie or ai-ticle of domestic 
'growth, produce, or man- 
'ufacture; and also, for the 
■•purpose of preventing 
'and suppressing any arm- 
'ed or riotous assemblage 
'of persons resisting the 
•Custom 1 louse Officers in 
•i:;e exercise of their du- 
'tics, or in any mi.nner op- 
•posing the execution of 
4he laws laying an einbar- 
•'0, orotliorvvise violating 
'or assisting and abetting 
"vioLitions of the same.' — 
idem. Section 11. 



The 

witi 



Under Washington and Adams. 

'In every case arising under tliis act, it shi 
'b'- lawf.il" for the President of the U. States, 
'such other person as he shall have empow. 
'ered for that purpose, io employ vsuch part oi 
'the land or naval forces of the United State: 
'or of tlie iiiiiitia thevet)f, as shall be judge 
'necessary, for the purpose of taking poss- 
'sion of and detnining any such ship 
'vessel, wit:li her prize, or prizes, if any in or- 
'der to the execution of the penalties of this act, 
'and to the restorir.g of such prize or prizes, in ■' 
'the cases in wliich restoration sh.^11 have beenjj 
'adjudged; and also, for the purpose of preJ^i 
'venting the caTT}-ing on of any such expedit i '^ 
*rr enter]jr;se i'roin the territories of die Uniii : 
'States, ag-iinst the tenutories, or dominions of 
'a ftfreign pnnce, or state, with whom tlie 
'United States are at peacp.'— Act of the 5tli. 
June, 1794, section 7. 

'That whenever the laws of the United States 
'shall be opposed, or the execution thereof ob-; 
'structed in any state, by combinations too pow- 
'erful to be suppressed by the ordinary cour 
•of judicial proceedings, or by the powers vest 
'cd in the niavshal by this act,' [the smne powersip^ 
'in executing the laws of the United States as" 
'sherilfs possess for executing the state laws] it 
'shall be lawful for the President of tlie United 
'States to call forth' the militia of such state or • 
'of any otlier state, or states, as may be neces- 
•sarv,to suppress svich combinations, and to c;iuse 
't!ic laws to be dulv executed,' &c. — Act of the 
24th May, 1792. ' :_ 

' Provided, that whenever it may be necessa- \ 
•ry in the judgment of tlie President, to use the, 
'niilitary force hereby directed to be called [\n-x\ull 
'the President shall, ibrthwith, by proclamation, ' 
'eonmiand such insurgents to disperse, and re? 
•tire peaceably to their respective abodes., with*^ 
'ilia limited time.' — Ibid, sect. •>. HJ' 

REMARKS 
On ^ The Enforcing Law. ^ On the Precedents. 

1. "In "the ^Enforcing 1. " In the act of the 5thA. 

iau;,' there is an authority at' June., 1794, the same por-" 



THE OLIVE BRANCH 



145 



wiven to call out such part of 
the military, as is juilgetl ne- 
cessary to" execute the law. 
But it is not true, that the 
military are authorized ex- 
pressly, or by reasonable im- 
plication, to fire upon the peo- 
jAe, withoirt the sanction or 
interposition of the civil au- 
thority. No such lan!^uao-e or 
meaning can be traced in the 
law. 

2.. « The terms of the ^En- 
forcing Law'' authorising a call 
upon the military, are evident- 
ly predicated upon the ascer- 
tained incompetency of the 
civil power to execute the law; 
for the call must he judged ne- 
cessary to cftect the specific 
purposes of tlie law: but if 
tlie custom-house officers can 
execute the law, with the aid 
ot the civil process, it never 
couhl be judged necessary to 
call out tlie military. 

3. " Tlie ' Enforcing Law- 
does not require a proclama- 
lien. 



vision is made for calling out 
the military to aid in tlie exe- 
cution of the law without any 
reference to tlie sanction, or 
interposition, of the civil au- 
thority. 



2. "During the respectiv* 
administrations of Washington 
and Jldams, the military were 
often called out without the ex- 
press sanction or interpositim 
of the civil authority, to aid in 
the execution of the laws. The 
instances will occur to every 
man, who remembers the scenes 
of 1793 and 1798. 



S. « The act of the 28th. oi' 
February, 1795, requires a 
proclamation; but it is by way 
of admonition to the people: 
and neither suspends the call, 
nor the employment, of the mi- 
litary. Such was tiie construc- 
tion of President Washington^ 
under the previous law, of a 
similar import, passed in 
1792.''* 



^ 



To the candour of the reader I freely appeal. Let him care- 

ftiUy compare those various section together. Let liim more 

imrticularly observe, that by the act of June 4, 1794, congress 

.ctuallv vested the president with IO° the poiver of LAYING 

kN EMBARGO, " whenever in his ofiinion, the public safety 

Viould require it •,^^ which was, so far as respects this important 

•The whole of this comparison of, as well as the remarks upon, these acts, 

are taken from a pamphlet, published in Philadelphia, in 1809, and entitled 

'The constitutionality of the Embargo Laws established by Precedent"— a» 



I liiminous and unan^wei-able an essay as ever published. 



146 THE OLIVE BRANCH. 

brancli of legislation, ^tZT" an actual surrender of the legislat'nr 
power into the handi> of the executive maghtrate — and that the, 
likewise confeired on him authority " io give such orders an 
mit^ht be iitcessar;/ to carry into effect,^^ the law which he had, of 
his own v.ievc moiiun, tlie *■'• legislative poiver'' to enact. — ^Wlicn ht- 
has duly pondered on these circunwtances — when he ha- 
fully ascertiiined that IMr. Jefferson's embargo act in no in- 
stance exceeded, and in many tell far short ot, the rigour of for- 
mer laws — will he not be lost in amazement, how it wa> 
po :>ible so to excite the public passions, respecting this 
necessary measure, as to actually endanger the permanence ot 
the union? for it is an indubitable fact that insurrection and re- 
bellion were threatened — and it has been repeatedly asserted, 
and confidently believctl, tliat the lenth congress, through ap- 
prehension of that, issue alone, repealed the embargo act. 

1 ought not to omit, that the legislature of Massachusetts ac- 
tiiaily passed an act making the enforcement of some ofthe pro- ,, 
visions of ihe embargo law criminal, and attaching to it certain \ 
penalties. It is out of my power to procure the act, or state its i 
datails. But otits existence there is not the shadow of a doubt. !l 



CHAPTER XXVI. 

Fatriotic Proceedings.* 

I annex a few specimens of the style and substance of the re- 
solutions and legislative remarks upon the embargo — in order to 
satisfy the reader that I have not exaggerated the deplorable and 
disgraceful phrency of the public mind. 

Ecvtract from the resolutions of the town of Gloucester, Januaru 

mh. 1809. 
" Resolved, That we will mutually watch and protect what little property 
\vc have still left — that we will use all lawful means ' to arrest disturbere 
alid breakers of the peace or such "tlicrs as may, f undev pretence of nuthority 
from rravernmmi J go armed by nij^ht,' or utter any menaces, or threatening- 
speeches, to the fear and terror of the good people of this town; and that 
we will ever liohl iu abhorrence pimps, and spies, and night-walkers, whcf 
.strive to fatten on the spoils of their sutfering fellow-citizens. 

^' Resolvsil, That 10 o\iv state government we look for coimeil, protection and\ 
rcluf, at thin u-Lvfid period of general calamitij." 

Extractufrom the rr.sohitions of the toiun (f Bath, December 27, 1808. 
"i/esoZvet/, That we have lutherto borne with silence the severe pressure of j 

•The factio\is, and seditious, and Jacobinical proceedings that took pli' . 
in the eastern states in the year 1809, and shook the govornmcnt to its cm 
tre, \\'ere paraded in inanv of the federal papirs throughout the union willi 
peat solemnity headed with the words " PATIUOTR; PHOCEKDlNt;.'^," 
i\\ -staring capitals. It is truly lamentable to reflect on the extravagant 
lengths to which the spiritof party leads its followers. Never was the woi'* 
"patriotic" more gi'ossly misapplied^. 



■4 



THE OLIVE BRANCH. 147 

these r\iinou3 laws [cmbarp^o law »]-T-and although we now deem it our duty 
to speak -Mill /timness and decision ojn- deteslation of them; and the policy ivhtch 
.-(iir rise to tfirm. we will scill keep down the spirit otiiKlignation which swells 
within us at this endurance of them; and will conduct towards the nationsil 
Sfovernnient and its several otHcers with suitable dcfL-rence and moderation; 
I hat we do, however, despair of obtaining- any redress of these grievances, 
fidin that government, while its principle' offices are filled as at present; and 
that our only hope is that the state }:^overnments, by their remonstrances 
and resolutions, may have more influence in effecting this object, than the 
petitions and memorials of individuals and towns- 

" Resolved ther'fore, That a respectful address be forwarded in the name 
of the people of this town to the legislature of this conunonwealtli, stating 
to them tlie wro igs and grievances we already suffer, and the fearful appre- 
hensions we experience of spceddy having our calamity increased by the ad- 
dition ot still more restrictive and arbitrary laws ; expressing to them our 
appi'obation of the measures they have alrtady adopted upon this important 
subject, and re(iuesting them to take such otlicr immediate steps for reliev- 
ing the people, either by themselves aloiie, or in concert tuith other commer- 
cial states, us 'he evtraordinarif ciraimstances of oitr situation may require." 
Extract from the memorial of the to~.vn of lio-iiun to the leffislatuve of Jlfassa 

churteits, laimary 25th. 1809. 

"The inhabitants of the town of Boston, in town meeting assembled, re- 
spectfully represent — That they are constrained to apply to your honoura- 
ble body, as the immediate guardians of their rights and liberties, for your 
interposition to pi'ocure for them relief from the s/'rievances which they nov." 
suffer, under the operation of the laws of the general government, abolish- 
ing foreign commerce, and subjecting the coasting trade to embarrassments. 
which threaten its annihilation. Our hope and consolation rest with the le- 
gislature of our state, to -.uliom it is competent to devise means of relief against 
the unconstitutional nwdiures of the general government : that your power is 
adequate to this object is evident from the organization of the confederacy.^* 

Extract from the proceedings of the town of Topsfield, January 15th. 1809. 

<« Resolved, That s.uch has been pur suffcririg, -mvI so great is our alarm, 
occasioned by the e.vtraordlnary measures lately adopted, that we shall never 
be contented until we are secured from a repetition of the same evils. That 
a bai'e repeal of the obnoxious acts ought not, therefore, to satisfy a free and 
prudent people, any more than the repeal of the British stamp act silenced 
the patriots of that day — that there ought to be a solemn renunciation of 
the right thus assumed; and it is the opinion of this assembly, that legal and 
constitutional measures should be adopted for that purpose. 

" This assembly declare it as their deliberate opinion tliat there exists 
NO CAUSE of war with (Jreat Britain; that such a war would be unjust, un. 
necessai-y, and extremely to be deplored; that the removal of the embai-go 
will not necessarily involve us in war; but should this be the alternative, it 
ought to be a war with France, and not with Great Britain. 

" Inhabiting a part of the u\iion the most engaged in foreign commerce, 
they think themselves quahfiedto decide upon its risks, and the nature and 
extent of the injuries to wliich it is exposed; and it is their firm belief that 
our commerce, unrestrained by self-destroying measures, might find many 
sources of profitable employment, vnthout interfering in any degree ■u.-ith those 
principles of maritime law, which GREAT BUITAIN deems essential to her 
existence, andivhich in an eventf/1 moineiii like the present she -mil NE"\'ER YIELDJ 
" And this assembly cannot refi-ain from expressing their conviction, that 
neither the honour nor the permanent interests of the United States require 
that we should drive Great Britain, if it were in our power, to the surrender 
of tliese claims so essetiiial to her in the mighty confict in tvhich she is at present 
engaged; a conflict interesting to humanity, to morals, to religion, and tite last 
stniggle of liberty!" 

Extract from a. Circular Handbill, puhUslied at J^e^uburyport. 
" You have reposed confidence in a COWAKD, f Jefierson,! and leaned oft 

20 



14S THE OLIVE BRAISCH. 

A broken staff toolonj;— The dav of political probation is la&f verg^n^ to * 
close— when the late of America will be decided, and laurels bought \\\l}\ 
the price of freemen's blood will grace the brows of the Gallic t>Tunt. Let 
every man who holds the name of America dear to him, stretch out his hand, 
andinit this accursed thintc the EMBARGO, from him. (Xj" Be resolute : 
rrr act like the sons of liberty, of f;01) and of > oui- country— (Cf nerve your 
arms witli A f-NCiEANCE against the DESPOT whoAvould wrest the inesti- 
mable germ of jour independence Irom you— and CCj"}^^ ^'^^^^ ^^ conqiit- 

Torg ! . , 

" Give car no longer to the sjTen \'oicc of democracy and Jeffersonian lib- 
ertii. It is a cuised delusion, adopted by traitors, and recommended by syco- 
phants. 

" Jefferson — a man, who with the DAGGER of popular confidence first gav 
the stab to yoar liberties."— 

Extract from the proceedings of the tcnani of Aug^ista in 'Elaine Jan 16,1809. 

" The awl'iil crisis has arrived, when it becomes necessaiy for the friends of 
mir independence, to make a firm and decided stand — wlien it becomes all- 
important to throw aside minor considerations, and unite for the common 
good ; and when a sen?c of common danger draws us togetlier to meet tlie 
approaching storm 

•'With submission almost amounting to criminal apathy, we have suffered 
privations and restrictit)ns never before^evpected of, or endured by, a free people. 
Now, that even the means of subsistance is at hazard, and the sacred asylum . 
of our dwellings, is no longer held inviolable — silence would be crime, and 
([jreslatance ivuiild become a virtve of the first niagnitiide ! ! ! 

" Resolved, that tlie restrictions and impositions on trade and commerce, 
are too great and niinous any longer to be borne — and that the general dis- 
tress of our country demands immediate relief" 

"Every man will ])resunic that he is not bound to regard it [the Embargo] 
but may send his produce or his merchandize to a foreign market in thr 
?ame nianner as if the government had never undertaken to prohibit." 

Boston Centinel. 

"We know if the embargo be not removed, our citizens will ere long set 
its penalties and restrictions at defiance. It behoves us to speak; for strike 
-.i-e mitM, it speaking docs not answer." Boston Jiepertorv. 

"It is better to suffer the AMPUTATION of a Limb, tlian to lose '^the 

WHOLE BODV. JVcmvsi piepare for the operation! Wherefore then is 

.Ww England As\ecp — wherefore does she SUBMIT to the oppression of e«- 

emies'm the South ? Have we no Moses, who is inspired by the God ! 

of our I'athers, and vUl lead i<s out of Egiif>t." Boston Gazette. 

" This perpetual embargo litlng unconstitutional, everj^man will perceive 
that he is not bound to regard it, but may send his produce or merchan- 
dize to a foreign market in the same nianner as if the government iiud never 
undertiiken to prohibit it ! — If the petitions dp not produce a rela.xation or re- 
moval of the embargo, the people ought immeiiiately to assume a faghcr tone. 

'f The government of Massachusetts Ivds also a duty to perform. Tliis state 
is still sovereign and independent." Boston Cenlitiel September 10th. 1808. 

Extract from the speech of Mr. I/iUhouse, in tJie senate of tlie United States, At 
the bill for enforcing tlie embargo. 
'In my mind the present crisis excites tiic most serious apprehension. 
(j3^ a storm seemv to be gathering which ]iortends not a tempest on the ocea- 
hnt.—d:miastic convulsion^ .' — However painful the task, a tense of chity call 
u|)on me to riiise my voice, and use my utmost exertions to prevent the ])assing 
of tliis hill. 1 feel ntyseH' bound in conscience to declare, lest the blood oj 
those ivho should fall in the e.reciition of this measure may lie on my head, that 1 
oonsider tki^ to be an act tchich directs a mortal blow at the liberties of my conn 
fii : an uh conlmning mu^nstitutitnai provisions ikhich THE PEOI'LI 



THE OLIVE BRANCH. Uft 

A flE NOT BOUND TO SUBMIT, and to -which, in my opinio7i,~they ^dll ntti 
s'.if>imt.'"*\ 

This speech requires a most serious reflection. vV senator of 
tiie Mnitod States — whose a^e ouj^ht to have secured hiiu from 
the heyday of passiot) and violence, and tauii;Iit him sobriety and 
gravity, in his place invites and encourages his fellow citizens to 
insurrection and rebellion! And the law to which he excites re- 
sistance is not so rigorous, as laws which, I believe, he had con- 
curred to frame: for I am persuaded he was in congress when 
tUose laws to which 1 have referred, were passed. 

A large volume might be filled with similar " patriotic proceed- 
ings," as they were then styled, which threatened the peace of 
tKe nation with destruction. No pains had been spared to tan 
the llauie. The public mind, by incessant appeals to the pas- 
sions, had been excited to u species of delirium and madness. 
And such was the awful and disgraceful delusion, that the sufter- 
ingsofthe country by the lawless pros:eedings of the belligerents, 
Mere unjustly ascribed to the measures of the government, calcu- 
lated to enforc* redress! Greater insanity can hardly be con« 
ceiTcd. 



CHAPTER XXVn. 

^ohtt llenrij^s Mission to the. Eastarn States. Instructions from 
the Governor Qeneral of British Jimerica. 

IjOTEMPORANEOUSLY with the '^' patHotic proceed- 
ings,''' of which I presented the reader with a slight sketch in 
the preceding chapter, a most extraordinary circunistance oc- 
curred in Canada. Sir James H. Craig, governor general of the 
Biitish provinces in North America, employed a certain John 
Henry on a mission to the Eastern States, to ascertain t!ie views 
of the malecontents, and how far, if they obtained "a decided in- 
.J??teuc«;" they would ^^ e.vert their influence to brln^ about a se- 
paration from the s^eneral union.y Also, ^* ho to far, in such an 
event, theif would look to England for assistance, or be disposed 
to enter into a conneoi/ion with ms" [the people of Canada.] 

. This is a most important feature in the history of our era. I 
--hall, therefore, give tlie wiioleof tlie correspondence between Sir 
.tames and -Mr. Henry, in eMenso, without comment. Let the 
reader decide for himself as to the nature of the transaction. 

For the preceding extracts I am indebted to a pamphlet, styled " Thiiip^ 
as they are," by II. Niles. 

Boston Centhiel, Jan, 12,1809. 



150 THE OLIVE BRANCH. 

No. I. 

jyfr. liyland. Secretary to sir James Craig, late c^ovcmor-general of the British 

provinces in J\''orth Amenca, to Mr. Henri/. 

[Most secret and confidential] 

Quebec, 26th. Jan. 1809. 

My dear sir — The extraordinary situation of things at this time in the neigh- 
boiirint^ states, has sup^gested to the governor in chief, the idea of employ- 
ins;' you on a secret and confidenti;J mission to Boston, provided an ar- 
rangement can be made to meet the important end in view, without throw- 
ing an absolute obstacle in the way of your professional pursuits. The 
information und political observations heretofore received from you were 
transmitted by his excellency to the secretary of state, who has expressed his 
particular approbation of them; and there is no doubt that your able execu- 
tion < f such a mission as I have above suggested, would give you a claim 
not only on the governor-general, but on his majesty's ministers, which 
might eventually contribute to jour advantage. You will have tlie good- 
ness, therefore, to acquaint me, for his exceDcncy's information, whe- 
ther you could make it convenient to engage in a mission of this nature, 
and what pecuniary assistance would be requisite to enable you to undertake 
it without injury to j oiu"self 

At present it is only necessary for me to add, that the governor would 
furnish you with a cypher for carrying on your con-cspondencc; and that in 
case the leading party in any ot the states wished to open a communication 
with this government, their views might be communicated through you. 

I am, with great truth and regard, my dear sir, your most faithful, hum- 
ble servant. 

(Signed^ HEli:\IAN W. RYLAND. 

John Henry, Esq. 

No. 11. 

Montreal, Jan. 31, 1809. 

1 have to acknowledge the favour of your letter of the 26th. inst. written 
by the desire of his excellency the gov. in chief; and hasten to express, 
through Tou, to his excellency, my readines to comply with liis wishes. 

I need not add how very flattering it is to receive fiom his excellency the 
assuranceof the approbation of his majesty's secretary of state for tlie very 
humble services that I may have rendered. 

It the nature of the services in which 1 am to be engaged will require no 
other disbursements than for my individual expenses,! do not apprehend that 
these can exceed my private resources. 

I shall be ready to take my depai-ture bclbrc my instructions can be 
made out. 

1 have the honom- to be, &,c. J. H'y 

//. W. liijlamlf Esq. Sec. &c. 

No. III. 
Ceneral Instructions from sir J. If. Craig to Mr. Henry, respective his secret 

mission. 
[Most secret and confidential.] 

Quebec, 6th. Feb. 1809. 

Sir — .\s you have so readily undertaken the service which I have suggested 
lo )-ou a.s being likely to be attended with much benefit to the public in- 
terests, I am to request that with your earliest fonveiuency you will proceed 
'o boston. 

The princi])al object that T recommend to your attention, is the endeavour 
to obtain the most "accurate information of the tiue state of atl'airs in thatpart 
of the union, which, from its wealth, the nvnnber of its inha()itiuits, and ihe 
known intelligence and ability of several of its leading men, must naturally 
])osscss a veiy considerable influence over, and will indeed r obably lead, 
the other eastern stiites of America in the part they may take at this im- 
porfant crisis. 

I shall nf)t pretend to point out to you the mode by which you will be 
most likely to obtain this important infomiation. YouV own judgrnent, and 
the connections which you may have intho town, must be your guide. 



J 



THE OLIVE BRANCH. 15i 

I think It however necessary to put you on your guard against the san 
guincness of an aspiring party. Tlie federalists, as I understand, have at 
all tunes discovered a leaning to this disposition : and their being underits 
particular influence at this moment, is the more to l)e expected from their 
having no ill founded ground for tlieir hopes of being nearer the attainment 
of their object than they haye been for some years past. 

In the general terms which I have made use of in describing the object 
which I rccommen I to j-our attention; it is scarcely necessary, that I should 
observe, I include the state of the public opinion, hotii with regard to ihciv 
internal politics and to the probability of a war with England; the compara- 
tive strength of the two great parties into wliich the country is divided; and 
the views and designs of that u'hich may ultimately prevail. 

It has been supposed that if the federalists of the eastern states should be 
.succesirtul in obtaining that decided influence, which may enable them to 
direct the public opinion, it is not improbable, th:^t rather than submit to a 
continuance of the difliculties and distress to which they are now subject, 
tliey will exert that influence to bring about a sepai-ation from the general 
union. The cai-liest informadon on this subject may be of great consequence 
to our government; as it may also be, that it shoiildbe informed how far in 
such an event the}- would look to England for assistance, or be disposed to 
enter into a connection with us. 

Although it woiUd be highly inexpedient that you should in any manner 
appear as an avowed agent; yet if you could contrive to obtain an intimacy 
with an}" of the leading partj', it may not be improper tliat you should insinu- 
ate, tliough with great caution, that if they should wish to enter into any com- 
munication with our government tlirough me, you are autliorized to receive any 
such, and will safely transmit it to me : and as it may not be impossible tliat 
they should require some document by which they ma) be assured, that you 
are really in the situation in which you represent yourself, I nclose a cre- 
dential to be produced in that view. But I most p;u\icularly enjoin and di- 
rect, that you do not make use of this paper, unless a desire to that purpose 
should be expressed; and unless you see good ground for expecting that 
the doing so may lead to a more confidential communication, than you can 
otherwise look for. 

In passing throu.gh the state of Vermont, you will of course exert your en- 
deavours to procure all the iiiformation that tlie short stay you will probably 
make there will admit of. — You will use your own discretion as to delaying 
your journey, with this view more or less, in proportion to your prospects of 
obtaining any intormation of consequence. 

I request to hear from j'ou as frequently as possible: and as letters ad- 
dressed to me might excite suspicion, it may be as well that you put them 

under cover to Mr. . And as even tlie addressing lettei-s ;dways 

to the same person might attract notice, I recommend your sometimes ad- 
dressing yo IV packet to the cliief justice here, or occasionally, though seldom^ 
. to Mr. Ryland; but never with the addition of his official description. 
I am, sir, your most obedient humble seiVt. 

(Signed) J. IT. CRAIG. 

John IleiD'i/, Esq, 

No. IV. 
Credential from 5jr James Craig to Mv. Jfejiry. 
(Copy.) [sKAi.] 

The bearer Mr, John Henry, is employed by me, and full confidence may 
be placed in him for any communication which any person may wish to mak<- 
-.0 me in the bu-siness committed to him. In faitli of which I have given hiiu 
this under my iiand and seal at Quebec, tlie 6lh. dav of February, 1809. 

(Signed) ' J. k. CRAIG. 

No. V. 
To his excellenctj th>i Governor General, &c. inans-werlo his letter of inslructiom. 

Montreal, February 10, 1809. 
Sir — ^I have the honour to acknowledge tlie receipt of your excellency's 
letter of instructions, the letter ef credence; and the cyphex' for carr^an^on 

»y 



152 THE OLIVE BRANCH. 

iTiy correspondence. I have bestowed much pains upon the cypher, an; 
am, notwithstanding this, deficient in some points which might enable me 
to undei'stand it clearly. I have comjr.ired the example with my own exem- 
plification of the cypher, and lind a difiirvence in fhe results: and as the 
present moment seems favourable to the interltrence of his majesty's gov- 
vernment in the measures persued by the federal party in the northern states, 
and more especially as the assembly of Ma.ssachusetts is now in session, I 
think it better to sd. forward immediately, than wait Ibr any further expla- 
nation of the means of carrymg on a secret correspondence; which the fre- 
quency of safe private conveyances to Canada will render almost wholly un- 
necessary. Should it however be necessary at any time, I take leave to sug- 
gest that the index alone furnishes a very sate and simple mode. In it there 
is a number for every letter in the alphabet, and particular numbers, for par- 
ticular phrases; so "that when I do not rind in ihc index the particular word 
1 want. I can spt 11 it with the figures which stand opposite to the letters. 
'For example if I want to say tliat " troops are at Albany," I find under the 
letter "t" that number 1.5 stands for "troops," and number 125 for "Albany." 
The intervening words "are at" I supply by figures corresponding with the 
letters in these words. 

It will be necessary to provide against accident by addressing the letters to 

]\Ir, , of Montreal, with a small mark on the corner of the envelope 

V hich he will uudei-stand. When he receives it, he will then address tlie en- 
closure to your excellency, and send it fiom Montreal by mail. I will be 
careful not to address your excellency in the body of the letter, nor sign my 
name to any of them. — They will be merely designated by the initials A. B. 

If this mode should in any respect appear exceptionable, your excellency 
will have the goodness to order a n,orc jarticiilar explanation of the card, 
it would reach me in safety addj'esscd to — , Boston. 

( have the Jionor to be, &c. J. H'v. 

No \1. 

Bjtrlington, Vermont, Feb. 14, 1809. 

bir — 1 ha\ e remained here two days, in order full}' to ascertain the pro- 
;(ress of the an-angements heretofore made ibr organizing aft efficient opposi- 
tion to the general government, as wel! as to become acquainted with the 
opinions of the leading people, relative to the measiu-es of that party which 
has tlie ascendency in the national councils. 

On the subject of the embargo laws there seems but one opinion; namely, 
that they :ire unnecessary, oppressive; a)id unconstitutionul. It must also 
be ob.served that the excution of them is so invidious as to attract towards the 
officers of government the enmity of the people, which is of course trans- 
ferable to the government itself; so that in case the state of Massachusetts 
shoiJd take any bold step towards resisting the execution of these laws, it is 
highly probable that it may calculate upon the hearty co-operatin of the peo- 
ple ot■^'enTlont. 

I leani that the governor of this state is now visiting the towns in the nor- 
thern section of it; and makes no secret of his determination, as command- 
er in chief of the militia, to refuse obedience to any command from the gen- 
eral government which Can tend to inteiTupt the good undei*standing that 
prevails between the citizens of Vermont antl his majesty's subjects in Can- 
ada. It IS further intimated, that in case of a war, he will use his influence 
to pre.servcthe state neuti*al, and resist, wit!) all the force he can command, 
any attemj>t to make it a party. I need not add, that if these resolutions 
are carried into effect, the state of Vermont may be considered as an ally of 
Great Britain. 

To what extent the sentiments which prevail in this quarter exist in the 
neighboring states, or even in the eastern section of this sUite, I am not able 
to conjecture. I can only say. with cert;iinty, that the leading men of tlic 
federal party act in concert; and, therefore, "infer, that a common scnllmeni 
pervades the whole body throughout Kcw England. 

1 liavesien a letter from a gentleman now at Washington to his friend in 
tliis jjlace; and as itscontentn^W' serrc to throw some light on pas.sijig evi'nt-- 



THE OLIVE BRANCH. 153 

there, I shall send either the original or u copy with this ilespatch. The wri- 
ter of the loiter is a man of chiu-ucter unci veracity; and whether competent or 
not to form con-ect opinions himself, is probably within the reach of all tli© 
knowlcdtje that can be obtained by the party to which ho beiong's. It appears 
by his statement that there is a very fonnidable majority in congress on thr 
side of the aihninistration ; notwithstanding wl.icli, there is every reason to 
hope, tliat the nortlicrn states in (heir distinct capacity will unite and re- 
sist bv force a war with Great Britain. In what mode this resistance will 
tirst shew itself, is probable not yet determined up(jn; and nray in some mea- 
sure depend vipon the reliance that the leading men may place upon as- 
surances or support from his majesty's representatives in Canada; and as I 
shall be on the spot to tender this whenever the moment arrives that it can 
be done witli eliect — there is no doubt that all their measui-es may be made 
subordinate to the intensions of his majesty' government. Great pains are 
taken by the men of taletits and intelligence to confirm tiie fears of the com- 
mon people, as to the concurrence of the southern democrats in the pro- 
jects ot France; and every thing tends to encourage the belief j that the dis • 
'solution of the confederacj' will be accelerated by thai spirit wliich now ac 
tuates both poUtical parties. 

I am, &c. . A.B. 

xo. vir. 

fVindsor, Vermont, Feb. 10, 1809. 

Sir — My last was written at Burlington, tlie principal town in the northern 
part of the state of A'erniont. I am now at the principal town in tlie eas- 
tern section. 

The fallacy of men's opinions when they act under the influence of sen- 
sibiliiy, and are strongly excited by those hopes which always animate a 
rising party, lead me to doubt the correctness of the opinions wiiich I receiv- 
ed in Uie northern section of this state; which, from its contiguity to Cana- 
da, and necessary intercourse with Montreal, has a strong interest in pro- 
moting a good understanding- witli his majesty's government. Therefore, 
since my departure from Burhngton, I have sought every favourable occa- 
sion of conversing- with the democrats on the probable result of tlie policy 
adopted bj" ihe general govermnent. The diii'erence of opinion is thus ex- 
pressed. 

The federal party declare, that in the event of a war, the state of Vermon., 
viU treat separately for itself with Great Britain; and support, to the utmost.^ 
tlie stipulations into which it may enter, without any regard to the policy 
ef the general government. The democrats on th2 other hand assert, that, 
in such a case as that contemplated, the peo-ple would nearly be divided 
into equal numbers; one of which would support the government, if it could 
be done without involving the people in a civil war: but at all events would 
risk every thing in preference to a coalition with Great Britain. -This diffe- 
rence of opinion is not to be wholly ascribed to the prejudices of party. The 
people in the eastern section of Vermont are not operated upon by the same 
hopes and fears as those on the borders of the British colony. They are 
not dependent upon Montreal for the sale of their pruduce, nor the supply 
of foreign commodities. They are not apprehensive of any serious dan- 
ger or inconvedience from a state of war: and although they admit that the 
governor coucil, and three-fourths of the representation in congress are of 
the federal par I y, yet they do not believe that the state would stand alone 
and resist the national government. They do not however deny, tliat should 
the state of Vermont continue to be represented as it is at present, it would 
in all probability unite with the neighbouring states, in any serious plan of 
resistance to a war, which it might seem expedient to adopt. This I think 
is the safer opinion for you to rely on; if indeed rehance ought to be placed 
on any measure depending upon the will of the rabble, which is ever chang- 
ing, and must ever be marked with ignorance, caprice, and inconstancy. As 
the crisis approaches, the difficulty of deciding upon an hazardous alterna- 
tive win increase. And unfortunately there is not in Vermont any man o 
commanding talents, capable of attravting geno^al confidence; of infusing m- 



154 THE OLIVE BRANCH. 



Dir 



io the people his own spirit; and, amidst the confusion of conflicting epi 
ions, dangei-s and coininotion, competent to lead in tlie path of duty or saft 
ty. The g'bvemor is an industrious, pmdent man, and has more person:^! 
Influence "than any other. But liis abilities are not suited to the situation I 
which a civil war would place bim. I urn, &c. A. li. 

No. VJIl. 
Amkcm, jXeiv-Hanfpsldve, Feb. 13, 1809 
Sir — A gentleman going direct to Canada, affords a sate and favourable op 
portnnity of giving you some further account of my progress. I will not 
make use of tiie post-offices, when I can avoid it; because private occasions 
supercede the necos.sity of writing in cyjiher. And the contempts of decency 
and piinciplc, which foiTns part of the n«orals of the subaltern officers of a 
democracy, would mcline them to break a seal with the same indificrence, 
that they break their words, -when either curiosity or interest is to be indulg- 
ed. . . . 

I have not had sufficient time nor evidence, to enable me to form any opm- 
ion for mjsclf, of the lengths to which the federal party will carry opposi- 
tion to the national government in tlie event of a war. Much may be infer- 
red from the result of the elections of governors, Mliich within two montlis 
will Ijeniade in the states of Massachusetts-,New»Hampshire,and Uliode Island. 
From all 1 know and can learn of the general government, I am not appre- 
hensive oi an immediate war. The embargo is the favourite measure. And 
it is probable that other means will be employed to e.\cite Engbnd to com- 
mit some act of hostilitv, for the sole purpose of placing the responsibili- 
ty of war on tliav countr}'. This I {most particularly recommend to' 
the consideration of ministers. The dread of opposition, and the loss of po- 
pularity, will certainly kefep the niling party at "iVashington inactive. — They, 
will risk any thing biit the loss of power; and they are well aAyare that their 
power would pass awav « ith the first calamity which their measures might 
bring upon the tommon people (from \\ horn tliat power emanates,) unless 
indeed they could find a sufficient excu.^e in the conduct of (ireat Bri- 
tain, This impression cannot be too deeply felt by his majesty's ministers; 
nor too widely spread lliroughout the British nation- It will furnish a 
sure guide in every policy tliat may be adopted towards the United States. I 
have tlic honorto'be, &c.. ' A. B. 

No. IX. 

Soston, March 5, 1809. 
Sir — I am favoured with another opportunity of writing to you by a pri- 
vate conveyance; and think it probable, at this season, that the frequency 
of these will render it unnccessaiy to write to you in cypher. 

It does not yet appear that I should discover to any person the purjjose 
of n:y vi^lt toBoston; nor is it probable that 1 shall be compelled, for the 
sake of gaming more knowledge of the arrangements of the federal party in 
these states, to avow myself as a regidar authorized agent of tlie Britisii gov- 
ernment, even to those individuals who would feel equally bound witli n)yself 
to preserve witli the utmost inscrutability so inipoi-tant a secret from tlie 
public eye. 

I liuvr i,itfficient means of information to enable me to judge of the proper peri- 
ml for ojfh'inif the co-operation of Great Jiritain, and opening a coiTcspondence 
bi-taeen the gtmenor general (f Bntish .imerica aiul those individuals, -who, from 
the part the;/ (akc in the opposition to the national goxternment, and the infuence 
they may fomiessin any neio order of things, that may grow out of the present dif- 
fifencit, sliduld be quahfiedto act on belialiofthe northern .states. An ap- 
prehension of any such state of things, as is presupposed by these remarks, 
begins tf) subside; since it h:is appeared, by the conduct of the general gov- 
ernment, that it is seriously alarmed ut ihe menacing attitude of the nortJiern 
States. But although it is believed that there is no probability of an imme- 
diate war, yet no doubts are entertained, that Mr Madison will fall upon 
some new expedients to bring about hostilities. What these may be can on- 
ly be deduced from whktappcwst* be practicaWe. X?mi-inter course witU 



THE OLIVK BRANCH. 155 

JEnglaiid and France will proimblv supersede the embaigo; which, bv 
opeuing' with thtt vest ot r.mope an impartial legitimate coinmtrce, 
aiul uHbrdlug' strong* tcmptitions to thut whicli is illegal, will expos© 
the vessels to cfkpture, detention and emban-assnicnt ; will justity 
-^ the present policy ; and produce snci\ a degree of irritation and vir- 
sentii'jt'nt as will onabii; the government of this conntry to throw the 
whole blame and res;)onsibiUty of war from its own siiouldrrs upon those 
of the British ministry. Jf in tiiis, the party attached to France should calcu- 
late with correctness, and the comincrce of New England woidd gi'eatly suf- 
fer — the merchants being injured and discourag,"ed, would not only acciui- 
esce in the restrictive systems, but even submit to war. On tlie other hand, 
should the small traffic permitted by a non-intercourse law be lucrative and 
mnnteiTuped, tin; pr'ople roualil be dumoi-ous for more, and soo-n compel th^ gov- 
ernment to restore t/wJ'iiemUi/ rdatinna betxveai the two countries. "\V'hiIc I of- 
fer my opinion upon this subject, 1 cannot but express a strong hope that if 
Ttiiv tcmis should be proposed by either government, to which the other 
might think proper to ?ccede,"th(.t, A PULNCIPAL MOTIVE TO THE 
An.lUSTVfENT OF DIFFERENCI^S SHOULD BE UNUliRSTOOD TO 
ARISE FROM THE A.MIGARLE DISPOSITION OF THE EASTERN 
STATES, PARTICULARLY OF lliE STATE OF MASSACliUSETl'S, 
THIS, AS IT WOULD INTCUEAS.S THE POPULARITY OF THE 
FRIENDS OF GREAT BRITALV, COULD NOT FAIL TO PROMOTE 
HER INTEREST. If it could not be done formally and of}ici:dly, nor in a 
cori-es]5ondence between nunisters, still perhaps the administration in the 
parliament of Great Britain might tal^c that ground : and the suggestion 
would find its way into the papers both in England and .\ vnerica. 

It cannot be too fre(]\iently repeated, that this co\mtry can only be govern- 
ed and directed by the influence of opinion; as there is nothing permanent 
in its political institutions; nor are tl^ popidace. under any circumstances, to 
be relied on, when measures become inconvenient and buvdesisome. I will 
soon write again, and am, &c. A. B. 

NO. X. 

Boston, March 7, 1809. 

Sii' — I have now ascertaincfl, with as much accuracy as possible, tjie 
sourse intended to be pmsued by the measures and politics of the adminis- 
tration of the general goverimient. 

I have ahead}- given a decided opinion tliat a declaration of \\m is not to 
be expected ; but, contrary to all reasonable calcidution, should tiie congress 
possess spii'it and independence enough to place their popularity in jeopardy 
by so strong a measure, THE LEGISLATURE t)F MASSACUUSKTTiB 
W ILL GIVE THE TONE TO TH?^, NEIGHBOURING STATES; WILL 
DECLARE ITSELF PERMANENT UNTIL ANEW ELECTION OF MEM- 
BERS; INVITE A C0N(;HESS, TO 13E COMPOSED OF DELEGATICS 
FROM THE FEDERAL STATES, <i.\ND ERECT A SEPSRAlE GOV- 
ERNMENT FOR THEIR COMMON DEFENCE AND COMMON INTE- 
REST. 

This congress would probably begin bj' abrogating the olTensive law^s, 
and adopting a plan for the maintenance of the power and aulhority thus 
assumed. They^uould by such an act be in a condition to viabe or receive propo- 
9ak from Great Britain; and I should seize the first moment to open a. cor- 
respondence with your excellency. Scarce any other aid would be neces- 
sarj-, and perhaps none required, than a few vessels of war from the Halifax 
station, to protect the maiitime towns from the little navy which is at the 
disposal of the national government. What permanent connexion between 
Orcat Britain and this section of the republic would grow out of a civil com- 
motion,' such as might be expected, no person is prepared to describe. But 
it seems that a strict alliance must result of necessity. At present the oppo- 
"aition party confine their calculations merely to resistance; and I can assure 
you that at this moment they do not freely entertain the project of with- 
A'awmg the ea'^torn ?ti<'^^ f-om the union, finding, it a v,^vi. nnpnp'il^'- t<>- 

2\ 



156 THE OLIVE BRANCH 

picj aithtnigli a course of evenls, siich as I liave already mer\ti<iiied, wouk: 
inevitably produce an incurable alienation of the New-England fi-om tlir 
southern states. The truth is, the cotnnion people have so lojig regarded 
the constitution of the United States with complacency, that tliev aic rov. 
only disposed in this quarter to treat it like a miant niisti-ess, whom they 
^vould for a time put . ■'.way on a separate maintenance, but, without farther 
and greater provjration, would not absolutely repudiate. 

It will ?oon be known in what Situation public afiairs are to remain until 
the meeting of the new congress in May, at which time also this legislati re 
will again assemble. The two months" that inter\ene will be a period of 
much anxiety. 

In all 1 have vvTitten, 1 hav^ been careful not to make any impres.sion ana- 
logous to the enthusiiistic confidence entertained by the opposition, nor to thft 
hopes and expectations that animate the friends of an alhance between the 
northern states and Great BritaiTi. I have abstracted myself from all the 
sympathies these are calculated to inspire; because, notw ithstanding that I 
feel the utmo.st confidence in the integrity of intention of the leading chai-- 
actcrs in this political drama, 1 cannot forget that they derive their power 
from a giddy, incovisistant multitude; who, luiiess in the instance under con-, 
sideration th(y for'.'i an exception to all general rules and experience, will 
act iuconsistenlly and absurdlv. I am, &.c. A. B. 

No. XI. 

£o/rtoii, March 10,1809. 

Sir — In my letter No. 9, I took the liberty to express my ojiinion of tlic 
probal)lc elVeot of the lon-inten-ourse law intended to be enacted; and of 
the mode by which Britair; may defeat the real inteiition of the American 
government in passing it. But as the .sort of impunity recommended might, 
in its application to every species of commerce that woidd be c;irried on, be 
deemed by, Great Hiitain a greater evil than war itself, a middle course 
might easily be adopted, which would deprive Fran6e of the benefit result- 
u)g fro m an int( rcoursfc with America, without, in any great degxee, irri- 
tating the maritime states. 

The high price of all American produce in France furnislics a temptation 
which mercantile avarice will be unable to resist. The consequence is ob- 
vious. Ihit if instead of condemning the vessels and cargoes which maybe 
anested in piusuing tliis ])r(;hibited commerce, they should be compelled 
to go inio a British port, and there permitted to sell them, I think the friends 
• >f Kngluiitl in these states, would not utter a complaint. Indeed, I have no 
doul)t, that if, in the prosecution of a_ lawful voyage, the British cruisers 
i.i)()uld treat American ship? in this mannei-, their owners would in the pres- 
t-nt state of the F.uropean markets, think themselves very fortunate; as it 
would save them tiic troul)le and expense of landing them in a neutral port, 
and from tlience re-ship them to England, now the best market in 
Kurojje for the produce of this country. — The government of the U. States 
nould probably complain, and Bonaparte become peremptoiy; but even that 
would only tend io render the opposition in the northern states more reso- 
lute, and accelerate the dissolution of the confederacy. Ihe generosity and 
^justice of (ircat Britain would be extolled, and the commercial states exult 
in the success of individuals over a government inimical to commerce, and to 
whose measures they can no longer sul)mit will) patient acquiescence. 

'I"he ejections are begvni; and 1 pres«me no vigilance or indv stry will br 
omitted to insure the success oftlie federal party. 1 am. Sec. A. B. 

F. S. Intelligence has reached Bcston, that a non-intercourse law has m ■ 
tuallv passed, and that Martinique has surrendered to the British forces. 

No. XII. 

Jlosfm, March 13,1809. 

Sir — You will perceive from the accounts that will reach jou in the puijlic 
papers both from Washington and Ma.ssachnsett% that the federalists of the 
northern states have fsucceeded in making the congress believe, that with suck 
an opposition us they woulJ uiakc to Uit genwral government, a wai" mujt 



THE OLIVE BRANCH. 157 

tt confineti to their own ten-itory, and mig-lit be even too in\irli tbr that 
jjoveniment to sustain. The consequence is, that utter all the parade jind me- 
naces with which the session commenced, it has been snfTered to ciul with- 
out caiTving into effect any oftlie plans of the administration, except the 

inlerdiction of commercial intercourse with England and France 

Rn event ihat was anticipated in n\y former letters. 

Under what new circunistancos tiic congress will meet in May, will depend 
on the state elections, and the changes that may in the mean time take place 
in Europe. With regard to Great Britain, she can scarce mistake hci- true 
policy in relation to America. If peace be the first object, every act which 
can irritate the mimtimc states oug-ht to be avoided; because the prevailing- 
disposition of these will generally be salhcieut to keep the government from 
hazarding any hostile measure. If a war between Afiierica and France be a 
g-raud desideratum, something more must be done; an indulg^ent conciliatory 
policy must be adopted, which will leave the democrats without a pretext foV> 
hostilities; and Bonaparte, whose passions are too hot for delay will, probably 
compel this government to decide whicli of the two great belligerents is to 
be its enemy. To Ining about a separation of the states, under distinct and 
independent governments, is an affair of more uncertainty; and hov.evcr de- 
siraole cannot be eifected but by a scries of acts and long contiiuied policy 
tentUng to irritate the southern, and conciliate the noi'thern people, 'i'he 
flnvner are, agTi cultural and the latter a convnercial people. The mode of 
cheering and depressing either is too obvious to require illustration. This 
I am aware, is an object of much interest in '^reat {ritaui, as it would foi'- 
cver sec u-e the mtegrity of his majesty's possessions on the continent, and 
make the two governments, or whatever number the present confederacy 
might form into, as useful and as much subject to the influence of fJreat 
Britain, as hci- colonies can be rendered. But ic is an object only to be at- 
tained by slow and circumspect progression; and requires for its consunmia- 
tion more attention to the affairs which agitate and excite parties in this coun- 
■ try, tlian Great Britain has yet bestowed upon it. An unpopular war — that 
is, a war produced by the hatred and prejudices of one party, but against the 
consent of the otiicr party can alone produce a sudden separation of any 
section of this counti-y from the cojnmon head. 

At all events, it cannot be necessary to the preservation of peace, that 
Great Britain sliould make any great concession at the present moment; snore 
€sp2clally as the mol'e important changes that occur in Eui-ope might render 
it inconvenient for her to adliere to any stipulations in favour of neutral mar- 
itime nations. 

Although the non-intercourse law affords but a partial relief to the people 
cf this country from the evils of that entire susjienslon of commerce to which 
they have reUictautly submitted tor some time past, 1 lament the repeal of 
the embargo; because it was calculated to acceleriitc the progress of these 
states towards a revolution that would have nut an enel to the only republic 
tliat remains to prove that a govcriiment -founded on political equality can ex- 
ist in a season of triid and difficulty, ot is calculated to insure either 'secuj-itv, 
orhappinesstoa peopk. 

I am, &c. A. B 

Mo. XlII, 

Boston, March 20, 1809. 
Sir — Sluce my letter of the loth. Tiotlijng has occurred which I thougJit 
wortJiy of a communication. 

The last week of tliis month and the first of April will be occupied in the 

election of Governors and other executive officers in the New England states. 

w The federal candidate in New Hampshire is already elected by a majority 

\ of about 1000 votes. His competitor was a man of large fortune, extensive 

connexions, and inoffensive manners. Thcsi; account for the smallness of the 

majority. 

In Connecticut, no change is necessary : and none is to be apprehended. 

mKhode Idi'itdj it is of no consequence of what party the governor i'-^". 



i58 THE OLiVK liRANCH. 

member; as he hss neither civil nor military poAvcr, being- niei-ely president 
of tlie council. 

In Miissachusctts, it is certain that the federal candidate will succeed. 

A few weeks will be sufficient in order to determine the relative strength 
of parties, and con\niice Mr. Madison that a war with Great Britain is not a 
measure upon which he dare venture. Since the plan of an organized op- 
position to tlie projects of Mr. Jefferson was put into operation, the Avhole 
of the Vew Englund states have transferred their political power to his politi- 
cal enemies : and the reason that he hassiill so many adherents is, 'hat tiiosc 
who consider tlie only true policy of America to consist in the cultivation of 
peace, have still great confidence, that nothing can force him (or his suc- 
cessor who acts up to his system, or rather is governed by it) to consent to 
war. Thcv consider all the menaces and " dreadful note of preparation" to 
be a mere finesse, intended only to. obtain concessions from England on cheap 
terms. From every sort ot evidence, I confess I am myself of the same 
opinion; and am fully persuaded that the force which has beeii acting at JVash- 
ingtmi -inll terminate in full proof of tlie imbecility and spiritless temper of the ac- 
tors. \ war attemjitcd without the concurrence of both parties, and the 
general consent of the nortliern stites, which constitute the bone and muscle 
of t!ie country, must commence witiiout hope, and end in disgrace. IT 
SHOULD, THRRRF0RK,BETJ1K PKCULI\.R CAKK OF GREAT BKIT- 
AIN TO FiJSTtCR DIVISIONS HETWEEX TilE NORTH AND SOUTH, 
and by succeeding in this, she may carry into effect her own projects in Europe, 
with a total disregard to the resentment of the democrats of this couiitry. 

I am, &c. A. B. 

No. xrv. 

Boston, Jp'^U 13, 1809. 

Sir — I send to Mr. R. a pamphlet entitled «' Supjiresscd Documents." 
The notes and comments were wiittcn by the p,entleman who has written the 
"analysis," which I sent by a former conveyance. These woj;k'! have greatly 
contributed to excite tlie fears of the men of talents and property; who now 
prefer the chance ofnwiiitaining their party by open resistance and final scp- 
^CtaLio'i, to an alliance with France, and a war with 1-^ngland. So that .should 
the government unexpectedly and contrary to all reasonable calculation, at- 
tempt to Involve the countiy in a measure of that nature, 1 am convinced 
(now th.it the elections ha\ e .all tciniinated favourably) that none of the New 
England Slates would be si party in it. — Hut, as I have reixatedly written, the 
general government does not seriously entctain any such desire or intention. 
Had the majority in the New England states continued to approve of tlie 
public measures; it is extremely probable that Great Britain would now have 
to choose between war and concession. But the aspect of things in this 
respect is changed; and a war would protluce an incurable alienation of tJie 
eastern states, and bring the whole country insubordination to the interest 
of England, whose navy would prescribe and enforce tl.ie terrvis upon which 
the commercial states should cari-y and the agricultural .stutes export their 
surplis produce. All this is as well known to tiie democrats as to tlie other 
party. Therefore they will avoid a war, at least until tiie whole nation is 
unanimous for it. Still when we consider of whal materials the goverr.nuii. 
is formed, it is impossible to spejik wiUi any certainty of their measures. Tlir 
p:ist achiiinistr;iion in every tmnsuctior presents to the mind only a muddy 
coinnfiLvture of folly, weakness, and dujiiicity. The spell, by wliich the na- 
tions of Europe have been rendered inerl and inefficient when they attempted 
to shake it otf, has stretched its shadows -Kro^s. the Atlantic, and made ?< 
majority of the people of these states alike bhnd U) duty and to tlieu- int^ ; 
csts. 

I am, &c. A. B. 

No. XV. 

hoston, Jlpril 26, 1809. 

Sir — Since my letter No. 14, I have had but little to comniunicale. 

I have not yet luen able to ascertiiin witii sufficient accuracy the relative 
wtrenglh of the iwo p.u-ties in Uie LegLslative bodiea in New England. 



/HIE OLIVE BRAN( U. 159 

In all of these states, however, governors have been elecied out of the 
fedct'iil party; and even the soiithfni papers iniUcate an unexpected uu;'-- 
meiitaiion of federal ujcmbei-s in the next congress'. 

The corPespondencc between Mr. Erskine and tlie secrctarj' of state at 
Wasliing'ton. you willhave seen before this can ''each you. It has given much 
Gatlsfactiou to the federal party here; because it promises an exemption from 
the evil Miev m.xt foarjl (a wir with Wnjjl.ind) ai\d justiKes their partiality to- 
wards Great Britain whicli they maiiitain was founded upon a full conviction 
of lier ju.sticc and sincere disposition to preserve peace. Even the demo- 
crats afiect to be s.itisfied with it; because, as they insist, it proves the efli- 
cacy ofthe restrictive system of Mr. Jellerson. 

IJut the great benefit that will pi-ooaidy result from it, will be, that IJona- 
paiLe may be induced to force this country from her lU-utral position. Raffled 
ii) his attempt to excluile from tips continent the manufactures nt Great Hrit- 
ain, he will most hkcly confiscate all American pj'operty in his domuiions and 
dependencies, and declare war. Nothing could more than this contribute to 
give influence a!id stability to tlie British Party. The invidiouit occurrences of 
'he rebellion luovld be forgotten in the resentment of the people against France- 
and they would soon l)e weaned from that attachment to her which is founded 
on the aid that was rendered to separate from the motluir country. 

While Great ^''itain waits for this natural, I might say necessary result of 
the negotiation, would it not be extremely inexpedient to conclude a treaty 
with the American government f Every sort of evidence ajid experience 
Iprove, Uiat the democrats consider their political ascendency in a great mea- 
sure dependent upon the hostile spirit that they can keep alive towards. 
Great ({ritiiin: and recent events demonstrate that their conduct will be prt'- 
^icated upon that conviction. It is ther efore not to be expected that they 
will meet with orresp mthng feelings a sincere disposition on the part of 
Engi.md to adjust all matters in dispute. They are at heart mortified and 
disappointed to find that Great Britain has been iu advance of the French 
government in taking advantage of the provincial clauses of the n<m-inter- 
course law. And if they .shew any spirit at the next session of Congress to- 
wards France, it will be only because they wjU find lionaparte deaf to entrea- 
ty, and insensible of past favours; or tliat tlicy may think it safer to float with 
the tide of public feelings which will set strongly against him, unless he 
Ikecp pari passau with Englapd in a conciliatory policy. 

When I began my letter. I intended to make some observations in rela- 
tion to the boundary line — [Here iO or V2 lines of the man4.iscript are erased.] 

I am, &c. A. B. 

i No. XVI. 

Boston, Mini 3, 1809. 

Sir — Although the recent changes that have occurred, quiet idl apprehen- 
sions of war, and consequently lessen all hope of a separation of the states, \ 
thiitk it necessary to transmit by the mail of each week; a sketch of passing' 
events. 

On local politics I have nothing to add; and as tlic parade that is made li. 
the National Intelhgencer of the sincere disposition of Mr. Madison to pre- 
:.e:v5 amicable relations with Great BriUiin is in my opinion calculated to 
awaken vigilance and distrust rather than inspire confidence, I shall (having 
nothing more importai.t to write about) take leave to examine his motives. 
il am not surprised at his conditional removal of the uon-intercoursc law with 
! respect to Great Uritain, because it was made incumbent on him by the act 
of congress; but the observations made on his friendly dispositions towards 
Great Britain are a matter of no little astonishment. The wiiole tenor of his 
political life directly and xmequivocally contradicts them. His speech on the 
T^"itish treaty in '95 — his attempt to pass a law for confiscation of "British 

bts" and British properly — liis. commercial resolutions, grounded apjja- 

iitlyonan idea of making America useful as a coloii\ to France — liis con- 

ict while secretary of state — aliform an asseiaijlage of probabilities tend- 

ig to convince, me at least that he does not seriously de.sire a treaty in 
.vhich the rights and pretensians* of Great Britain wuuid be lairlv ri^coijni;- 



I. 



ii; 
1 



JGO TUE OLIVE BRANCH. 

2e<l. It seems imp.ossible that lie sliould at once divest himself of liis habitu. 
at animosity and that pride of opinion, w liich his present situation enables hin^ 
to indulge; but above aJl, that he should deprive' liis friends and supporters 
of tlie benefit of those prejudices which liave been carefully fostered hi tlie 
minds of tlie common people towards England, and which have so niaterialjj' 
contributed to invigorate and avign\ent the democratic party. Whatever his 
real motives may be, it is in tliis stage of the affair harmless enough to en- 
quire into the cause of the appur^'nt cliange. He probably acts under a con- 
viction, that in the present temper of the eastern states a war could not fail 
to produce a dissolution of tlie union; or he may have profitted by the mis- 
takes of his predecessor; and is inclined to seize the present opportunity to 
prove to th^ world that he is determined to be the president of the nation 
rather than the head of a faction; or as he haspn.bably gone thus far to re- 
move the impression on the mind of many, that lie was under the influence 
of France, in order tluit he may with a better gi-ace and on more tenable 
grounds quairel with Great Britain in tlie progress of negotiating a treaty. 
"Whatever liis motives may be, lam verj certain his party will not support him 
in any manly and generous policy. — Weak men are sure to tenijiorize when 
groat events call upon tliem for dc-cision; and are sluggish and inert at the 
mcynent when the worst of evils is in action. This is tlie char;.cter of the de- 
mocrats ui the nortliem states. Of those of the soutli I know buthttle. 

I am, &c. A. B. 

No. xvn. 

Boston^ May 25, 1809. 

Sir — INfy last was tinder date of the 5th. inst. 

The unexpected change which has taken place in the feelings of political 
-lien in this country in consequence of Mr. IMadison's prompt acceptance of 
the friendly proposals of Great Britain has caused a temporary suspension of 
the conflict of parties; and they both regard liini with ecfual wonder and dis- 
t*ust. They all ascribe his conduct to various motives : but none believe lum 
to be in earnest. 

The .state of New-York has returned to the assembly a majority of federal 
members. All tliis provcj that an anti-commercial iiiction cannot rule the 
commercial states. Two months ago the state of New York was not ranked 
among the states that woidd adopt the ])o]icy of that of Massachusetts; and 
any favourable change was exceedingly i:;ioblematical 

i bee; leave to su.ggest that in the present state of tilings in this country my 
presence can contribute Verv' little to the interest of Great Britain. If Mt.\ 
Erskine be sanctioned in all he has conceded, by his majesty's ministers, it is J 
unnecessarv for me, as indeed it would be unavailing, to make any attempt 
c;aT}'into efi'ect the original purposes of my nnission. While I think it to bl 
my ^uty to give this intimation to you, I beg it may be understood tliat 1 conii 
jider myself entirely at the disposal of Ixis majesty's government. ,. 

I am, &c. A. B. .^ 

No. XVUI. 

Montreal, June 12, 1809. /j| 

jjir — I have the honour to inform youv excellency that I rccei\ed, throuj 
jVfr. Sccretaiy Ry land, your excellency's commands to return to Canada; 
after tlic delays incident to this seaison of the year, in a journey from Bost^ 
arrived here j cslerday. 

Your e.\ceHency will have seen by the papers of the latest dates from thdj 
United States, that a formidable opposition is already organized in congreSsT 
to the late measures ci<"Mr- ^hidison; and it is very evident that if he be stli4 
cere in his |irofessions ol attachment to Great Britain, his party will aljundonlj 
him. Sixty-uiie members have already voted against a resolution to approve 
"fwhat he has done; and 1 have no doubt the i-est of the democratic paic^ 
will follow the example as soon as they recover from the aslonislxnicntintolf 
which his appnrant detection has thrown thejn- 

The pres«n( hopes of the federalists arc founded on the prebability oi 
witliFmncc; but, at all events, this party is strong and well organized cuou^ 
to present i* w«^r with Knglan^C It would now be superlinous to trouble JVM 



The olive branch. i6i 

Excellency with an account of the nature and extent of tlu; ctiran^fimmts made 
bij the federal party to resist any attempt of the gmernnumt imfuroinable to 
Great jiritain. They were such as do great credit to their ability and princi- 
ples; and while a judicious policy is observed by Great Britain, secure her 
Interests in America from decay! My fear of inducing' a false security on 
the part of his majesty's government in their efficiency and .eventfvd siicccss. 
may ha\ e inclined me to refrain fro?n doing them that justiee in my former 
letters, which I willingly express. 

I trust your excellency will ascribe the style and manner of my communi- 
cations and the frequent ambiguities introduced in them, as arising from the 
secrecy necessary to be observed, and my consciousness that you understood 
my meaning on tlie most delicate i)oi!its without risking a particular expla- 
nation. 

I lament that no occasion commensurate to my wishes has permitted me to 
prove how much I value tiie confidence of your excellency and the approba- 
tion already exjjressed by his majesty's minister. I have the honour to be &c, 
(Signed) JOHN HENRY. 

No. XIX. 
Mr. Bylancl to Mr. IL'jiry, Ut. May, 1809. 
My dear sir — The news we have received this day from the United States 
•vill, I imagine, soon bring you back to us: and if you arrive at IMontreal by 
!Jic middle of June, I shall probably have the pleasure of meeting- you there, 
as I am going up with sir James and a large suite. 'I'he last letters receiv- 
ed from'you are to the 13th. April; the \vhole are now transcribing for the 
.purpose of being sent home, where t/iey cannot fail of doing' you great credit, 
and I most micerely hope they may eveyilually contribute to your permanent ad- 
I vantage. It is not necessary to repeat the assurances that no effort within 
• ,c conipa.ss of my power shall be wanting to this end. 

C am cruelly out of spirits at the idea of old Engluvd truckling (o such a de- 

ii :-ed and accursed government", as that of the United States. 

1 am greatly obliged to you for the trouble you have taken in pvocuring 

' tiie books; though if Spain falls, I shall .scared) have heart to look into 

*'/icm. lean add no more now, but that I am most heartily and affectionate- 

i iv vours; 

(Signed) n. W. R. 

hhn Henry, Esq. Boston. 

No. XX. 
Mr. Kyland to Mr. Henry, ckited 4fh. May, 1809. 
My dear sir — Yovi must consider tlie short letter I wrote you by the last 
Jt as altogether unofficial: but I am now to intimate to you in a more for- 
1 manner our hojie of your speedy return, as the object of your journey 
seems, for the present at least, to be at an end. We have London news by- 
way of the river up to the 6th. of March, which talhes to a day with what 
we have received by the way of the states. Heartily wishing you a safe and 
Meetly journey back to us; 

I am, my dear;iir, most sincerely yours, 

(Signed) M. V\^ R. 

Have the goodness to bring my books with you, though! shall have little 
\ ^iritto look into them unless you bring good news from Spain. 
i No. XXI. 

Mr. Henryh Memorial to Lord Liverpool, enclosed in a letter to Mr, Peel, of the 
13th. Juiie 1811, Tvith a copy of that letter. 
' The undersigned most respectfully submits the following statement and me- 
morial to the Earl of Liverpool. •< 
Long before and during the administration of your lordship's predecessor, 
[ the vmdersigned bestowed much personal attention to the state of parties and 
to the political measures ia the U. States of America. 

[Here is an erasure of about four lines.] 
I Soon after the affair of the Chesapeake frigate, when his majesty's gover- 
" nor general of British America had reason to believe tliat the two countiies 



i> : I HE OLIVE BRANCH. 

would be invoJvcd in a war, -And hnil siibmiUntlto his majasty^'^ minufers th. 
ftirangements of the Euiflixh Jiartij in tlie Uniffd States /or an efficient reshtunr 
ov the general g(rvernTent, -which ivoiild probably temnixate in a separation vfthe 
■imrtliern Hates from the general cotifedevncij, he applied to the vnidcrsigned, to 
>uidcrtake a mission to Boston, ivhere the ivhole concerns of the oppoitition were 
majiuged. Tlie ohjcrt of the mission v:as to- jromote ant} encourage the federal 
party to resist the measures of the general govcrtimeni; to offer assurances of aid 
and svpport from his mujesttf's goverr.vient of Canada,- and to open a communi- 
cation between the leading- men engaged in that opposition and tie govenqr ' 
general upon such a footing as circvmistancea might suggest; and finally tor 
render the plans then in contemplation subservient to the views of ais ma- 
jesty's government.* 

The undersigned undertook the mission which lasted from the month 
of January to the month of June inclusive, during which period 

those public acts and legislative resolutions of ' 
lUe assemblies of Massachusetts and Connecticut wei-e passed, which kept 
the general government of the United States in check, and deterred it from 
carryuig into execution tlie measui-es of hostility with wliich Great Erilain 
was men;iced. 

For the service on the occasion herein recited, and the loss of time and 
expenses incurnd, the undersigned neither sought nor received any com- 
pensation; bu; tiusted to the know n justice and hberality of his majesty's 
government for the reward of services which could not, he humbly conceives, 
be estimated in pounds shillings and pence. On the patronage and support 
which was promised in the letter of Sir J. Craig under date of the 23d. Jan, 
'1109, (wherein he gives an assurance "that the former correspondence and 
political information transmitted b3-the undersgined had met with the par- 
ticular approbation of his majesty's secretary of staie, and that his execution, 
of the mission (proposed to be undertaken in that letter) would give him a 
ciaiin not onl}- on tlie govei-nor general but on his majesty's mirasters") tlie 
ftndei-signed had relictl, and now most respectfully claims, in whatever mode 
the liarl of Liverpool may be pleased to adopt. 

The undersigned most respectfully takes this occasion to state that Sir 
J. Crfiig promised him an employment in Canada worth upwards of one 
thousand pounds a-\ear, by liis leHer, (herewith transmitted) un(l?r date of 
13th. Sept. 18(,*), which he has just learned, has, in consequence of his ab- 
sence, been given to another person. The undei-signed abstains from com- 
mentnig on this transaction; and respectfully suggests that the appointment 
ot Judge Advocate General of the province of Lower Canada, wilJi a salary 
ofijve Ivundred pounds a-ycar, or a consulate in the United States, siiie cu- 
lia, would be considered by him a libenii discharge of any obligation that 
his majesty's government, may entertain m relation to his service. 
Copy of a Letter to Mr. I'eel, enclof^ing thefoi-egoing, 

S:r — 1 lake the hberty of enclosing to you a memorial addressed to the 
I'arl of Liverpool; and beg you will have tlie goodness either to examine 
the documents in your office, or tliose in my own possession, touching th® 
extent and legit imacy of my claims. 

Mr. K\ land, tlic secretary of Sir J. Craig, is now in London; and, fro 
his ofiicial knowledge of the transactions and facts alluded to in tlie menu 
j-ial, can give any information required on the subject. 
J have thehonourto be, &c. &c. 

(Sig-iied) j.Ii. 

Jvmeloth. 1811. 

Ko. XXTL 

Letterof the Rt.Tlon. the Earl of Liver|)ooI, by the Secretaiy R. Peel, Esq.. 

recognizing Mr. Henry's service, &c. 

.Do-aming-street, 2Stii. June, 1311. 

Sir — I have not fiiiled to Jay before the Earl of Livci-pool, the' memorial, t«- 

* Vide tlie despatches o<Sir James Craig in June* 1808. , 



THE OLIVE BRANCH, 16.6 

jether witli its several enclosure:!, which was delivered tome a icvv days 
, since, by Cen. Loft, at your Jesire. 
^ I[is lonlsliip has directed rne to acquaint you, that he has ret"en-ed to the 
correspondonce in tliis office, of the year 1808, and finds two letters i'rom 
sh" J;in»es Craig, dated 10th. April, and 5ih. May, transmitting the correspon- 
dence .hat has passi^d during- your residence in the northern slates of Amer- 
ica, and expressing- his confidence in your ability and judgement: but Lord 
Liverpool has not discovered any vish on the part of Sii- James Craig-, that 
yoiir claims foi* compensation should be relerred to this countn-; nor, in- 
deed, is allusion made to any kind ofarrang-ementor agreement that had been 
made by tiiat officer with yoQi 

Under tliese circumstances, and had not Sir James Craig- determmed on 

his immediate return to England, it would have been Lord Liverpool's wish 

to have referred your memoriulto him, as being better enabled to ajjpreci- 

ate the ability and success wiili which you executed a mission, lindcrtaken 

at his desire. Lord Live;pool will, however, transmit it to Sir James Craig's 

rt successor in tlie government, and an assurance, that, from the recommenda- 

.-^tions, he ha.s- received in your favouj-, and the opinion he has formed on your 

• correspondence he is convinced Dial the public service v.' illbe benefitted by 

your active einploymt-nt in a public situation. 

^ Lord Liverpool will also reel himself bound to give <be same assurance to 
tlie Marquis Wellcslcy, if there is any probability that it will advance the suc- 
cess of the application whrcji you have made to his lordsliip. 
I am, sir, your most obedient, humble servants 

(Signed) ROBERT PEEL. 

•4 John Henry, Esq. 27, Leicester squiire. 

No. xxin. 

yMr. Ilenrij to Mr. Peel, September 24, 1811. JM other amtrer than a des'jatch 
to Sir George Prevost, and the letter marked B. 
. . ■ Lonihn, Ai\t. September, 1811. 

Sir— I have just nov/ learned the ultimate decision of my Lord Wellesiey 
relative to the appointment which l' was desirous to obtam- and find that tlic 
subsisting relations between the two countries, forbid the creating a new of- 
fice in the United States, such as I was sohcitous to obtain. In this state of 
•things 1 have not a moment to lose in returning to Canada, and have taken niy 
passage in tlie last and only ship that sails for Quebec this season. As ] have 
. no time to enter de novo into explanations with the gentlemen w ho is in your 
o^ce, and as I have received assurances from you in addition to the letter of 
! my Lord Liverpool, of the £7th. June, that "his lordsliip would recommend 
'■^' me to the governor of Canada, for the first vacant situation diat I would ac 
cept." I beg the favour of you to advise me how 1 am to get tliat recommen- 
dation, without loss of time. 

I have the honour to be, &c. &c. j \i 

Robert Teel, Esq. &. &c. &c. 

No. XXIV. 
Coptj of a letter loritten by Lord Liverpool, to Sir George Pretiost, fuvnisliedbi' 
the tinder secretary of state. Original in the despatch to the g-ovenior general 

Boiuniii ^.street, loth. Sept. 1QI\. 
\ Sir— Mr. Henry, who will have the honour of deiiveringthis letter, is the 
^ntlernanwho addressed to me the mennoi-ial, a copy of which I herewith 
ti-ansmit, ;ind to whom the accompanying letter froiw Mi'. Peel was written by 
my direction. 

Incomphance with his request, I now fulfil the assurance which I have giv- 
en; of stating to \ou my opinion of the ability and judgement which Mr' Henry 
-has manifested on the occasion mentioned in his memorial; and of Ijie^benefit 
the public service might derive from his active employment in any public sit- 
uation, in which you should think proper to place him. 
I am, sir, your most obedient, humble tervant, • , 
^ c- ^(S'g"ed) LIVERPOOL 

To Su- George Prcvost, Bart. gee. &c. 

22 



I 



104 THE OLIVE BRANCH. 

No. XXV. 

Mr. Upland to Mr. HenriK 

Tuesday evening, July 2d, 181 1 

Dear Hcm\ — It gives nic real pleasure to find that the apprehension I had. 
formed wiUi respect to the fullihnent of } our expectations, is likely to prove 
erroneous. As every thing \vhich passed relative to your mission w as in wri- 
ting-, I think you will do well in subniitUngto ]Mr. Peel all the original papers. 
I, iTiyself, could give no other information relative to the subject tlian what 
tiiev c<intain; as you and 1 )iad no op]3ortunity of any verbal communication 
concenungit, till after your mission terminated. I never wrote you a letter 
in the governor's name, which had not previously been submitted to liis cor- 
rection. 

The Impression I had received of your character and abilities made me 
anxious to serve you, even before I had the pleasure of a personal acquaint- 
ance wit!) you: and the same desire has operated on me ever since. I am, 
therefore, entitled to hope, tliat any opinion which 1 may have given you; as 
to your best mode of obtaining an employment imder government, will be' 
received with the same candour that giive rise to it. I think you will do well 
to pei-severe as you propose. I have no doubt tliat ever}' letter from you 
which Sir James sent home, will be found in Mr. Peel's office, as the estab- 
lished practice there is to bind the despatciies and enclosures yearly up to- 
gether. 

Sincerely wisliing you eveiy success, lam most faithfully, yours, 

(Signed) H. W. RYLAND. 

John f lenrv, Esq. 

Wo. 5CXVI. 
Mr. Ife?irii's memorial to Lord Lmer pool, enclosed in Lord Llvtrpo^Vs dtspi^hlu 
To the right honourable tlie Earl of Liverpool, the undersigned most res- 
pectfully submits the following memorial. 

Long before and during the administration of your lordship's predecessor 
the undersigned bestowed much personal attention to the state of parties and 
political measures in the United States of America, and had an opportunity'^ 
[Here an erusure of 10 or 12 lines] aiul to unite the [An erasure here of 2 or 
3 lines] the inrormation transmitted by the undersigned to Sir James Craig, 
and bv hinj to Lord Castlercagh, met -iuith his lordship'' s apjirobation .•] and 
when the hostile preparations in tlie United States suggested to Sir James 
Craig the necessity of making con'esponding ari'angements of precaution wd 
defence, for the security of his majesty's colonies, he applied to the uncfer- 
signed to undertake a secret and confidential mission to tlie northern states \ 
to the pai-ty already mentioned; to direct their 

operations, and transmit regular information of the same, and to endeavor t» 
render their plans subservient to the interests of Great Britain. t The vmder- 
signed readily undertook the mission, and spent fivemontlisinthe active and 
zealous discharee«f the duties connected with it [An erasure Jiere of 20 or 
■Sahncs^] whicrrdeterred the general government from the pui-pose already 
mentioned, andfrom a coalition with Erance,i| while tlie information which he 
transniiUed to Sir James Craig, probably saved the trouble and expense i'' 
arming the Canadian militia. All this, tlie undersigned performed widi(>ir. 
ever showing his commission or appearing as a.n authoiized agent — from :* 
tiiorough conviction that a discovery of his mission would furnish tlie French 
j)arty with the means of destroying the influence of the party ,adhci ing t* 
tircat IJrilnin in every quarter of America, and enal)le the general govern- 
ment to go to Wiu- upon populai' and tenable ground. 

•See tlie letter of Mr, Henry addressed to the secretary of Sir Jamc- 
Craig, ;u>d by him transmitted to Lord ' in the month of April, 1808. 

I Sec document liio. 22, herewith .submitted. 

i See document No. 22, and 23, herewith submitted. 

^See letter No. 1. of ti»e series transmitted by Sir J. Craig, to tlie colcei'i 
dKliartment, under date February 14, 18U9. 

II See Uic reoisundcr of lUc ^orcstuU if ttor. f 



TUE OLiyj;: brancu. kJs 

111 the application of Sir James Craig to the undersi.^iioil to undortike tlie 
jmisslon aroiosuitl, he says "the intbrmatioii and political observation i receiv- 
ed from you heretotbrc were all transmitted to the secretaiy of siatc, who 
has expressed his particular approbation of them : and there is uo doiiht that 
your able exacut ion of such a mission as I have above swi^gcstcd, would g-ivr 
you a claim not only on the governor general (of IJritish America,) but on liis 
majesty's ministers,-" &c.* 

Tiie undersigned being now in England on his private affairs, on the eve 
of departure for America, most humbly and respeclfully submits bis claims, 
under tlie stipulations aforesaid, to the earl of Liverpool, in the coniident ex- 
pectaion that his lordshjp will treat them with tUtt justice, and liberaiitj', 
which upon investigation Uiey may be found to merit. 

It may not be superfluous lo add, that the undersigned has never received 
in any shape whatever aiiy compensation or patronage for the services he has 
rendered. This fact, Mr. Ityland, the secretaJ-y ol'Sir James Craig, now in Lon- 
don, can vouch; as well as for the ti\ith of all the matters set forth in this mc- 
oiorial. I have the honour, &c. 

(Signed) J. HENRY. 

27 Leicester-square, June 23, 1811. 

CHAPTER XXVIIL 

Embargo repealed. British and French vessels interdicted from 
entering our httrboars. Importations from both countries pro- 
hibited. Invitation held out to both to cease their outrages on 
our commerce. 

X HE clamour excited against the embargo— the ttimultu- 
oils proceedings in the eastern states^ — its inefficacy to answer the 
purpose intended, arising partly tVom tlie factious, and disorgan- 
izing, and Jacobinical opposition it met with, and partly from the 
imbecility of Mr. .letFer.sou's administration, in not duly enforc- 
ing it, as I have already statedf — all combined to produce its re- 
peal, which took place on the 1st of March, 1809. 

As a pacific measure, in lieu of the embargo, to induce the bel- 
ligerents to respect our rights^ and to cease depredating on lis, 
under pretence of retaliation upon each other, the act commonly 
•styled the non-intercourse act, was passed, of which I annex 
those sections, which contain its leading features. 
»dn Jict to interdict the Commercial Intercourse between the Unit- 
ed States and Great Britain and France, and their dependen- 
cies; and for other jmrposes. 

Be it enacted dy tlui senate and /trji/se of representatives of the United States 
of .hnerica 'in congress assembled, That from and after the p;issage of tliis 
act, the entrance of the harbours and waters of the United States and ol" 
the territories thereof, be, and the same is hereby interdicted to all public 
ships and vessels belonging to Great Britiun or Fumce, excepting vessels only 
which may be forced in by distress, or whicli are charged with despatches 
or business from the government to which they belong, and also packets 
having no cargo or merchandize on board. And' if any public ship or vessel 
as aforesaid, not being included in the exception above mentioned, shall en- 
ter any harbour or waters within the jurisdiction of the United States, oi- 
of the territories thereof, it shall be lawful for the president of the United 
■States, or such other person as he shall have empowered for that purpose, 

* See docmnent No. 1, herewitJi submitted, 
"i" See page 50. 



166 THE OLIVE BRANCH. 

to ciTipiov such part of the land and naval forces, or of the militia of tht 
United States, or the territories thereof, :is he shall deem necessary, to compc) 
grtch ship or vessel to depart. 

Sec. 3. AnrI be it further enacted. That from and after the twentieth day 
of May next, the entrance of tlie harbours and waters of the United States,, 
and the teiritories thereof, be, and the same is hereby interdicted to all slaps o) 
ves$elssaiU)ig under the fa^ of Great Britain or France, or owned in whole or in 
part by any citizen or subject of either; vessels hired, chartered or employed 
bv the government of cither country, for the sole purpose of carrying let- 
ters or ilesputchcs, and also vessels forced in by distress or by the dang-ers 
of the sea, (jiily excepted. — And if any ship or vessel sailing under the flag of 
Great Britain or France, or orvued in whale or in part by any citizen or subject 
tf eitlicr, and not excepted as aforesaid, shall, after tlie tiventieth day of Jlay 
next, arrive eitlier with or without a cargo, ivithin the limits oj tlie Umted 
States, or of the territories thereof, such ship or vessel, togetlter with the cargo, if 
any, ivliich may be found on board, shall be forfeited, and may be seized and 
condemned in any court of the United States or the territories thereof, hav- 
ing competen' ju is i tion: — and all and every act and a ts heretofore pass 
ed, whicli shah be witiiin the purview of this act, shall be and tney are 
hereby repealed. 

Sec. 4. .ind be it further enacted, That from and after the twentieth day 
of May next, it shall not be lawful to import into the United States or tiie 
territories thereof any goods, wares or merchandize whatever from any port, 
or place situated in Great Britain or Ireland, or from any of tlie colonies or 
ddpendencies ot Great Britain; nor fi-om any port or place situated in France, 
or in any of her colonics or dependencies, nor from any port or place in 
the actual possession of either Great Britain or France. Nor shall it be law- 
ful to import into tlie United States, or the tcrritorie;; tliereof, from any for- 
eign port or place whatev er, any goods, wares, or merchandize whatever, be- 
ing the growth, jjroduce, or manufacture of France, or of any of her colo- 
nies ordcpendeucies, or being the growth, produce, or manutacture of Great 
Britain or Ireland, or of any of the colonics or dependencies of Great Britain^ 
or being tlie growth, produce or inanulacture of any place or comitry in tlie 
actual possession of either France or Great Britain: provided, that nothing 
herein contained shall be construed to affect the cargoes oi ships or vessels 
wholly owned by a citizen or ciii/;cns of the United States, winch had 
cleared for any port bejond the Cape of Good IJope, prior to the twenty- 
second day of December, one thousand eight hundred and se^ en, or which 
nad departed for such port by permission of the president, under the acts 
sujjplemeiitary to the act laying an embargo on all ships and vessels in the 
ports and harbours of the United States. 

Sec. 11. And be it fur! her enacted. That the president of the United States 
be, and he hereby is authorized, in case eit/ier France or Great Britain shall 
<to revoke or modify Jier edicts, as that they shall cease to violate the neutral com- 
merce of the United States, to declare tlie same by prodamatiou; after which the 
•radc of the United Utates, suspended by this act, mid by the act laying an em- 
bargo on all ships and vessels in the porti and harbours of the United States, 
and the several acts supplementary thereto, may be renewed with tiie nation 
JO doing; pi'ovided, tliat all penalties and forfeitiucs which sliall Itavc been 
nreviously incuiTed, l)y viilue ot this or of any other act, the oiJeration of 
which sliall so cease and determine, sliall be recovered and distributed, in 
like irfanner as if the same 'hjul continued in fidl force and virtue : and ves- 
sels bound tii( reafier to any foreign port or place, with which commercial 
intercourse shidl by virtue of this section be again permitted, shall give bond 
lo the I 'nited Suites, with approved .security, ill cloitliie the value of the ves- 
ael aii<lc;irgo, that tiiey sliall not proceed to any foreign port, nor trade with 
■Awy country otlier than tliose with which commercial intercoui-se shall have 
oeen or may be permitted by this act. Enacted March 1, 1809. 

I have already stated, that tliis law, was preposterously and ab- 
surdly denftuP' »'d. OS feeble and ini'>eci!e, Uy niuety-nine out of 



THE OJJ\rE URANCH. 16; 

every hundred democrats, in th(^ United States. An impartial 
review ot it will prove the lolly of this denunciation. It evinces 
a deep sense of the grievous injuries the nation had sustained 
from the belligerents — a sincere wisli to return to the relations oi 
peace and friendship with either or both— and an ardent desire^to 
try every rational mode of procuring redress previous to a re- 
, course to the honors of waix 

It held out in one hand proliibition and penalty for- wrongs 
inflicted— in the other "the Olive Branch" — an invitation to, 
and premium for, a mere return to justice — a mere cessation of 
unprovoked hostility. The statute books of all the nations of 
Christendom may be searched in vain, for a law entitled to more 
unequivocal applause — and rarely has a law been more generally 
-censured. 

The federalists reprobated this act as well as the domocrats— 
and with equal folly and madness— but on totally ditterent 
grounds. They regarded it, forsooth, as too violent a measure — 
as cajculr.ted to produce war — or, ia fact, absurdly enough, as a 
species of warfare! . 

" Sir, the bill L)etbre you is -var. It is to suspend all mtercoiirse, to put an 
end to all tlie relations of anuty. What is that but war ."' War of the worst 
kintl — \i'ur under the dis£-iiiiie of NON-ixTERCounsE — no power, having' na- 
tiontd feeling-s, or regard to national character, will SUlJMIT to S2ich CO- 
ERCION.* 

"It [non-intercourse] is cowardly; for it is a base attempt to bnn£-on a~aar 
.-:!li Great JJntain. — It is FRENCH in. evevj feature. It its intended as a nica- 
: u re oj" hostility against Great JBritain."\ 



CHAPTER XXIX4 

Embargo once more. ftecQuimended to Congress by a respectable 

body of merchants in JS^'ew-Fork. 

J_ HIS shall be' a short diapter. Three minutes will be 
sufficient to glance over' it. I hope, however, it will not be the 
least interesting in the book. 

The embargo, we have seen, was enacted in December 1807, 
to preserve the property of the American merchants from depre- 
dation under French decrees and British orders in council — and 
likewise to coerce the belligerents, tlirough regard to their own 
interests, to cease violating our rights. 

T!)C merchants, and their friends universally, tiirougliout the 
nation, reprobated this measure. Independent of its protended 
^unconstitutionality, it was denounced as tyrannical, and oppres- 
sive, and unjust towards our own citizens — and' feeble, and im- 

Mr. HiUliouse's speech on the non-intercourse bill before the senate- 
Febnuiry 22, 1809. 

j Boston Itepertory. 

t This Chapter is out of its chronological order — but its immediate coR^ 
■lexion with tlae subject cf the prscevhng chap1,er has induced niQ to placQ 
" here. 



1G8 THE OLIVE BRANCH. 

bcclle, and inefficient towards those nations, whose insults and 
outraj^es it was intended to prevent. 

Tluit lliose sentiments pervaded the mercantile part of the 
oommunity in 1807-8, I presume no man of character will dare 

deny. 

^Consistency is commendable. Let us enquire how far the mer- 
chants practised it. On the 15th of June, 1812, a memorial was 
pres-L'nted to Congress, from various merchants in New-York, 
pray ina; for a continuance of the embargo, and the restrictive 
systcmgenerally! 

You are amazed, readei*. You can hardly believe me. Yoh 
are persuaded that I am not serious — 'that I am putting your 
credulity to a severe trial. 

You are " all in the wrong." I am as perfectly serious as 
I have ever been. And to remove all doubt on the subject, here, 
is the memorial — and here also the signers — forty -two federalists 
and sixteen democrats. Yes — deny it, who can. Here are for- 
ty-two federal merchants, invoking congress to continue the 
much abused " restrictive system,''^ as likely to extort justice 
from Great Britain. 

MEMORIAL. 
To the honourable the Senate and House of Representatives of the 

United States of America in Congress assembled, the meinorial 

of the subscribers, merchants and others^ inhabitants of the city 

of JK'ew-York, respectfully sheweth : 

I'hal your memorialists feel, in conmion with the rest of tlieir fellow-citi- 
zeiiK, an anxious solicitude for the honour and interests of then- country, and 
an c((uul determination to assert and maintain tlicm. 

That your me-Tiorialists beheve that A CONTINUATION OF THE RES - 
'IRltJOVE MEASURES NOW IN OPERATION, WILL PRODUCE ALL 
THE BENEFITS, WHILE IT PREVENTS THE CALAMITIES OF WAR. 
Tnat when the British ministry become convinced tliat a trade with the Uni- 
ted suites cannot be renewed, but by the repeal of tlie orders in council, the; jl 
distress of their merchants and manufacturer;;, and tlioir inability to sup- 
port their armies in Spjun and Portujjai, will probably compel them to thai 

measure ! 

Your memoriahsts beg leave to remark, that such effects are even now vi.si- 
blo; and it may be reasonably hoped, tliat a contiuuance oftlie embarg-o and 
non-importation laws a few months beyond the fourth day of .lulv next, 
03"WH'>- EFFECT A COMPLETE AND BLOODLESS TRIUMPH OF 
oi'R RIGHTS. 

Your memorialists therefore respectfully solicit of your honourable body, 
the passage ofalaw continuing the embargo, and giving to the president of 
the United States power to discontinue the whole of tlie restrictive system ou 
the rescinding of the British orders in council. 

The conduct of France in burning our ships, in sequcsti-ating our proper- 
ty entering her ports, expecting protection inconsequence of tJie promised 
ri;peal of the Berlin and Milan decrees, and the delay in completing a treaty 
with tlic American minister, has excited great sensation: and we hope and J 
trust will call ibrlh from your honorable body such retaliatory measures ^ f 
Biay be best calculated to procure justice. 

John Jacob Astor John T. Lawrence Amasa Jackson 

S.irapel Adams Joseph W. Totten William J. Robinspn 

Howland & Urinnel Isaac Schcrmerhorn Joseph Stiong 

E. Slosson Alexander Ruden Abialuun S. Halto 

Israel (iibbs Josej)h Otis Joshua Jones 



FHE OLIVE BRANCH. 



169 



jsiiac Clason 
John Slitlell " 
John K. 'i'ownsend 
Andrew Ogdcn & Co. 
Thomas Stonn 
Amos Ikitler 
Ebenezer BuiriU 
Isaac Heyer 
R:dph Bnlkley 
Samuel Bell 
John F. Delaplain 
Peter Stagg 
BavicI Tavlor 



Lewis Mavtmaii 
Garret Storm 
George Cement 
S. A. 'uich 
Abraham Smitli 
'liiomus H. Smith jr. 
Andrew Foster 
JaGob Barker 
William l^vett 
William Edecav jun 
Samuel Stillwell 
Jacob P. Giraud 
John Hone 
John Kane 



Frederic Giraud, jr. 
llobcrt Roberts 
Jolm Crookes 
Hujrh M'Cormick 
John Ucpeyster 
Gdbert llaight 
James Lovett 
Leil'ert LcfFerts 
Augiistus Wynkooi* 
John VV. Gale 
Thomas Rich 
Samuel Marshall 
Elbert Herring-. 



William Adee 

JVew-YorhJimelst. 1812. 

A member of congress, Mr. Taylor, stated that he was inform- 
ed there were on ihifu list the names of two pre.-iidents of banks, 
three presidents of insurance companies, thirteen directors of 
banks, besides other names of " pre-eminent standing inthitcoin- 
mercial worldJ' Ponder, 1 beseech jou, reader, on these things. 
They demand the most sober and serious consideration. The em- 
bargo and restrictive system generally, after havini^- been defeat- 
ed and rendered nugatory by mercantile opposition, are now, by 
the merchants themselves, proclaimed to the world as likely to ef- 
fect ^'^CT'a bloodless triumph of our rights P^ What a severe 
satire on themselves — what a panygeric on their opponents — this 
short sentence contains ! 



CHAPTER XXX. 

TJie Erskine arrangement. A most liberal and magnanimous 
procedure, probably never exceeded. Loudly applauded by all 
parties. Rejected by England. Tuen censured by tlie federal- 
ists. JFonderful inconsistency. 



N 



EVER was there a measure of more fairness and candour, 
than the arrangement made by our government with Mr. Erskine. 
The annals of diplomacy may be ransacked in vain to produce a 
negociation more deserving of encomium, or more honourable to 
both parties. In forty -four days after Mr. Madison's inaugura- 
tion, Mr. Erskine made candid overtures to our goyernment for 
an acco)umodation of the existing differences between the tw(» 
nations. They were met with a "proper spirit of frankness, and 
with a promptitude never exceeded. I'he overtures were dated 
the 17th. of April — tiie reply the same day — Mr. Erskine's se- 
cond letter, and the reply of the secretary of state, on the 18tlu 
And, both parties being sincerely desirous of a reconeiliaton, an 
equitable arran;»;ement was adjusted in two days, tfiat is to say, 
on the l9th. whereby neither the honour nor the int^est of either 
nation was compromited. Friendly intercourse between them 
was once more re^toied. Never was a. iiegociation coadv^cted ou 



irb THE OLlVE BRANCH. 

more liberal or generous principles. It was manly and raas;nani- 
nious — and affords one of the very few instances in whicli <liplo- 
niacy was divested of lier usual attendants, chicane and fraud. 

To enable the reader to form a correct opinion on this subject, I 
annex the whole of the correspondence that took place respecting; 
it, between our government and the British minister. It will 
then appear that the transaction can hardly be too highly eulogi- 
zed. ^ 

(No. I.) 

Jin. inSKlSE TO MB. SMITH. 

h'ashingtony\7th. April, 1809. 

«' Sir— I have the honour to hiform you, that I have received his majesty's 
^ouimaudstorcpresei.t to the governiuentor the United States, that his ma- 
jeslv is animated bvthe most sincere desire for an adjustment oi" the differen- 
ces," which have uilhappilv so long prevailed between the tvo countries, the 
recapitulation of w hich nught have a tendency to impede, if not prevent an 
aniicaLle Uiidery.andiug. 

« It having- been represented to his majesty's government, that the con- 
gress of the United States, in their proceedings at tlie opening- of the last ses- 
.sion, hud evinced an intention of passing certain kws, which wovdd place 
tlu- relations of Great Britain witli the United Slates upon an equal footing, 
in all respects, with other belligerent powers, I have accordingly received 
his majesty's commands, in the event of such law's taking place, to offer, on 
the part of his majestv, an honourable reparation for the aggi-ession, com- 
suitted by a British nuv;4 officer, in the attacks on the United States' frigate 
Chesapeake. 

" Considering the act, passed by the congi-ess of tlie United States on the 
first of March, (usually termed the non-intercourse .ict) as having produced 
a stateof equality, in tJie. relations of the two belligerent powers, with res- 
pect to the U. States, I have to submit, conformably to instruclions. forthe 
consideration of the American government such . temis of satisfaction and 
repai-ation, as, his majesty is induced to believe, will be accepted, in the same 
spiritof conciliation, with which they are proposed. 

*' In addition to tlie prompt thsa\ owal made by his majesty; on being 
apprised of the unauthorized act committed by )iis naval officer, whose re- 
call, as a mark of the king's disjileasure, from an higlily iniportant and hon- 
cui-able -command, immediately ensued, his majesty is ^villingto -restore tlie 
i7Kn forcibly taken out of Uie Chesapeake, and, "if acceptable to the American 
j5-o\ernnicnt, to make a suitable provision tor the mifortunate suH'crers on 
'. liat occasion. 

" I liavc the honour to be, w ilh sentiments of the highest respect and 
consideration, sir, your most obedient humble .servant 

"D.M. EKSKINB" 
''liehon. Hubert Smith, esq. secretary of state, &c. 

(No. 11.) 

Jin. SMITU rO Mil. EnSKlN£. 

JJeparfmeni'of Stute, AprWi^ 1809. 

'< Sii- — I have laid before the president jour note in which you have, in 
the name and In- the order of liis Britannic majestv, declared that his Bri- 
t!*niiic majesty is desirous of making :in honourable reparation for the ag- | 
gression comniilteil by a 15ritish naval officer in the attack on the United " i 
States' frigate the (Chesapeake; tliat, in uddition to his]5roinpt disavowal of | 
tlie act, his majesty, as a mark ot his displeasure, did innncdiatcly recall the ' 
offending officer from a highly impoilant and honourable command; and that 
he is willing to restore the men torcii)ly taken out oftlic Chesapeake, and, , 
if acceptable to the American government, to make a suitable provision for | 
the unfortunate suHei-cr.son that occasion. 

" The government of the United Slates liaving, at all times, entertained 



THE OI/IVE BRAISCM. 171 

. sincere desire for an adjustmentoftbe differences, which have so long- and 
() uiihap])ily subsisted between the two countries, the president cannot. 
I lUt receive with pleasure, assurances, that his Britannic majesty is anima- 
ted by the same disposition; and that he is ready, in confcnn'.ty to this dis- 
position, to make atonement tor the insults and ag'gres.'iion committed by 
one ul' Ills naval .officers in the attack on the United States, frigate, tlic 
Chesapeake- 

"As it appears, at the same time, that, in making this offer, his Britan- 
nic majesty derives a motive from'the equahty, now existing in the relations 
7t the United S ates, wivh the two belligerent powers, the presideiit owes 
i to the occasion, and to himself, to let it be understood, that this eo,uahty 
• ^ result incident to a state of things, growiiig out of distinct considera- 

.'OUS. 

"• VVidi this explanation, as requisite as it is frank, I am authorized to in* 

form you, that the president accepts of the note delivered by you, in the 

,' name and by the order of his Britannic majesty; and will consider the same, 

witli the engagement contained thi.»reia, wlien fulfilled, as a satisfaction for 

ihe Insult and injury of which he has complained. But 1 ha\'e it in express 

charge from the president, to state, that while he forbeai-s to insist on :i 

further punishment of the offending officer, he is not the less sensible of the 

. justice and utihty of such aii example, nor the less persuaded that it would 

best comport with what is due from his Britannic majesty to ids own honor.. 

" I have the honour to be, with the highest respect aad cunsiucratiou, sir, 

your most obedient servant, 

'• M SMITH," 
The h(;n. David M. Erskine, envoy extraordinary and minister plenipotentia- 
ry of liis Britannic majesty. 

(NiMIl.) 

MR . EKSJUITE TO ?qi SJnTH. ' 

ffanlanifton, April lc>, ISQo. 

" Sir — I have the honor of informing you, that his majesty, having been 
persuaded that the honourable reparation Which he had caused to be ten-f 
dered for the unauthorized attack upon the American frigate Chesapeake, 
woidd be accepted, by the government of the Cnited States in the same 
pirit of conciliation, with tvhichit was proposed, has instructed me to ex- 
press his satisfaction, should such a happy tei-mlnation of that atiiilr take 
place — not only as having removed a.paintul cause of difference, but as af- 
fording a fair prospect of a complete and cordial understanding being re-es- 
tablished Ijetween the two countries. 

" The favourable change in the relations of his majesty with the United 
States, wliich has been produced by the act (usually termed the non-inter 
coure act) passed in the last session of congress, was also anticipated by hi.s 
majesty; and has encouraged a further hope, that the re-consitkralion ef 
the existing difference might lead to their satisfactory adjustment. 

" On these grounds and expectations, I am instructed to communicate to 
the American goverument,.liis majesty's determination of sending to tht 
United States an envoy extraordinai-y, invested with tidl powers to conclude 
a treaty on all the points of the relations between Ihe two countries. 

" In the meantime, with. a view to contribute to the attainment of s^ desir* 
:ible an object; his majesty would be wlUing to withdraw his orders in coun 
cil of January and November, 18ur, so far as re.spectsthe United States, in the, 
persuasion th^t the president of the United States would issue a proclama- 
tion for the renewal of the intercourse with Great Britain; and that whatevei" 
difference of opinion should arise in the interpretation of the terms of such 
an agreement will be removed in the proposed negotiation. 

" I have the honour to be, with sentiments of the highest consideratioH 
and esteem, sir, your most obedient humble servant, 

D.M. ERSKINE. 

Bonourable Robert Smit/i, &c. &c. &c. 



l-i? THE OLIVE BRANCH. 

(No. IV.) 

MH. SMITH TO MR. ERSKINE. 

Departmcn t of State, April 28, 1 809 

.. sir The note which 1 huil the honour of receiving from you this day 

I lost no time in hiyintj before the president, who being- sincerely desi]-ou.s ot 
a satisfiictorv adjustment of the differences unhappily existing; between Great 
Britain and tlie'Uniled States, has authorized me to assure you, that he will 
meet, with a disposition correspondent with tliat of his Britannic majesty, 
tlie determination of his majesty to send to the United States a special^ en- 
voy, invested widi full powers to conclude a treaty on all the points of the 
relations between the two countries. 

«' 1 am further authorized to assure you, that in case his Britannic majesty 
should, ill tlie me.m time, withdraw his ordei-s .in council of Januaiy .ind 
November, 1807, so far .as respects tlie United States, the president will not 
fail to issue a proclamation by virtue of the authority, and for the piu-poses 
specified, in the eleventh section of the statute, commonly called the non- 
mtercour.'^e act. I have the honour," &c. &.c. 

R. SMITH 
(No. V) 

Jlil. EUSKIKE TO SIR. SMITH. 

WasMngton, April 19, 1809. 

'< Sir — In consequence of the acceptance, by the president, as stated in 
vour letter dated the 18th. inst.ofthe proposids made by meon the p.art of 
iiis majesty, in my letter of the same day, for the renewal of the intercourse 
between the respective countries, 1 am authorized to declare, that his majes- 
t3''s orders in council of January and November, \S07, will have been with- 
draw n as respects the United States, on tlie 10th. day of June next. Ihave- 
the honour to be." &c. &c. 

D. M. ERSKINE 

Honourable Robert Smith, &c. Uc 

(No. VI.) 

MB. SMITH TO MR. EKSKInK. 

Department of State, April 19, 1809. 
.Ml- — Hsvina;' laid before the president your note of this day containing- at* 
av,iu-;.«icc, ihatiiis Britannic majesty will, on the tenth day of June next, have 
witlidrawM liis order? ia council of January and November,' 1807, so far as 
respects the United States, I have- the honour of informing you, that the 
president Mili accoidingly, and in jjursuance of the eleventh section of the 
statute, commonlv' cidled ihe non-intercourse act, issue a proclamation, so 
that the ti-ade of the United States with Great Britain may on tlie same day 
be renewed, in the manner provided in tlie said section, I have the ho 
riour," &c. &c. R. SMITH. 

15 r THE rRESIDEVr OF THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA 

A PROCLAMATION. 

" \\ lie rc.TS it is provided by the clcYcnth section of the act of Cong-res.-, 
• iititled, " An act to interdict the cominerctal intercourse between the 
United States and Great Britain and l-'rance, and their dependencies; and for 
other pur| o.ses," • -'I'hat " in case either France or (ircat Britain shall so re- 
voke or modify her edicts Jis that they shall c^ase to violate the neutral com- . 
■mci'ce of tlie United States," the president is authorized to declare the s.ame 
by proclamation; after which the trade suspended by the said act, aiul by an ' 
act laying an embargo on allshijjs and vesseLs in the jjorts and harbours of ' 
'.he L'laLttfd States ;'.!'.«il ^^ several acts iupplei«*ntary lUereto, may be re 



THE OLIYE BRANCH. 173 

flftwed with the nntion so doing-. And whereas the honourablr Uavid 
. Montai^de Krskine, his Britannic majesty's envoy extraordinary and minis- 
ter plenipotentiary, has, by the order and in the name of His so\ereign, de- 
clared to this g-overnment, that the British orders in conncil of January 
and November, 18U7, will have been withdrawn as respects the United 
States, on the 10th. dav of June next. Now therefore, I, James Madjsoji, 
President of the United States, do hereby proclaim, that the orders in council 
aforesaid will have been witlnlrawn on the said tenth day of June next; after 
wliich day the trade of the United States with (Jrcat Britain, as suspended 
by the act of congn-ess above mentioned, and an act laying an embargo on all 
ships and vessels in the ports and harbours of the United States, and the 
several acts supplementary thereto, may ha renewed. 

« Given under my hand and the seal of the United States at Washt 
ington, the nineteenth day of April, in tjie year of ou? I^rdonc 
5' s. thousand cis^lit hundred and nine, and pi" tlie Independence of the 
United States, the thii'ty-third. 

JAMES MADISON. 

Jit/ (he President. 

R. T. SMITH, Secretary of Stare. 

Never was a measure more loudly or unanimously applauded. 
Parties agreed in their encomiums on the act and the actors, who 
. never before or since accorded on any subject. The tederalists 
cannot have for2;otton — if they have, history will not forget — 
that they repeatedly asserted, in the most confident terms, that 
England had been at all times ready to do justice; — that it had 
been in the power of Mr. Jefterson, at any period of his adminis- 
tration, to have procured equally tair and honourable ter-.ns; and 
that nothing but his profligate devotion to France, and his deadly 
hostility to England, had prevented an equitable adjustment of 
all our diiferences. Mr. Madison was hailed as a truly American 
president. He was invited to federal entertainments — claimed 
as a federalist and a Washingtonian — and halcyon days of peace 
and plenty were augured under his administration, which was in- 
dubitably to usher in a political millenium. This farce was car- 
ried on so far by the federalists, that the democrats began to grow 
jealous. They \\^re afraid of losing the president, wliose electioji 
they had taken such pains to secure. 

In an evil hour for the United States and Great Britain, this 
Ijorjourable arrangement was fatuitoasly and dishonourably re- 
jected by the British ministry — and thus the two countries were 
once more iuvolved in the most vexatious discussions. 

So far as respects the admini.stration of Mr. Madison, this affair 
affords the most indubitable evidence of the utter falsehood of the 
charge of French influence, with which the wide welkin has rung, 
and which has been, and is, as firmly believed by hundreds of 
thousands of our citizens, as any portion of " holy writ." Had 
there been the slightest particle of that noxius influence in our 
cabinet, it could not have failed to prevent such a rapid movement 
as healing; the lonjr-eiiduring and cankered breaches between the 
two countries ui tv/o days. 



iT4 IHE OLIVE BRANCH: 

Never m tlie .mnals of mankind, did a rooted, inveterate, and 
contemptible prejudice exist, so completely, so unanswerably 
borne down by a strong and irrefutable fact, as in this case is the 
accusation of French influence : and yet no more attention has 
been paid to the strong and irresistible fact, than if it had not the 
slightest bearing whatever on the subject. Throughout the whole 
of Mr. Madison's administration, this senseless, this absurd, this 
Jacobinical cry of French influence has disturbed the harmony of 
the country — endangered its peace — and produced the most ma- 
gical eftects, on "the most enlightened nation in the world." 

In every age, and every nation there is some slang prevalent, 
by which the people are besotted, bereft of their reason, and led 
"to play such pranks before high heaven, as make e'en angels 
weep." Who is ignorant of the magical effects in Great Brit;tin 
of the cry, " the church is in danger," whereby the severities and 
restrictions undei- which the protestant dissenters groaned for 
about one hundred and fifty years, were firmly ri vetted on them. 
The cry of " French injluence" in the United States has been 
so often reiterated, and so far believed, that it appears to thou- 
sands of our citizens both impertinent and absuid to doubt its ex- 
istence. But there never has l)een the shadow of proof of its ex- 
istence alledged. And I feel perfectly confident, that there are 
thousands of Englishmen in various parts of the United States, 
particularly in our sea ports, any one of whom takes a more, ac- 
tive part in our politics, and has more influence on our affairs, 
than any twenty Frenchmen. Talleyrand's observation on this 
subject is perfectly just. "In every part of America throuo;!i 
which I have travelled I have not found a single Englishman, who 
did not feel himself to be an American; nor a single Frenchman 
who did not find himself a stranger."* 



o 



There arc Frenchmen in New York, Philadelphia, and Balti- 
BU)re, who have been naturalized ten, tweniy, and even thirty 
years, who do not interfere So much in our politics as English. 
Scotch, and Irishmen freijuently do within the first month aftei 
fheir arrival. I have never, in thirty years, known three French- 
men in Philadelphia mIio took an active part in our politic^J. 
Many of them rarely exercise the elective franchise. 

This is a digression. Let us return to the Erskine arrangement. 

The conduct of the federalists respecting this celebrated in- 
strument, Mas to the last degree inconsistent aud indefensible' — 

They were, afver it was agreed upon, as I have stated, 
unanimous and loud in their applause of England, for her 
magnanimity in offering, and ol Mr. Madison, for his patriotism 

• Memoir on the Commercial Relations of th^ United y<atcs with Encfi 
ind, pa^^e 18. 



THE OLIVE BRANCH, 175 

and public spirit in accepting, the terms proposed by Mr. Ers- 
kine. The force of tlie language was exhausted, in panegyrical 
strains. All the praises of Mr. Madison were accon^panied by 
direct or insinuated abuse of his predecessor. The two presi- 
dents appeared like the two ends of a scale-beam. In propor- 
tion as one rose, the other sunk. Mr. Madison was raised among 
the celestials — Mr. Jefterson sunk among the infernals. There 
was hardly one of the party from New-llampshi-e to Georgia, who 
did not assert, that l\ti.d Mr. Jefterson been disposed, he might 
have made an arrangement on as favourable terms at any time 
durinjr his administration — for England had been at all times 
equally dispt>sed to do us justice. 

15ut when England rejected this arrangement — when she gave the 
lie direct to all their asseverations of her willingness to adjust the 
differences between the two countries, on fair and honourable prin- 
ciples — they still defended her. They assailed, and abused, and 
vilifted, and degraded their own government. And Mr. Madison, 
■who had been placed among the stars of heaven, sunk down at 
once below tie horison into pitchy darkness, with his predecessor. 
And .for what ^ Had he committed any crime to warrant this 
change of opinion? No- Had he altered the system of conduct 
which had been so highly extolled ? No. Had he broken his 
faith with Kngland ? No. Had he failed of his duty to his 
country ? No. His only crime was, that England broke the 
faith her minister had so solemnli/ pledged to him, and to that 
'criielhf injured and outraged country!!!!!! Alas! alas 1 poor 
hunian nature ! 

To establish fully what I have asserted, I annex extracts from 
the federal papers and speeches, published before and after the 
fatal, the <.onstrous, the absurd rejection of this arrangeiiient. 

" We o'.ve it to .Air. Miidison and his cabiiiet to say, and we do it with, 
pride and pleasvire, that they have coine torward with a degree of prompti- 
tude and manliness which refects much honour on them and the country. Mr, 
Madiso!\ has now done X/" 'i»hat Mr. .Tejferaoyi was requested hij the B'itsh 
\ government to do in the note appended to the treaty returned by Mm, Mr. Mad- 
-on is now eil'ectually resisting the French decrees, by a totiil non-inter- 
urse with that countrv; and this country will Ihanlc him for it to the latest 
goneratioii." " United States' Gazette, April 24, 1S09. 

" QC? i'lt^ candour, liberality, and sincerity displayed in those documents, arc 
alike honourable to the tr.oo governments?^ Poulson's American Daily Adverti- 
ser, April 22, 1809. 

" The non-intercourse, with France wliich congress threatened Nov. 22, 
4.dU8, and really enacted March 1st. 1809, to take place on the 20th. May next 
— tliis measure against France pi-oduced what no measure against England 
alone couidolitain, England -ivas to be won xutthsign!< of justice andimpartitd- 
if": and i/ieldedto these consickrutioim what sliexuoidd not yueld ei ther to threats 
force." Boston Repertory, May 9, 1809. 

'i Xothing here said is designed to reflect on Mr. Madison as the president 

I of the United States Jl/°Ix thf, FiniT act rx which ac h4S ki^knt called up- 

I ON" HE HAS KEHAVEi) WITH wisiiow. JMuy lie go on SO. Ml'. Madison thus far 

has in fact acted ministerially; that is, pursuant to an act of congress, or the 

generally expressed voice of his countrymen." Idem. 

. " We shall not stop to enquire wliether the spirited and vigorous measures 

of New England. — ^their detoinined public declarations that Ijiey w^ould no^ 



lY(i THE OLIVE BUAiNCH. 

submit to an uiBiecessary and deslruclive war, has induced the admmisute- 
lion to listen to xj" the same terms whichGreat Britiin has always been ready 
to otter, and to which wc have unifoiTnly contended she was sinecrelj-- dis 
•Doscd." Boston Gazette, April 1809. 

" That Mr. Afadison does not wish to embroil iis with England, we are 
now thoroughlv convinced: while he continues to pujsue an honest and im- 
pratial policy, where he ma*k?sone enemy, he will gaiH a dozen friends." 
Baltimore Federal Kepiibllcan, as quoted by the Philadelphia Gazette, June 
22, 1809. 

" Scarcelvwus Mr. ]SIadison seated in the chair of state, when, contrary to 
all our expectations, but agreeably to all our wishes he gave the lie to all his 
electioneering advocates; abandoned ])racticall\- ami in the face of the world 
the policy and course of the wige; and concluded with Mr. Ersk hie an agree- 
ment, which, o:j= knocking the ignominious hand-cufts from our Jiaads, 
dj" immoonng our ships, (^"^r rejoicing our. hearts, and Xj" elevating our 
hopes, drew trom the linion (the jacobins excepted) an unfeigned bitrst of 
beart-clicering applause. Never statesman did an act more popular or more 
conducive to the true and permanent interest of his country. Phil- 
adelphia Gazette, June 23, 1809. 

" The public document^ which we this day have the satisfaction of laying 
before our readers are of a highly pleasing and interesting character. The 
note of Mr. Erskine furnishes satisfactory endence of a real disposition on 
thepnrt of his government to adjust, on permanent principles, the long sub- 
sisting differences with tliis country:- and Mr. Kmith's answer to that note 
evinces a candour and promptitude equally honourable to the views and 
wishes of the American administration. While both parties are governed 
by this spirit of confidence in the assurances of each other, we can foresee no 
possible circumstance to impede their arriving at a full, liberid, and advan- 
tageous accommodation." Philadelphia Gazette, June 19, 1809. 

"We sincerely trust that an enlightened administration will continue byits 
measures of prudence, economy, and wijdom, to increase the mortification 
nd rage of men; a/ze?;^ to their true interests and honour of our countr}'. 

Ibid. 

On the 2d. of May, 1809, Mn Randolph moved in tlie house 
of representatives of the United states the following resolution — 

" He^ohmd, That the promptitude and frankness with which the President 
f>f the I'nited States has met the ovcrtiu'es of the government of Great I?nt- 
.'*in towards a restoration of harmony and free commercial intcrcotu'se be- 
tween the two nations, meet the approbation, of this house." 

This occasioned a long debate, in which the federalists were 
universally in favour of the motion. Mr. Barent Gardcnier was 
among the most ardent eulogists of Mr. Madison. There ap- 
peared to be no bounds to his applause. 

"'i'histree from which we expected to gather only tlic fruit of bitterness 
and sorrow, is already yielding usfi-ult far dUferent— "gladness and unspeaka- 
ble joy. To speak in the huiguage of the r'.sohition, ' the promptitude and 
rankness with which the president has met the overtures of (ireat Britain,, 
while they i-ccclve the applause and the gratitude of the nation, call not less 
imperiously for an unequivocal expression of them by this house. 

" 1 must say that 1 do like the words ' p.-omptitude and frankness.' The 
complimcntthey convey is higiily merited, as 1 sh;dl endeavor to prove. 

•* Por bringing about Ibis slate of things, [ yield my hearty ajjprobation to 
the president of the United Slates; ami I believe that when none of us could 
see the end of our troubles, the president was secretly conducting us to tlie 
late hapny results, 

"Hut at last that state of things ORIGINALLY PROPOSED HY GREAT 
HKITAIN.has been brought about, both as it rc^^ards the equality contended 
tor, ,nd as regards the assurance of resistance desired. — The proclamation beiny 
<-cnioved, a fair adjustn)ent could meet with no impediment from that caiisef;'. 



THE OLIVE miANCH. 17r 

ayjind it is a iitelancholyfact, in this i-eapect there never tuonld have been aii 
impedient^^-if'VlWi government had bean iuiUing to (h origiiudlij -Mhat it has 

at last coiificnted to do. , , • , v 

"It is for the pi-omtitude and frankness witli which the presulent inct tins 
•vcrturc, ihut I thank hi m most cordiaJy in bch;xltof my countiy. I ap- 
prove it most lieurtily. . , , 

"And it is now 'in proof before us, as I have always said and contended, 
that }\OTUl'SG was ■u'onliiig but a proper spirit of conciliation— nothing hut 
fair and honourable dealing on the part r/THlS country, to bring to a ha,'pn 
issue all the fctitions differences between tlus country and Great Britain ,- and 
that is now. acknowledged to be tme, tor sayint? wliich, 1 have been so 
much censured— censui-cd, because it suited the purposes ot some people, 
to attribute to me a confidence in the justice of the British government, 
which did not become an American citizen. 

" The president \ery properly relying on the assurances of the British 
minister, that the edicts of Great Britain -wojdd have been withdraivn, on or 
before the 20th of June then next, authorii:'jd a renewel of intercourse af- 
ter that day." 

The governor of MassacliusettS; in his speech lo the legis- 
lature, unites his praises v/ith .those of Mr. Gartlenicr — 

" We have great reason to indulge the hope of realizing those view.s 
larislng from a revival of coiumerce] fi-om the prompt and amicable 
disposition, witli \vhich it is understood the presi;nt federal administration 
met the conciliatory overtures of (.ireat Britain — (Xj° " disposition -vhich 
is entirely to, and -mU ceiHuiniy recieve the Itearty approbativnn of every 
one who sincerely lores the peace and prosperity of the nation." 

I 'I'lie senate and hotise of representatives re-echo the enco- 
miastic strain: 

" The ijresent administration of the general government has— had the 
wisdom to discern, and patriotisiu to commence, a course oi policy re- 
specting our commerce and foreign relations, wliich is calculated to pro- 
mote the pi'osperity,* ajid to seciu-e the peace and independence of our 
countrv," 

" The prompt acceptance by the federal administration oi the concil- 
iatory overtures of Great Britain, which opened the door ior the remo- 
val of those grievous en\barrassments by which the industry and enter- 
prise of our citizens have so long been parahzed, — meet the approba- 
tion and will ensure the support of this coHimonwealtli." 

Messrs Warner antl Hanson chimed in with the general 



•ft 



strain of approbation-, which was carried to the utmost ex- 
tent, in order, by the contrast, to blacken the character of 
the former administration. 

" Sophistry is busily at work in the democratic papers to shew t'aat 

the accommodation with England is the residt of democratic plans thai, 

is to say of the embargo and non-intci-eourse law. If this could be made 
to appear, it would so far absolve their authors from the ruin and sui- 
feriiigs imposed by those laws, as to prove that they had some efl'ect. 
But the common sense of the people is proof agahist the delusion; who 
are persuaded that what was so easily etiected in April last, might have 
been done long before, and the nation been thereby saved from the humilia- 
tion of retiring from the exercise of its rights upon the ocean, as well 
«s the immense loss it has suffered, and continues tij^ sustain in the de- 
cay and depreciation of its produce. Every reflecting mind feels this at 
once; nor does it requu-e any circuitous argument to be convinced, that a 
pei-severing and ardent opposition to these demociatic juggles, and not a 
voluntary abandonment of them, broke the embargo, and placed France 
and Great Britain upon that equal footing, which tlie latt£R u.nieoumf.t 

^SCLABKD WOULD IXDUCE UtR TO COJU'ROMISK. . 



; 7S J HK O LIVE BllAJS CH. 

" Sincere and genei"«l as li.is been tlic joy spread by the return of a good 
understanding with Kng-laud, will be tlic 'indignation, which at no distant day, 
a calm review of the snares whicli have been laid to entrap our jjeace, and 
extingaisli our prosperity, will unavoidably inspire. The current of the dis- 
iipprobaiion of this conspiracy is not at a "stand. It has much greater ])ro- 
gress to make: nor w ill it stop until it places an insuperable bar ag;iii,si, 
even the aspiring party which, till lately, has lorded it without opposition 
over the state of Maryland,* 

T shall add to these extracts tlie sentiments of Mr. Cole- 
man, edifoi' of the New-York Evening Post, which are as 
strong and derisive as any of the others. 

" Look at the files of this pajjer for a twclvemontli. You will find it insis-| 
ted upon that — Great Britain tvished for an ailjustmemt of differences, andl 
would come io an accomodation t^e moment ve gave her a chance to do so, bill 
placing her on an equal footing ~Mth France. — Mr. Erskine very promptly^ 
begins, by stating on our government's placing England on a footing with 
I'i"ance, ^ngland will make reparation — just preciselt wuat i hate sau) 

A UUN'DREl) Ti:.U.S OVEH in this paper, SHJi AVOCU) VERY GLADtY DO. 

« The first part of the second resolution accompanjing the i-eport of the 
committee of foreign relations, contemplated an aiTar.gement by which the 
respective belligerents would be placed in a state of ei^iMi^i'i' astothe ex-J 
elusion of their ships of war from our harbours. This report was sent toj 
Knglaiid: and immeiUdtely the British minister dibected Mr. Erskine to 
iViake the propositiciis which have lately been acceded to antl publishec" 
provided any nicasun- ~^vi!s adopted wl-ich v oidd place Great Britain in 
state of equality with /.«• enemies, as to the admission or exclusion of he^ 
siups of wai- from our harboure. '1'he kox-ixtercocrse act was of this y^ 
•I CRi;. Mr. Erskme ,'st;rted thfe intentiinn of his government, and an agree^ 
mcnt has been made."f ' ■ -. ■ 

"Well may the .r.icrchav.ts of Alfexandria rejoice at Mr. Madison's re 
iwh to the good old principles of J'ederalism. Let the cruzij professor 
of .ieffersoni»m gi\\: tliemselves up to weeping ahd wailing, and all the 
:dtlicting stings of jealousy and mortification. The federalists WILL pa^ 
homage ^0 Mr, Madison, while he continues to pursue the course he haq 
taker."- i 

Relyin"- on the jjood faith of Great Britain, otir governmem 
initnciiiatclj removed all the restrictions on her coinmei ce, reJ 
.stored the intercourse between the two nations to the stat^' 
in Vihich it had been previous to the misunderstanding, an( 
uaturally expected to be met on the same fair and honoura-l 
ble ground by the other contracting party. But fatally other counl 
sVls prevailed at St. James's-'. The solemn contract made h\ 
its minister plenipotentiary was rejected on the ground 
his having" exceeded. his instructions." 

Had Mr. Erskine made a wanton sacrifice of the honoi 
and interests of his country — the rejection of his arrangemer 
might be palliated, perhaps justifieil. Rut no man who hj; 
tin^^ regard to his character, will pretend this to have beei 
the case. Both were equally secured. And to prevent anj 
dilliculty in the atijustment ol' the dispute, to evince mor 
fully Mr. Mailison's sincere wish for harmony, the thorni 
and diflicult subject of impressment was laid aside for futui 
negociation. 

•Federal Republican, July 4, 1809. 

f New York Evening Post, April 26, 1809, 

t Federal Republican, 

6 These cxti-victs are chiefly taken from <' Tbijigs *s ihcy aye." 



rilE OLIVE BRANCH. a;? 

" But Mr. Kiskine exceeded hi8 instructions." What in 
the naino of heaven, I ask, must have been the instructions that 
did not warrant an envoy extraordinary to propose or ratify such 
an arraii!;einent; so plain, so simple, so fair, and so honourable.^ 

But adniittinj;- for a moment, that Mr. Erskine exceeded hit 
instruction*; — or let us even suppose that he had made this ar- 
rauijement of his own m?rc motion, without any instructions 
wliatever — what reasonible objection could be . made to itf* 
Could the most partial friend of England, if actuated by honoura- 
ble views, require better term^^.'' 
Let us analyse the arrangement—let us state the quid iiro qua. 



To America it afforded 

1. A repeal of the orders in council — 

'2. Atoneineut for the outrage on the Chesapeake.' 



To England 

1. A restoration to all the immense advantages of the niOsi 
valuable commerce in the world. 

2. A continuation oi the suspension of intercourse between the 
United States and France. , 

I freely appeal at this moment to George Cabot, James Lloyd, 
jun. governor Strong, Ti-uothy Pickering, Alexander Contee 
Hanson, or to Lord Castlereagh, to decide whether there were 
.any thing in these terms that could warrant the government of a 
mighty nation to break the faith pledged by its minrster — and to 
attach shame, disgrace, and dishonor to tJiat minister in the 
eyes of his own nation and of the whole world.'' Neithei" of 
these gentlemen will dare to aver that there was. 

The reader who has perused with attention the Erskine ar- 
rangement, and considered the advantageous terms it ensured 
to England, will be struck with surprise. He will naturally ask, 
by what illstarred and fatal counsels were the British ministry 
influenced to reject this measure.'* This is a question not easi- 
ly answered. I shall attempt a solution. 

A recurrence to the 26th. chapter of this work, will shew th* 
tumultuous, disorganizing, and Jacobinical proceedings that occur- 
red in Massachusetts in the early part of the year 1809. Open 
resistance to the embargo was advocated in the papers: preached 
from the pulpit; plainly menaced in the legislative body, and 
publicly proclaimed in inflamatory resolutions of town meetings. 

Intelligence of these disgraceful, these Jacobinical proceedings 
reached England contemporaneously with the account of Mr. 
Erskine's arrangement. It is highly probable that the Britisii 
iministry deceived themselves into the opinion that «»ur govern - 

«4 



1 «o THE OLIVE BRANCH, 

ment would be obliged to abandon the restrictive system aitoge- 
|hcr that they would then be able to enforce the orders in coun- 
cil, without losing tlia advantages of our trade; and that thi:~ 
consideration induced them to reject the arrangement. 

This r oiler merely as a conjecture. That it isplausible, can- 
not be denied. But in our day there will probably be no oppor- 
tunity of ascertaining how far it is correct. 

Another reason has been assigned. It is said that Ge orge III, 
was irritated at the implied censure of his government respect- 
ing the conduct of admiral Berkeley, which, it is asserted, so far 
wounded his feelings as to induce him to reject the arrangement. 
ISIany of our citizens have defended the rejection on this ground. 
Let us calmly and boldly investigate the atlair. 

The United States ars in a state of profound peace. One of 
their frigates leaves port. . She expects no attack. Slie is un- 
jnepated for resistance. She is followed by a vessel of superior 
force, belonging to a friendly power. This vessel has just en- 
joyed the hospitalities of our ports. She overtakes our frigate. 
She imperiously demards four seamen, said to be British. — 
British or Americans, they had entered voluntarily. And let it 
be borne in remembrance, the demand is made by a nation which 
holds in bojulage, thousands of our citizens, who, in the pursuit 
of their lawful vocations, have been seized by force and violence, 
and often with bloodshed and desperate wounds. And further 
let it be also borne in remembrance, the demand is made by a 
nation wliich has pkocLAiMEo, as an irrevocable law to all , 
THE WORLD, that sJic icUl hold, at every hazard^ those seamen, na- ; 
tive^ of what soever. country the II mnij be,icho enter her service 
voluntarily.* The demand is repelled. Our frigate is attacked. 
Our utiresisting citizens are cruelly murdered!!! The decks of 
the vesocl flow with blood!! She is taken. The crew is over- 
liaulcd. Four of them are outrageously seized and made prison^ 
CIS.- One is ignominiously hanged!! 'Vhe other three, fully prov- 

Ito be imj)rcssed Americans, are held in bondage 1 can go 

no larther My pen refuses its office Does not this blood 

cry to heaven for vengeance on the murderer.' Can tlie foul stain 
be eflliced but with blood.-^ '•'Who so sh«ddeth man*s blood, by 
m:ni shall his blood be shed." 

But, reader, I was wrong. My feelings led me astray. 
The atonement was worthy of the justice of the nmnarcii . 
■whose subjects perpetrateil — worthy of the nation which suf- 



* This reason has been vcpratccUy JiSBipfned, to justify a refusal oftlie sui 
I'^mlcr of natives of Anicricn, licKlin lioiidatje on board Hritish vessels oi' 
\at: when claimed !>>• tlio proper itj^oiits f){ oiu- govcri)nient. 



THE OLIVE BRANCH. i8l 

>o.ied — the liorrible outrage. For ^ildmirfil Berlceletj ^^wasre- 
icalled from a highly important and honorable cnmmand, as a 
^mark of the king'ff dispIeaaure.'P^* But let it be ;u<t!ecl, lie was 
recalled to be placed on a better station — lie was reiiioved 
frojn Halifax to be stationed at Lisbon f — And this was the only 
mark of displeasure he ever experienced. In 1810, he was pro 
moted from the rank of vice-admiral to that of adHiiral. He i& 
now lord high admiral of Portugal. 

To be serious. Every man of a correct mind and sound pnik- 
ciples felt that his Britannic iriajesty owed it to himself to ha:ve 
displayed his disapprobation of the foul deed in come otiier and 
more decisiv^e mode. The offender ought to have been severely 
punished. And tlierefore it is impossible not to approve the 
digiiitied but mild style in which the president treats the trans- 
action : — 

" I am authorized to infonn you, that tlie president accepts of tlie uojie 
. delivered by you, in the name and by the order of his Britannic rsajesty, and 
will consider tlie same, with the engag'ement contained therein, when ful- 
filled, as a satisfaction for the insult and injury -of -iuhich he has complained. Buf 
I have it in express charge from the president to state, that while he for- 
bears to insist on a further punishment of the offending- officer, he is not tlie 
less sensible of the justice and utility of such an example, nor the less per- 
suaded that it would best comport with what is due from his Britannic ma- 
jesty to his own honour." 

To enable us to form a correct idea of this transaction, letuS 
uppose tiiat Commodore Barron had anchored in Portsmouth or 
Plymouth — that twenty of his sailors had voluntarily entered on 
l)oard a british frigate — that he had demanded tiiem — that he had 
followed the frigate to sea — had attacked her— had killed part of 
her crew — and seized as many as he judged proper — and, finally, 
to cap the climax, that he had hanged one of them. What 
would be the result.^ Vengeance! vengeance would have been 
the cry from the Orkneys to the Lands End— and nothing would 
appease tlie insulted dignity of England, but Copenhagenizing 
New-York, or Baltimore, or Philadelphia, or Charleston. 

"My dear Sir, one of my oxen has gored one of your cows." 
>•- Weil, to be sure, you will make reparation — you will send me 
a cow in place of the one I have lost. To that you cannot make 
any objection." It is all very right. But hold, I mistook. It 
is all the other way. It was your ox that gored uiy cow .'* 
" So, so, we'll see about ito Call some other time." " My good 
gii- — this is not very correct. The business would have been 
soon settled, had you been so willing to do justice to others, as to 
receive it from them.^' 

* See Mr. Erskine's Letter, No. 1. 

t The outrage was cominitted in June. He did not leave Halifax till 

eti^ber. 



182 - THE OLIVE BRANCH. 

Since the above was written, I have consulted Mr. Canning's 
despatches to Mr. Erskinc, by which it appears that the British 
gorernment calculated on Mr. Krskine's adjusting the dilieren- 
ces between the two nations on the following basis : 

Extract of a letter from Mr Canning, Secretary, to the hon. 
David M. Erskine, dated Foreign office, January 23, 1809. 

" 1. That the American government is prepared, in the event oi his 
inajestv's consenting to withdraw the orders in cnimcil of January and 
November, 1807, to withdraw cotsmporaiiiouslj' on its pan the interdic- 
tion of its harbours to sliips of war, and ail noii-intcrcoursc and non- 
importation acts so far as respects Great Britain; leaving tliem in force 
with respect to France, and the powers which adopt or act under her 
decrees. 

" 2. (What is of the utmost importance, as precluding a new source of 
misunderstanding which might arise after the adjustment of thej other 
questions,)— THAT AMERICA IS A\aLLING TO RENOUNCE, DURING 
THE PRESENT WAR THE PRETENSION OF CARRYING ON, IN 
TIME OF WAR, ALL TRADE WITH THE ENEMIES COLONIES, 
FROM WHICH SHE WAS EXCLUDED DURING PEACE ! ! ! 

" 3. Great Britain, for the purpose of securing the opperation of the em- 
bargo, and of the bona Jide intention of America to prevent her citizens 
from tradiiig- witii France, and the jiowei-s adopting and acting under 
the Frenc ! derrees,— IS TO BE CONSIDERED AS BEING AT LIBER- 
TY TO C ^PTURE ALL SUCH AMERICAN VESSELS AS MAY BE 
FOUND ATTEMPTING TO TRADE WITH THE PORTS OF ANY 
OF THESE POWERS ! ! ! without wliich security for the observance of 
the embargo, the raising of it nominally with respect to Great Britiun alone, 
would, in fact, raise it with res pect to all tiie world. 

" On tliese conditions his majesty would consent to withdraw the or 
ders in council of January and November, 1807, so far as respects. 
America." 

Let us examine this precious document with all the atten- 
tion its importance demands. Let us weigh its every line and 
every word. Let us see what justice, what fair dealing it met- 
ed out to this injured, this insulted, this plundered nation^ Le: 
us see how far the advocates of English liberality and English 
justice are borne out in their commendations of England, an 
their intemperate abuse of their own government. 

The orders in council, existing at the date of the Erskine ar 
jangement, blockaded France, Holland, and a part of Itidy ; con- 
taining a population of about fifty millions of people. 

By Mr. Canning's instructions to Mr. Erskine, tliese ordeis 
were to be rescinded on three conditions ; — 

1. Taking ott' all restrictions from the English commerce. 

2. 10° •' Renouncina; dui ing the existing war, all trade with 
the enemies' colonies from which we were excluded in time ot 
peace:" in other words, assenting by treaty to the unjust an(i, 
exploded rii!e of 1756. 

S. Allowing the British to «ap'ture our vessels bound to France 
and her dependencies; which, reader, is neither more nok 

tESS THAV WEAVING THE ORDEHS IN COUNCIL INTO A TKEATY — 



THE OLIVE BRANCH. 18S 

giving our own solemn sanction to the extiavagant pretensions ol 
Tireat Britain to limit our trade, which pretensions we had steadi- 
Ij resisted. 

Stupendous injustice !~— Never before were such revoltinji; pro- 

Sositions made to any nation, not absolutely subjugated. What! 
lake a treaty by which we let loose upoa our defenceless 
commerce, the whole host of the thousand public ships of war, and 
,the hundreds of privateers, of the greatest naval power in the 
world ! Tlie mind is lost in astonishment at such an unparallel- 
ed requisition. 

But gross, and insulting, and outrageous as was this proposi- 
tion — destructive as its acceptance would have been to'tho vital 
interests of this country — there was no federal printer from New- 
Hampshire to Georgia, that expressed a single word of censure 
of tlie conduct of England for her daring and insulting demands, 
or for her breach of the contract. No. ICngland was uniformly 
right — their own goveinment as uniformly wrong. It seemed 
impossible for England to commit any act, or make any demand 
tliat would not be justified— 

Let me establish these allegations— 

"It having' been shewn, that the plea of ignorance is inadmissible in the 
case of tlie Erskine arrangement ; that it was the secretai-y's duty to know 
the power of the minister before he procee'dcd to act upon it; that to act upon 
ain unknown power, is to act without power: it follows that our administra- 
tioii, if tliey understood their business, must have been aware that they were 
neg-ociating' with an unauthorized individual — unauthorized quoad hoc, as to 
this particular subject — witli one who had shewn no authority for the pur- 
pose. Consequently they had no reason to rely on, nor to expect, a fulfil- 
ment of the compact by the British g'overnment, knowing' as they did, that 
it had be-n agreed upon' without any adequate information of the terms hav- 
ing been authorized by that government." United States' Gazette, Decem- 
ber 11, 1809. 

Now, iny dear i-eader, whoever you he, that have come tlius 
far with me, let me solemnly invoke you, in the name of the 
God of peace, to make a pause here. As your value you beloved 
country — as you prize its honour-^its happiness — your own W(?I- 
fare — the happiness, the welfare of your posterity — review^ this 
whole subject. I must once more bring it before your eyes. 

A British envoy extraordinary and minister plenipotentiary 
informs our government that he has orders to propose an arrange- 
ment of two or three leading points of difference between tlie 
jtwo countries, preparatory to a treaty. His overtures are accept- 
iCd. An arrangernent is made. It is highly advantageous to 
'both Jiations but more particularly to that of the envoy. There 
lis not tlie slightest sacrifice of its" honour or interest. After this 
arrangement is completed, we are assured ten thousand times that 
;England has been always ready to arrange our diiVerences on these 
[very terms. The United States Gazette expressly states tliat 



184 THE OLIVE BRANCH 

"she had requested Mr. Jefferson to do the same thing." — An* 
yet, -when tlie arranged. ent is rejected, this same United State 
Gazette asserts that tin. envoy extraojilinary had no pcwer i- 
make the coiiveniion — defends England for the breach ©f Ik 
engagement — ai.d. as I have already sfated. transfers the odiuii 
to its own government!!! ^o powers of language are adv 
qiiate to express my astonishment. 

" No expression lias escaped any member of the British citbinet, either i; 
parl::ir>ent or elseuhere, making indecorous insiniiations against the Lnik 
States, or manifesting a temper unfiiencUy to conciliation On the contr;. 
ry tl;cy have declared a wish to ir.ew amicable negociation; liavc n:>med - 
minister for that purpose; and with at least apparant sir.cerity have exprc 
sed xheir fears that this unfortunate error of .Mr. Erskine may iiicrea.sc tli 
difficulties of a friendly arrangenient between the countries. United State- 
Gazette, Oct 5, 1809. 

« By letters from well-kifbrmed men in England, we are assured XhsXlh, 
conduct of Mr. Erskine is condemned hy ull putties in that covntiij; Xhat tl, 
temper of the public is farbevond that of the ministry. A very general 
opinion prevails there, tliut it will be ver^ diJIicult to keep any terms witji 
tlus countn ; tlutt we ure governed by men devoted to the interests oj France, 
■who are determined to insist on terms from Enghind -wMcli never can be obtain- 
ed I. I .'" Boston Palladium, Aug. 11, 1809. 

" The peojle have been fagrundij deceived, uid grossly abused.'.'/ Tl' 
matter rests between Mr. Erskitie c: d ovr udmiidstratian .' .' ! Wherever lli. 
blame shall attach, it is for the people to ipply or oiiginate the remedy" 

Federal Jiepitblican, July 31. 

" In short, Mr. Erskine simendered every thing, and got nothing in return !! 

Ibid. 

*' For our part, ite have had but one opinion from the'cammencement of iM: 
■mysterions ajjoir — and we have made bold to express it. It is, tliat Mr 
Erskine acted contrai-y to his instructions ! ! ! — and that secretary Smith kne: 
Tchat these instructions ivere ! ! f" II) id. 

Before I offer any comment on the three last articles, I wish 
to state to the reader, that I have extracted them from a pam- 
phlet puDlished by Mr. ISilcs, called "Things as they are"— - 
that I have had no opportunity of collating them witii the ori- 
ginals — but that 1 have written to Mr. Hanson, one of the edi- 
tors of the Federal Republican, to correct me if I have mis- 
quoted his paper. 1 have received no reply— and therefore it is 
to be presumed the quotations are correct. 

Mr. Hansons fates that"JVr. Erskine surrendered evpry thing, 
and got nothing in return P- What a. stupendous disregard of 
fact is embraced in these few w^ords! It is inijmssible to ex- 
ceed it. What did h' surrender? Merely the odious, the un- 
just orders in council! And did he receive nothing in return? 
Was the immense trade of the United States nothing .►* Was i| 
nothing to pei petuate the non-intercourse with France, till s 
rescinded licr piratical decrees? I aver in the face of this natioi 
and defy Mr. Hanson to controvert the fact, that England gainj 
ed immensely — ami that she surrendered nothing but what juM 
tice aught to have induced her to have surrendered long beforei 
gi" her own accord- 



THE OLIVE BRANCH. 185 

. «' i entiCiit my fcllew'-citizens to accompany me a little tlirther in the ex- 
amination of tliosc invectives w liicli the leaders of an immense pm-ty in thi» 
country incessantly utter against Great Britain for the purpose of exaspera- 
ting- us into war." T. States Gazelle, Oct. 10, 1809. 

" lie [Mr. Ersklne] also declares that the British pjo, ernmcnt'Jiiavc un- 
doubtedly a right to dis:ivo\v vbe agreement; and tlx ;. have done eyerv 
tiling that became an honourable nation to prevent evil consequences aris- 
imr (o the citizens of tliis counti v from trusting' to the terms of the agi'ce- 
mcnt being fuHilled." ' U. S. Gazette, Oct. 5, 1809. 

" It is a truth which the wistest and best patriots of .Vmerica have long 
*and seriously deplored, that the pa.st administration had furnished no symp- 
tx)in of impartiality between the two belligerents, previous to the act hdiibit- 
jng tlie entrance ofour ports to the armed vessels of the one as well as of 
the other. In that spirit which Mr. Smith still retains, and now labours to 
revive in the bosom of others, hostility 1o England and tame subserviency to 
'France, are known to have been its characteristic features ! ! ! The facts are 
in the possession of every man; which pro\e that the feelings of the great 
body ot the people, not their leaders, preserved us from a war in which a 
complete success would have iivcted chains on ourselves." United States' 
Nkfiazette, October 18, 1809. 

j^ " It will be observ ed that this show of words, and these negative state- 
ments, after all, !)y the president, serve only to make the public believe, 
that he had no reason to apprehend a disavowal, lie is not hardy enough to 
say, that under tlie circumstances of the case, tlie British government was 
bound to aijide by Ei-skine's act; or that they conducted pei-fidlously in dis- 
avowing it. Vet this aspersion, one of tiie most ■injurious and provoking 
that can be thrown upon a nation, has been uttsred, and incessantly repeat- 
ed, for several months, in every democratic papei* in the miion." Idem De- 
cember 20, lb09. 

"Eveiyonc acknowledges, that had our executive concluded the arrange- 
:nt of April last, with .Mr. Erskine, knowing that he was unauthoiized, 
the whole responsibility for the consequences, however serious, v/ould have 
, rested upon tliemsclves. It has been maintained by the editor of this Ga- 
■2ette, and is now demonstrated by the indubitable authorities; adduced by Mr. 
Dana, that to have df)ne so without knowing that he was authorized, was 
"equally un\\'arran table, and left the admhiistratiQU no ground on wliich to 
' claim a ralirication of tlie proceeding by the British government. It is proved 
beyond a doubt that the government mig-ht, vi-ith just as much propriety, 
have cajoled with general Smith, or any other individual; concluded a con- 
vention; proceeded to carry it into Cvecution on their part; and then r^sed. 
a clamour against the government of Great Brltxiin, and accused them of per- 
fidy and breach of faitli for not recognizing and fulfilli)ig the stipulations." 

Idem. Dec. 28, 1809. 
" If, as asserted by Mr. Erskine, his powers were comriiunicated to our 
Oiibinet in substance — if the heads of departments did early communicate to 
the leading members of both br.mches ot their own politics, the incompeten- 
cy of his powei-s, and the probability of tlie rejection of the agreement by 
Great IJritain — then that adjustment, so tar from being a proof of a disposi- 
: tiontomake peace and settle our ditFerences, IS THE STRONGEST EVI- 
, DENCEOF A HOSTILE TEMPER : because Mr. Madlsonk new, that the 
I revulsion and the disappointment occ;^ioned by it among our citizens, would^ 
. excite new clamours, and would b eak to pieces that formidable phalanx of 
I men, w ho, during our embarrassments, had learned to speak and thmk more 
( tavourably, and of course more justly of Great Britain." Idem, Decem- 
ber 9, 1809. V 

" If such hasbeen his aim (and perhaps a deeper politician does not exist) 

it has been completely attained. His own party are agaui roused to a war 

I pitch. Even some federalists are open in their censure of Great Briton for 

! UOING HER DUTY TO HERSELF, and exercising a right we have always 

'»imed and recei/»d; and other federalists doubt, and ar<i in favodr ot wait- 



hh 



THE OLIYE BRANCH. 



ing to hear Mr. Erskine's e:iplanatioiis, snd SlILL PROPOSE TO PLACE 
AN JLUU DESERVED CONFIDEKCE IN MR. MADISON .» Idem. 

On this last paragraph I shall make but one observation, to ' 
uhich I request attention. It is, that according to the United 
States Gazette, it \vds, in December, IC?" "the duty" of Eng- 
land "to herself," to reject an arrangement which the same 
Gazette in April stated icj^s/ie had repeutedlij in vain pressed 
on Jlr. Jefferson I JI 

To facilitate a comparison of the astonishing, the never-enough- 
to-be-lamented contradictions of opinions that were promulgated 
on this subject, for the purpose of poisoning the public mind, I 
place in opposite columns some of the statements that preceded, 
and those that followed the rejection of the Erskine arrangement. 
The human mind cannot conceive any thing more completely in- 
consistent. 



" As to {he revocation of'tlie orders 
iii council it is merely necessary to ob- 
serve, that the terms which ours'ov- 
ernmcnt has now accepted niiglit 
have been obtained at any time past; 
THEY WERE ALWAYS- IN OUR 
JP0>\1:h." Fed. Republican, May 3. 

" I^'t Mr. Erskine's overture for 
aji accommodation be viewed in what- 
ever liglit it may suit democratic in- 
genuity tn place' it, and tliey will find 
that the delusion so long kept up is 
ellectually dissipated — their diaboli- 
cal schemes completely ti-ustrated. 

" Grcai Britain, in tlie true spirit of 
amity, is willing' to meet us." Idem. 

" To the lionour of EHglaftd, and 
the conlusion of French spies and con- 
vict fut:^iti\ es ti-om tlie Biitish domin- 
ions, her ministry seized the first fa- 
vourable monieiit to make honourable 
reparation for the insult oftl? red our 
flag-, and to niegociate a commercial 
tre;,ty." Won, Apnl-25. 

"'i'ho authority vested in Mr. Ei-s- 
kine to oher th-j tenns to thisgo- 
velMimeiit wliich ha^e been acceded 
to, was merely provisional, and was 
not to be exercised unless the antici- 
pated change in our political relations, 
un wiiicli they were predicated, should 
take place. Mr. Ersldne lias since 
received positive instructions ti-om his 
government to make thearrangenKut 
alreaily concluded. 'Ihcse new in- 
structions, wliirh manifest the earnest 
desire of EngLmd to heal the diH'er- 
cuces between Uie two countries, are 
occasioned by a knowledge that the 
Tjon-i;iti.rcoiu:sc law had actually pas- 



" What was but a few days ago a 
doubtful point, is now settled by the 
pubUcation of Mr. Ei-sklne's instruc- 
tions. Sufficient informati(m has been 
received to convince all candid per- 
sons, that the rancour with which the 
Enghsh cabinet hiis been pursued; 
and the violent abuse with which it 
has been assailed, was undeserved. 
We do not entertain a doubt when all 
the circumstances shall have been dis- 
closed, that it will appear that sec- 
retaiy Smith actually saw Erskine's 
instructions; and that the arrangement 
WHS made, merely as an experiment. 
We feel confident that the thing wilt^ 
be put upon this footing. U then; 
the United States will be ultimately 
injured by this act, they will judge 
where the blame lies." Fed. Rep. 
July 27, 1809. 

" Our cabinet, certainly not Da ttle 
intere,sted in strengthening the cause 
of democracy, have prevailed upon 
]Mr. Erskine' to do an act w hich has 
extricated their party from the most 
embarrassing and difficult situation 
that it was possible for them to be 
placed in, which they [the cabinet] 
knew would not be ratified : i hey at a 
single dash, rid themselves of all the 
obnoxious measui'es which brought so 
much ridicule and disgrace upon their 
part}-, and have contrived for a time, 
to heap odium upon England. In the . 
next place by seeming to improve 
the first opportunity of an arrange- 
ment with I'ngland, they disapproved 
to a])pearance the charge of animosity 
to En^4an<i and partiality for Frayc* 



THE OLIVE BRANCH. 



187 



' sed, placing the bcllig;erents on afiur 
footing' of inipurtiality. In spite of all 
the intrigues and deceptions of the 
French p.irty, we are convinced that 
a happy termination will be put to 
our disputes w itli Kngland " 

Ted. Uep. June 17. 
"It was the policy of Mr. Jefter- 
son to keep alive in tiie minds of our 
people a perpetual irritation against 
the government of Great Britain; we 
are happy to find that Mv. Rlatlison 
has more liberal views." 

Fed. Rep. June 10. 
"Peace with England — Tiie war 
party and French paitisans are thrown 
into complete confusion. The perse- 
verance of the Eastern States, uided 
by the returning sense of a formida- 
ble body of the people of the South- 
wanl have DUI\ EN ADMINISTRA- 
TION FROM ITS GROUND. Since 
Mr. Jefferson Jias retired in disgrace 
into private life, his succes.ior has 
been compelled to abandon the ruin- 
ous policy under which ilie country 
has so long sutt'ered. With the mag- 
nanimity und frankness characteris- 
tic of a great and enlightened nation, 
England made a second attenipt to 
renew the terms of am.ity and peace 
between the two nations. The par- 
ticulars of the corresjjondence be- 
tween Mr. Erskine and the secretary 
of sUite lu'e given in tliis day's paper. 
It proves what we have so often 
( repeated, and which has ever been 
stubbornly denied by the democrats, 
tliat Great Britain was alwajs influen- 
ced by a sincere desire to accomino- 
date her unfortunate diffisrences with 
ATierlca. The preser\ation of the 
country has grown out of the efforts 
of the minority in congress." 

Idem, April 21 
"We shall not stop to enquire 
whether the spirited and vigorous 
measures of New-England — their de- 
termined public declarations that 
they would not submit to an unneces- 
sary and destructive war, have indu- 
ced the administration to hsten to 
(C/'the same terms which Great Brit- 
ain has always been ready to offer, and 
to which we have uniformly contend- 
ed she was sincerely disposed." 
)t^ _ Boston Gaz. April 1809. 



" These were the important advan- 
tages which Mr. Secretary Smith flat- 
tered himself would be the fruit of 
his cunning. By effecting an ar- 
rangement which he knew was unau- 
thorized on the part of Mr. Erskin-i, 
and would necessai'ily be rejected by 
the British government; he calculated 
thattlie administration would be ren- 
dered gi-eatly popular, and the resent- 
ment of the people proportionably 
augmenteil tgainst England, when- 
ever tlie disavowal should be receiv- 
ed. Whenever it shall be made to 
appear tliat tlie nation has been de- 
ceived, the trick will recoil upon the 
Secretary and his party with tenfold 
effect. The American people cannot 
bear knavery and imposition. If they 
discover that a fraud has been prac- 
tised upon them at home, the attempt 
to raise a clamour against others, will 
be found but a poor protection to 
their popularity." Idem. 

" Those v/ho were most violent at 
first in calumniathig England are now 
willing at least to suspend their de- 
cision, if not to admit that our own 
cabinet in some measure will partici- 
pate in Mr Erskine's blame." 

Fed, Kep Aug', i'. 



ri 



I could fill a folio volume with these frothy, elaborate and anti- 
American defences of the British, and inculpations of the United 
States government, But I feel satisfied that I have done enough-. 



15 



18b THE OLIVE BRANCH. 

aiitl that there is none but the wilfully blind can deny, that no 
cause ever could boast of more ardent, more zealous, or more in- 
dustrious advocates than the cause of Great Britain has expe- 
rienced in Boston, New-York, and Philadelphia— and that there 
liever was an administratiibn pursued with mere remorseless vir- 
ulence, and with less semblance of justice than Mr. Madison's 
has been. 

After the reader has carefully perused these wretched attempts 
to palliate the folly and madness of the British ministry in the 
rejection of such an advantageous and honourable arrangement 
of the differences between the two nations, and to transfer from 
tiiat ministry the odium they so justly deserved, to the adminis- 
tration of the American government, 1 beg he will attentively 
examine the following view of the subject, taken from Bell's 
M'eokly Messenger, of which the truth and candour are entitled 
to the highest apnrobation ; — 

"Bvit the point nffiict is, tliat the disavowel of Mr Erskine's ac, is of a 
piece ivitli the general conduct of Eng-land toNvurds America. Whenever 
rircmnstances hare in any way admitted it, our tone towards America has al- 
waj's been insulting, and our conduct every thing but friendly. Every new 
hope on the Continent; every straw to the drowning expectations of Europe, 
has but aggravated th s unworthy sentiment. — In our prosperity we have 
bullied .\nicrira: and when things are not so well with us, we have vented ' 
or strife in injurious language and unworthy conduct towards her. \Vhilst?j 
tliere were any hopes in Sp«in, America could get notiiing direct from us. 
But (h!;appointment brought us to our senses, and the negociation was re- 
newed. The coalition war on the Continent has since broke out, and we be- i 
gin to repent ot our condescen.sion. 

''In this manner has the American negociation been on and off, during;' I 
some years. — Our demanils rising with our hopes and prosperity, and onA 
moderation co-e.\istent with our disappointment."* 



CHAPTER XXXI. 

Impressment of American Seamen. Plea of James Madison . 
Of John tlulncy Mams, Of Wm. Cobbett. Of Weekly Register . 

An iilea is very prevalent, that the impressment of our 
:<eamen by the British vessels of war is a grievance of little mo- 
ment, to which the malice entertained by our administration' 
atrainst Kngland, has attached an importance of which it is utterly 
undeserviiig. llundrcils of thousands of our citizens have beert 
duped into the belief that this item of grievance was created un- 
der Mr. Jefferson, or at least incalculably exaggerated by him 
and his successor^ Never was there a more egregious error. 
Never was fraud more successful in propagating — never was 
fatuifous credulity more deceived jn believing, a tale as foreigu 
from the truth as Erebus is from Heaven. 

• The cliicf pert of the extracts in tliis chapter are taken from " Things as 
♦Jicy are," wriltcuanl p.ublishcd by He^kiali NUcs, editor gf the Weekly 
Register. 



THE OLIVE BRANCH. !89 

MV. 'Madison has been ten thousand times cursed for liis folly 
and wickedness in involving this country in war for the purpose 
of securing; a few seauien, who are said to be vagabond English, 
and Irish, and Scotchmen, tiie scum oithe earth, ironi the chiimj;^ 
of tlieir lawful prince. It has been asserted that few or Hone of 
the natives of this country are impressed — that when such an acci- 
deut tnkes pLtce, redress'is easily had — and further, that England 
is, and has at all times been, ready to make any arrangement 
wliereby our sailors may be guarded against impressment, provi- 
ded she can be secured against the loss of hers. 

These assertions are utterly false. From the commencement 
of the war of the French revolution, to the late declaration of 
hostilities, this has been a constant, unceasing subject of reclama- 
tion and complaint to the British government, as well under thtt 
aduiiuistration of Geneial Washington and Mr. Adams, as un- 
der those of Mr. Jefterson and Mr. Madison. And disgraceful, 
rtnd dishonourable, and infamous, would it have been to any of 
the presidems, had they been deaf to the complaints, and callous 
to the sutt'erings, of the American slaves, stolen by force and fraud 
from tlieir faun lies, and freedom, and favoured country, to perisl). 
lighting the battles of their enslavers. 

" The practice has no parallel^ either for atrocity or extent, in 
any thing of modern times, but the business of negro stealing on 
the coasts of unfortunate Africa."* 

I submit to the reader the following eloquent and unanswera- 
ble'pleas against this nefarious practice. They so far transcend 
any thing I could myself write on the subject, that 1 shall deserve 
thanks f jr sparing my own, and substituting these lucubrations. 



From the instructions of James Madison, Esq. Secretary of State^ 
to James Monroe, Esq: Minister Plenipotentiary at the Court 
of London. 

« Were it allowable that British subjects should be taken out of 
American vessels on the high seas, it might at least be required 
thatgCT^^fte proof of their allegiance should lie on the British 
•iide. This obvious and just rule is however reversed. And eve- 
ry seamen on board, though going from an American port, sailing 
under an American flag, and sonietimes even speaking an idiom 
proving him not to be a British subject, is presumed to be such, 
unless proved to be an .American citizen. It may be sately aflirin- 
ed. tliatfCT" this is an otitrage ivhich has no precedent, and which 
ICT?* Great Britain ivoidd be among the last nations in the world to 
iiujfer, if offered to her own subjects, and her own flag. 

*• Great Britain has the less to say on the subject, as it is iu 



t Weekly Register. 



190 THE OLIVE BRAIN CH. 

^0°" direct contradiction to the principles on which she proceeds 
in other cases. Whilst she claims and seizes on the high seas, 
her own subjects voluntarily serving in American vessels, she has 
constantly given, when she could give, as a reason, for not dis- 
charging from her service, American citizens, that they had vo- 
luntarily engaged in it. Nay more, ^CT' whilst she impresses her 
own subjects trom the American service, although they may have 
been settled, and married, and naturalized in the United States, 
P3=°she constantly refuses to release from her's, American sea- 
men passed into it whenever she can give for a reason, that they 
are either settled or married within her dominions. Thus 
|Cj"when the voluntary consent of the individual favours her 
pretensions, she pleads the validity of that consent. ^^^ When 
the voluntary consent of the individual stands in the way of her 
pretensions, it goes for nothing. AVhen marriage or residence 
can be pleaded in her favour, she avails herself of her plea. 
$cy When marriage, residence, and naturalization are against 
her, no respect whatever is paid to either. ^CT" She takes, by 
force, her own subjects voluntarily serving in our vessels. ICpShe 
keeps by force American citizens involuntarily serving in her's. 
More flagrant inconsistencies cannot be imagined.'' 

Never since the world was formed was there a stronger, or 
more irresistible train of argument, or collection of facts, than 
in the preceding paragraph. Never were flagrant injustice, out- 
rage, and violence more completely proved, and eternally shut 
out from the possibility of defence. 

From a letter of J. Q. ddams, Esq. to U. G. Otis,- Esq. 

« The impressed American citizens, however, upon dxdij au- 
thenticated proof are delivered up. Indeed ! how unreasonable 
then were complaint! how eftisctual a remedy for the wrong! an 
American vessel, bound to an European port, has two, three, or 
four native Americans, impressed by a British man of war, bound 
to the East or West Indies. When the American captain ar- 
rives at his port of destination, he makes his protest, and sends it 
to the nearest American Minister or consul. When he returns 
home, he transmits the duplicate of his protest to the Secretary 
of State. In process of time, the names of the impressed men, 
and of the ship into which they have been impressed, are receiv- 
ed by the agent in London. He makes his demand that the men 
may be <iclivered up — the lords of tlie admiralty, after a consi- 
derable time for enquiry and advisement, return for answer, that 
|Q" the ship is on a foreign station, and their lordships can 
therefore take iioftrther steps in the matter — or, that the ship 
has been taken, and that tne men have been received in ex- 
change (or FrcnclK ' prisoners — or, |C7* that they had no pro^ 



THE OLIVE 15RANCH. 191 

tections (the impressing officers often havinc; taken them from 
the men) — or, that the men were ])rnbahlij livitish subjects; or 
that they hail entered, and taken the bounty; (to which the 
officers know how to reduce them) — or, that they have been »!«»•- 
ried, or settleH in England. In all these cases, without further 
ceriMuony, their discharge is refused. Sometimes, their lord- 
ships, in a vein of humour, inform the agent that the man has 
been discharged as inservlceable. Sometimes, in a sterner tone, 
thoy say he is an impostor. Or, perhaps, by way of consolation 
to his relatives and friends, they report, that he hcd lallen in bat- 
tle, against nations in amity with his country. Sometimes they 
coolly return that there is no such man on board the ship: and 
what has become of him, the agonies of a wife and children in his 
native land may be left to conjecture. When all these and many 
other such apologies for refusal fail, the native American sea- 
man is discharged — and when by the charitable aid of his govern- 
ment he has found his way home, he comes to be inforaied, that 
all is as it should be— ^that the number of his fellow-sufferers is 
small — that it was impossible to distinguish him from an Eng- 
lisliman — and that he was delivered up, on duly authenticated 
proof!" 

Extract from Cobbetfs Register. 

I " Our ships of war, when they meet an American vessel at sea, 
board her, and take out of her by force, any seamen whom our 
officers assert to be British subjects. There is no rule by which 
they are bound. They act at discretion: a.nd the consequence is 
that great numbers of native Americans have been thus impressed, 
and great numbers of them are now in onrnavy. The total num- 
ber so held at any one time cannot, perhaps, be ascertained; but 

, from a statement published in America it appears, that Mr. 
Lyman, the late consul here, stated the number, about two years 
ago, at FOURTEEN THOUSAND. That many of these* men 
have died on board of our ships — that many have been wounded, 
that many have been killed in action — and that many have 
been worn out in the service, there can be no doubt. Some ob- 
tain their release through the application of tJie American con- 
sul here: and of these the sufferings have in many instances been 
very great. There have been instances where men have thus got 
free after having been flogged through the fleet for desertion. 

" But it has been asked whether we are not to take our sailors 
where we find them? To which America answers, yes, but take 
only your own; " iake,'^ said Mr. Lyman, " your ivhole pound 
of flesh; but take not a drop of blood." She says that she wishsa 
not to have in her ship any British sailors: and she is willing 
to^ give them up, whenever the fact of their being British 
jailors can beproved. Let them, she says, be brought before any 



192 THE OLIVE BRANCH. 

jnagistrate, any public civil authority, in anyone of jour •wi« 
ports, at home or abroad; and she is willin2,to abide by the deci- M 
sion. But, let not men be seized in her ships upon the high sea? " 
(and sometimes at the mouths of her own rivers) where there ij 
nobody to judge between the parties, and where the British ofli- 
cergoin- on board is at once ACCUSEU; WITNESS, JUDGE, 
and CAP lull!" 

Frani JViles^ Weekly Register, vol. 3, page 303. 

" Ifthq most dignified officer in the naval service of ouronemy 
were to plunder neutral vessels of a box of cod fish or a bale of 
cotton, on suspicion that it was enemy's property, it might cost 
him his whole fortune, witli an ignominious dismissal. The law 
of nations allows him to send in the vessels for adjudication: and 
it becomes him to prove the fact he suspected. If he fail in 
this, he is often mulcted in heavy damages by the courts of law of 
bis own country. But in the business of man-stealing, he him- 
self is judge and jury — he takes when and where he pleases, and 
is irresponsible for his conduct. If complaint is made, he silen- 
ces it by the broad plea, " that his majesty wanted men'^ — and, ii' 
the man stolen is restored to liberty after years of dangers and 
servitude, without one cent for his hazards and toils, there are 
knaves who produce his case in evidence of" British magnaiii- 
'iiiityJ'* 

After the reader has carefully perused the preceding argu- 
ments, I request he will read and compare the sentiments, of Mr. 
Pickering on the subject of impressment at two ditterent periods, 
the first when he was secretary of State, and ihe second v.heu he 
was senetor of the United States. 

•' The British naval ofBcers often " It is peifcctJy well known that 

impress Swedes, Danes, and other Gbeat Britain dxsires to obtain on- 

foreig^ers, from the vessels of the i.\- uer own subjects.-}- 
L'nited States. They have even " Tiie evil we complain of arises 

sometimes impressed Frenchmen!! from the impossibility of always dis- 

Jt there should be time to make out linguishing the persons of t^vo nations 

the ropy of a protest lately recei^ed, wlio a few years since were one pco- 

)t shall be enclosed, describing-, the pie, who exliibit the same manners, 

impress of a Dane and a PoilugTaese. .speak the same language, and posses* 

This surely is an abuse easy to cor- similar feavures.:): 
rect. They cannot pretend an ina- " The British ships of war, agrcea- 

bihty to dibtmguish those foreigners bly to a riglit [claimed and exercised 

from their own subjects. They may lor agx;s— a right claimed and exi.icis- 

with as much reason rob American ed during- die 'vliole of the achniniH* 

vessels of tlie projicrty or nierchan- trationsofWaslimglon, of Adams, and ! 

dize of tlie Swedes, Danes, or Portu- of Jeft'ei-so.i, comlnue to lake someri 

guese, or seize and detain in their ser- of the;British seamen found on board 

vice the sutjccts oflliosc nations ibund our merchant vessels, and with tlicm i 

t Letter from Timothy Pickering to the bon. James Salhvan, e-ovcrnor of i 
M;ibsachusetts, Feb. if), li:oy, page 9 .ilbid. ^ 



i'. 

THE OLIVE BllANCH. 193 

on board Americ:in vessels. The a siWALtNtrMBEn of ours, fromTiir. iM- 
prcsicleiit is extremely uiixioiis to luive rossijiiLiTv OK iiisTiSGuismso Eng- 
this business of impness placed on a lisumkn moM citizens of Tui; Unites 
veasonable footing."* States."| 

I cannot allow these extracts to pass without beseeching, and 
implorin;^ the reader to ponder well on their contents — to com- 
pare them together carefully. — The history of the human race, 
from the earliest records of time, furnishes no stronger instance 
of contiadiction, or inconsistency. Mr. Pickering, when his sta- 
tion as Secretary of State rendered it a dut^* to defend the rights 
of his country, clearly and explicitly asserts, that the British im- 
pressed Swedes, Danes, Portuguese, and even Frenchmen, from, 
•n board our vessels. Afterwards, to answer the purposes of 
party, he states that they impressed Americans merely througlt 
" the impossibility of distinguisliing" them from their own sub- 
jects! VVhat an awful perversion of facts! 



CHAPTER XXXII. 

Impressment during the administratian of General Wasliington. 
Letter from T. Jefferson to T. Finkney. From Mr. Jay to 
Lord Grenvllle. From T. Pickering to Rufus King. From 
Rufus King to Lord Grenville. 

Jlxtvact of a letu-r from T. Jcjersouy Enq. sea'etary of State, to Thomas Pmlc- 
ney, minister phtiipotentiavy of the Utiited States at London. 

' Department of State, June 11, 1792. 
** The peculiar custom in England of impressing seamen on every appear- , 
ance of \v:tr, will occHsionally expose our seamen to peculiar oppressions and 
vexations. It will be expedient that yon take proper opportunities, in tiie 
mean time, of conferring with the minister on this subject, in order to form 
iome arrangement f»rthe protection of our seamen oii those occasions. We 
entirely reject the mode wliich was the subject of conversation between 
Mr. Morris and him; which was, that our seamen should always carry abou^ 
tliem ceitificates of their citizenship. This is a condilion 7iever yet suhnitted 
to by any nation; one with wliich seamen would never have the precaution to 
comply — tl\e casualties of their calling would expose them to tlie constant' 
destruction or loss of this paper evidence; and thus the British govern- 
ment would be armed with legal authority to impress the whole of our sea- 
men. The simplest rule will be, that the vessel being Americar(, shall be 
evidence that the seamen on boai'dofher are such, if they apprehend tha<: 
our vessels might tlius become asylums for the fugitives of their o\\ u nation 
from impress gangs, the number of men to be protected by a vessel may ht 
limited by her tonage; and one or two officers only be permitted to enter 
the vessel in order to examine the number; but no press gang should be 
allowed ever to go on board an American vessel, till after it shall be found 
1 tluit there are more than the stipulated number on board, nor till after the 
•master shidl have refused to deliver the supernumeraries (to be named by 
Jmself^ to the press officer who hits come on board for that purpose; and 
even then the American consul shall be called in. In order to urge a set- 
tlement of this point before a new occasion may arise, it may not be amiss 
♦*o draw their attention to the peculiar irritation excited on the last occasion, 

* Letter from Timothy Pickering, Esq. secretary of state, to Rufus King, 
Esq. minister at the court of Loudon, dated Oct. 26, 1796. 

f Letter from Timothy Pickering to the hon. James Sullivan, governor of 
Maasachusetts, Feb. 1.3, 1808, page 13. 



194 THE OLIVE BRANCH. 

and the difficulty of avoiding our making immediate reprisals on their seaniei 
here. You will lie so good as to communicate to me what shall pass on this 
subject, and it may be made an article of convention to be entered into ci- 
ther there or liere." 

From the same to the same. 

Oct. 12, 1792. 
•« I enclose you a copy of a letter from Messrs. Blow andMelhaddo, mer- 
thants, of Virginia, complaining of the taking away of their sailors on the 
oast of Africa, by the commander of a British armed vessel. So many in- 
stances of this kind have happened, that It is quite necessary their govern- 
ment should explain thcinsclves on the subject, and be led to disavow and 
punish such conduct. I leave to your discretion to endeavour to obtain this 
fcatisfactjon by such friendly discussions as may be most likely to produce 
the desired efiect, and secure to our commerce that protection against Bri- 
tjsh violence, which it has never experienced from any otlier nation. No 
law forbids the seamen of any nation, to engage in time of peace, on board" 
a foreign vessel: no law authorizes such seamen to break his contract, now 
theanui-d vessels of Ids nation to interpose force for liis rescue." 

From tlie same to the same. A'ov. 6, 1792. 

« T enclose you now the copy of a letter from Mr. Pintard, our consul at 
Madeira, exhibiting anotherattemptat tiie practice on which I wrote to you 
in my last, made by capt. liargood, of the British frigate Hyxna, to take 
teamen from on board an American vessel bound to the East Indies. It is 
\uiiieccssary to devclopc to you the inconveniences of this conduct, and the 
impossibility of letting it go rn. 1 hope you will be able to make the British 
ministry sciisible of the necesshy of punishing tlie past and preventing th? 
future." 
Extract of a note from Mr..Tay, envoy extraordinary and minister plenipotentiaA 

ry of the United States at London, to Lord (Jrenvillc, secretary of foreign uf^ 

fairs, dated 

London, July 30, 1793. 
"The midersigned finds it also to be his duty to present, tliat the iire^J 
laritics before n.entioncd extend not only to the capture and condemnation 
of Americiin vessels and property, and to unusual personal severities, buj 
even to tj)e impressment of American citizens, to serve on board of ai-med 
vessels, lie forbears to dwell on the injuries done to those unfortunate indi-] 
viduuls, or on the emotions which they must naturally excite, eitheir in the 
breasts of tlie nation to v\ liich they belong, or of the just and humanfl 
of every country. His reliance on tlie justice and benevolence of hisma-j 
jest;.-, leads him" to indulge a pleasing expectation, tliat orders will be givenj 
ihat Americans so circumstanced be immediately liberated, and that person^ 
honoured with liis majesty's commissions do in futui-e abstain from similar vie 
Icnces. 

•■ It h with cordial satisfaction tliat the undersigned reflects on the imJ 
pres^ioiLS which an equitable and concihatory measure would make on thef 
people ot the United States, and how naturally they would inspire and cherJ 
ish titose sentiments and dispositions which never fail to preserve as well ; 
to ]>roduce respect, t^teciil, and friendship." 
Fxiractfrmn the imtmctions given by Timothy Pickering, Esq- seci-etaryofstatel 

To Jill fiai King, Esq. minister at the court of Lomlon. 

June 8, 1796. 

The long but fruitless attempts that have been made to protect American^ 
seamen from British impresses prove that the subject is in its nature difficult 

"The simplest rule would be, that tlie vessel being American, shoiUd be 
evidence tliat the seamen aj'C such. But it will be an important point gain^ 
ed if, on the high sejis, our flag can protect those of whatever nation wh< 
sail under it. And for tliis, humanil} , as well as interest, powerfully plead 
Merchant vessels carry no more hands than their safety renders necessaryJ 
'I'o witlidiaw any of them on the ocean, is to expose both lives and property 



THE OLIVE BRANCH. 195 

lo destmclion. We have a ri^htthen to expect tliat the British government 
will make no difliculty in accediii|;* to tliis very interesting provision. And 
llie same molives slioiild operate with nearly equal ibrce, to procure for us 
the likt- exception in all the Uritish colonies, but especially in Ihe West 
Indies. In the latter the consequence of an impress is the detention pf the 
vessel. Ry the detention, the vessel is injured or destroyed by the vvorms 
and the remnant of the crew exposed to the fatal diseases of the climate. 
Hence a longer detention ensues. TJie voyage becomes unprofitable to the 
merchant: and luiniauity deplores the loss of many valuable lives. But there 
13 anotlier cogent reason for an exemption from imprp-^scs in the British 
colonies— that TllK I'U.VC I'ICE WILL BE, AS IT HAS ALWAYS BEKN, 
SUBJECT TO MONS rilOUS .\»iL'SES: and the supreme power is so remote, 
tliat THE EVILS BKCOMli IRREMEDIABLE, BEFORE REDRESS CAN 
EVEN BE SOUGHT FOR. 

^ " To giiard against abuses on the part of American citizens, every master 
of a vessel, on his an-ival in any port of tiie British colonies, may be re- 
quired torepoit his crew, at the in-oper otlice. If, afterwaixls, any addition 
be made to them bv British subjects, found on board of our vessels, must 
doubtless be admitted. But this sliould be controlod by regulations to pre- 
vent insul s and injuries, and to administei- prompt relief^ -luhere Jlmerican cit- 
izent f which -Mirussured/if haj'peiij xhall be mistaken for British subjects. 

"There are three classes of men, concerning whom there can be no dif- 
ficulty. 1. Native American citizens. 2. American citizens, wherever born, 
who were such :it the dciinitive treaty of peace. 3. Foreigners, other than 
British subjects, sailing in American Vessels, ami whose persons ought to be 
as sacred, as it respects the British, as those of native citizens. The 4tli. 
class consists of British born subjects, but who, or many of whom, may have 
become citizens subsequent to the treaty of peace, or who hereafter may be ad ■ 
mlttedto the riglits of citizens. It is tliis class alone,al)n\it wlilcii any pretence 
of right to impress can be made. With regard to these, it may be attempted 
to protect them, as well in time of war as of peace, in the ioUowmg cases- 
First, when the;, shall have senetl in American vessels, public or private, 
for tiie same term in ^^■hich foiieigners serving in British vessels would ac- 
quire the rights of British sal)jects, which is understood to be three years;, 
or secondly, if so nnich cannot be obtained, when those persons, originally 
British suhjeds, shall have resided five years in the United States, and been 
formally admitted to the rights of citizens, according to our law(j. 

" It must often happen that sailors will lose tlieir certificates: provisioas 
should therefore be made for the admission ofot'.ier reasonable proof of their 
citizenship, such as their own oaths,widi those of tlie masters, mutes, or othei* 
creditable witnesses. The rolls of the crews, or shipping papers, may also 
be aethentlcated by the collectors of the customs: and then they ought to be 
admitted as of equal validity with the individual certificates." 

From the same to the same 

Sept. 10, 1796. 
«'I enclose a letter from Francis S. Taylor, deputy collector of Noribik, res- 
pecting four impressed seamen. It appeals to be written with candour, and 
Writs attention. If, as the captain of the Prevojante [Wemvss] says, the dig- 
ni:y of the British government will not permit an enquiry on board tlielr ships 
for American seamen, their doom isjixed for the -ivitr; and thus, THE RIGHTS 
OF AN INDEPENDENT NATION ARE TO BE SACRIFICED TO BRIT 
ISH DIGNITY. Justice ret[uires that such en(juiries and examination be made; 
because the liberation of oiu- seamen will be impossible. For the British gov- 
ernment, then, to make professions of respect to tlie rights of our citizens, 
stnd willingness' to release them, and yet deny the only means ofa.scertaining 
those rights, is an insulting tantalism. 

"If the British government have any regard to our rights, any respect for 
our nation, and place any value on our friendsl lip, they will even facilitate W 
us the means of releasing our oppressed citizens. The subject of our im» 
pressed seamen makes apart of your instructions; but the president nov/ re- 
news bis desire that theiiTeliefmay engage your special attention." 

&6 



1% tHE OLIVE BRANCH. 

CHAPTER XXXIII. 

Impressment dnrivg the Mministration of Mr. *9dnms. Letter 
from livfits JCin^. From Silas Talbot. From Timothy Pick- 
ering. Instructions of Judge Marshall to Rufus King. 

Jl now proceed in chronolot>;ical order to state the views cf 
our government upon — the remonstrances of our public officers 
against— and the redress afforded or refused in — the odious affair 
of impressment, during- the administration of Mr. Adams. 

I begin with Rufus King, esq. whose name, from the ground 
he now takes in politics, is a tower of strength on this subject. 
From Jiufiis King, Esq. to Timothy Pickemig, secretan/ of state. 

London, .ipril 13, 1797. 

•' The subject [of impressment] in all its details, has come under my ob- 
servation-, and its importance, I confess, is much greater than I had suppos- 
ed it. Instead of a few, and these in many instances equivocal cases, I have, 
since the month of July last, made application for the discharge fi'om Bi-itisli 
men of war, of 271 seamen, who, stating tliemselves to be Americans, have 
claimed my interference: of this numbei* 86 have by the admiralty been or- 
dered to be discharged: 37 more have been detained as British subjects, or 
as American volunteers, or for want ofproof that they are Americans: and 
to my applications for the discharge of the remaining 148, I have received 
no an^er; the ships on board of which these seamen were detained, hav- 
ing, in many instances, sailed before an examinaion was made, in conse- 
quence of my applications. 

" It is certain, that some of those who have applied to me, are not Ame- 
rican citizens. BUT THE EXCEPTIONS ARE IN MY OPINION FEW: 
and the evidence, exclusive of certificates, has been such as in most cases to 
satisfy me that THE APl'LICANTS WERE REAL AMERICANS, who .had 
been fore ed into the British sei-vice; and who with singular constancy have 
generally persevered in refusing pay and bounty, though in many instances 
they haM: been in service more than two years." 

i'o this document, I most earnestly invite and invoke the afc 
tcntion of the American nation, and the wiiole people of Chris- 
tendom. It affcmls the most conclusive defence of the strong 
ground taken on this subject by the administration; and sets the 
ioal of eternal contradiction on the .assertion, so often repeated,] 
that (he poor, miserable, enslaved, and by-his-country-abandoned 
sailor — the pride— the glory — the bulwark .of that ungratefulcoun* 
X\y — is readily surrendered, when impressed by mistake. Let no 
man ^ner daro again to make the assertion. It is not true. It 
/levjM" was true. 

Mr. King tells us a plain story, lie applied for the emanci* 
pal ion «f 271 American slaves, forced to fight for their enslavers. 
Not quite a third were discharged- — and more than one half of the 5 
whole number were debarred by any chance of redress, by a plaia i 
and sitnple process; the vessels, on board of which they were, 
having " in many instances sailed before an cxaminaf ion was had 
in consofjuence of [lis application.'' 

From Silas TulOol, Esq. ajcnt for the relief of impressed seamen, to Timothy Pick- 
ering; Esq. secretary of state. 

Kingst07i, July 4. 1797. 

" Aflmiral Sir Hyde h.iving gained information, that my application to thdj 
rivil autlioritv vf tiiis i-Tfiand, to obtain the release ef such Aiuericoii citizcB«i 

i 



THE OLIVE BRANCH. 197 

,?^ wttt found to be detained on board his majestyVsliips of war, had 
teen attended with some success, he immediately issueil a go«cral ordei" 
o all captains and commanders of ships and vessels of war, directing thein, 
not to ohcy any writ of habeas cor[)iis, nor sutler any men to leave tlieir ships 
in ciinscipiencc of :oiy sucli writ. Since the above mentioned order was is- 
sued, writs have been obtained against Captain Kphiiistonc, of the Tar- 
tar fi-if^ate, to produce tliree Americans, named hi tlie wj-it, before the chief 
justice; and against captain Foster, of the Albicore, to produce four; 
and also, against Capbiin Otway, of the Ceres I'rigate, to produce twenty 
Americans, in like manner before the chief justice. All tiiose writs were 
served, but none of them wan obeyed. Attuchmcnts ag'ainst the said cap- 
tains have been ordered by the coui't; and a writ of attachment ag-ainst 
Captain Otway was taken out fifteen days since. Hut the marshal has not 
been able, as he says, to serve it on CapUiin Otway: and from all that I caii 
learn, there is not any probability tliat he will serve the writ; so that the 
law in this island, it seems, cannot b« administered for the relief of Amer- 
ican citizens, who are held in British slavery; nuny of whom, as they write 
to me from on board Captain Otway's ship, HAA'E BEEN lUiOUCiHT TO 
THE GANGWAY, AND WlilFPED, FOR WHITING TO THEIR AGENT 
TO «iET TllEM DISCHARGED '." 

Here aji-ain we find what redress the American slave had to ex-" 
pcct. tie was brought to the gangway, and IC?' iGNOMiNiot sly 
SCOURGED tor daring to try to have his case taken intothe cpgni- 
zance of tlie American agent for the relief of impressed seamen ! ! ! 

From Timot/ii/ Pickering, Esq. secretary of state, to Silas Talbot, Esq. 

August 15, 1797. 

" If any naval officer shall have committed siicli an outrasjc on any Ameri- 
can seamen, as to i^ BRING THEM TO THE GANGWAY, as you mention, 
or to inliict any kind of punishment on them, especially for seeking op])or- 
tunities to inform you of their situation, for the purpose of obtaining tlic 
.just relief to which they are entitled, pray endeavour to get proofs of the 
fact, that I may make it the subject of a special representation to th6 British 
government." 

Fro,n Timothv Pickering, Esq. secretary of state, to Rvfus King; Esq. 

Tveiiton, October 3, 1797. 

" Lord Greenville's observ.itlons on the act of congress for the relief and 
protection of American seamen, present difficulties which demand conside- 
a'atlon at the ensuing session. But your reasoning in your letter to his lord- 
ship of the 30th. of last November, is conclusive against the British preten- 
ces to retain r 'al American seamen who are married in their dom.inions, or 
vho have voluntarily entered on board British vessels. (XjP It behoves the 
honour and faith of the British government, to adhere to their principle on 
natm-al allegiance wholly, or to iv.nounce it wholly: An answer on this 
point, woidd have become his lordship's candour. 

" I consider Col. Talbot's agency in the West Indies to be no longer very 
important. The rigid conduct of Admiral Sir Hyde Parker (who from the' 
beginning has thrown obstacles in the way) leaves but little room to get our 
seameii released. The opposition of the officers in general, induced Colonel 
Talbot to take out writs of habeas corpus at Jamaica, by which, directly or in 
their consequences, (^ he obtained the discharge of nearly hfty seamen. 
But Admiral Parker has tor some time past, j^^ forbidden his officers to 
pay any attention to such v.-rits: and Col. Talbot informed me that some of 
our seamen have been punished for attempting fo send letters to him t» 
inform of their situation. 

•' Mr. Liston assured me, that the British officers have orders not to im- 
press any American seamen, and of course not to retain against their will any 
already impressed: but If they persist in obstructing every channel of iuforma. 
tlon and proof of their citizeugUip,^such orders are, and wiil coutiuo.e, d«- 
ceptive." 



198 THE OLIVE BRANCH 

Extract of -a letter from Riifus Kin^, minister plenipotentiary of the United 

States, to the sacretury of state. 

London, March 15,1799. 

"I mentioned our dissatisfaction with the continuation of the practice of 
takin;^ out of our sh)i)s,n^ct on the main ocean, sucii of tlieir crews as did not 
posses^- certificates of American citizensliip; denying' as I had often done in 
former conferences, upon the same subject, any ris^ht on tlic part of Great 
Britain, upon which the practice could be founded; and sugj^e.sting tiiat our 
sliips ol war, by permission of our government, might, with equal right, 
pursue the same practice towards tlieir merchautinen. 

« That not only seamen who spoke tlie English language, and who were 
evidently English or American subjeqts, but also ALL DANISH, SWF.DISH, 
AND OTHER FOREIGN SEAMEN, WHO COULD NOT RECEIVE 
AMERICAN PROTECTIONS, WERE INDISCRIMINATELY TAKE>f 
FROM THEIR \ OLUNTARY SERVICE IN OUR NEUTRAL EMPLOY, 
and forced into the war in the naval service of Great Britain. 

"That on this stibject AVE HAD AGAIN AND AGAIN OFFERED TO 
CONCUR IN" A CONVENTION, WHICH WE THOUGHT PRACTICABLE 
TO BE FORMED, AND WHICH SHOULD SETl'LE THESE QUESTIONS 
IN A MANNER THAT WOULD BE SATISFACTORY FOR ENGLAND 
AND SAFE FOR US. 

"That to decline such a convention, and to persist in a practice which we 
were persuaded could not be vindicated, especially to the extent it w^s car- 
ried, scemei less equitable and moderate than we had a right to expect. 

" Lord Grenville stated no precise principle upon which he supposed this 
practice could be justified: and the conversation upon tliis point, like many 
others upon the same subject, ended without a prospect of satisfaction. 
The French and Spaniai'ds, and every other aation, might pursue tlie same 
conduct as rightfully as Great Britain does. With respect to foreign seamen 
in our employ, this government has, if I recollect, yiejded the point, though 
their own officers continue the practice. We are assiu-ed all Americans 
shall be di«cluirged on application for that purpose, and that orders to tliis 
elfect have been given to their naval connnanders; but this is far short of sat- 
isfaction— indeed, TO ACQUIESCE IN IT, IS TO GIVE UP I'HE RIGHT." 

I bej; the reader wiU most carefully and attentively peruse 
the second and thin! parai^taphsof the preceding docuiwent. 

The second confirms the statement uiade by Mr, Pickering 
when he was secretary, that ^::y Danes, Swedes and other for- 
eiji'ners were impreiisea vat of mir vessels — and utteily contradicts 
and disproves his recent declaration, that the imjjvessment of our, 
iieamen arose from the difficjiUy of discriminating between an" 
Ev;i;lishmun and an Jimericiin, What a farcical procedure it 
woulil be, to seize by mistake upon Danes, and Swedes, and P»r- 
tu^ucse, as Englishmen ! 

]iut the fact established by the third paragraph is still more im- 
portant. It is, that this country |Cr'"/i«rf again and again offered 
to settle these questions in a manner that irouldbe satisfactory for 
England and safe for the United States.^' And further, that 
" England had declined such a convention." And yet Mr. Pick- 
ering has confidently stated the contrary, in direct oppofcition to 
the fact, and to his own kaowledge aud experience. — 



THE OLIVE BRANCH. 199 

" Our government well known, that Great Kritain— is perfectly willinfj 
to ailojit any arranj^cmcnt that can be devised tlut will secure to her ser- 
vice the sciiincn who are her own subjects, and at the same time, exempt 
oui-s from impressment."* . . ,. , , 

*" «« Xo man who rei;ards the truth, will quesbon- the disposition ot tlic Unt- 
ish government to adopt any arrangement that will secure to Great Britain 

' the service of her own subjects."t 

These fivcts scorn the aid of comment. The Mullest and most 
Bfeotian reader must be struck with the astonishing conti-adic- 
tion and inconsistency they display. 

With Mr. Pi< kerins; 1 am almost wholly unacquainted. Ho is 
far advanced in years— and has held the hii;hcst and nmst confi- 
dential offices. He has been lionoured with the regard and es- 
teem of the party to which he belongs, of wliom he is considcMcd 
as one of the leaders. He has asserted of himself, 

" I may claim some share of attention and credit — that share which is due 
to the man who defies the world to point, in the v,liole course of a long and 
public life, at one instanct of deception — at a single departure from truth."t 

T call on him and his friends, to reconcile the above statements 
with the fact of the case. It will give me pleasure if he can, at 
the close of his long career, justify himself on this point to his 
own^conscience, and to his country, before whose bar I thus so- 
lemtdy cite him. 

One other observation, and I dismiss this letter. — Mr. King ex ■ 
plicitly states, and with perfect justice, that to acquiesce in the 
aurrenVler of our seamen being a satisfaction for tlie injury, is to 
admit the ri^ht of impressment, against which he most zealously 
and patriotically contended. 



r 



T,xtract from a retort of Timothy Pickerincr esq. secretui-y of state, to Congress. * 

Bee. 9, ir99. 
Admiral Piii'kcr paid no attention to the agent's application _ on belialfof 
otir imjiressed seamen; the admiral having determined, and informed the 
agent of the determination, that no proofs would be regarded by him, unles". 
specially presented by the American govtrnment through the Bi-itish minister; 
nor then but in tlie single case of native Amcricans.V; Under this deterinina- 
tiontliere will be detained, not only the subjects of his Britannic majesty, 
naturalized since tiie peace of 1783; but all who born elsewhere were tlicn 
resident in, and had become citizens of the United States; also, fry all for- 
eigners, as Germans, Swedes, Danes, Portuguese, and Italians: who volimla- 
~rilv serve in the vessels of the United Stales. And it is a fact that St;CiI 
FOREIGNERS HA\Ti FREQUENTLY BEEN' IMPRESSED; altliough the;! 
languages and other circumstances, demonstrate that THEY WE^ NJ/l' 
BRITISH SUBJECTS." 

Here again we have Timothy Pickering, secretary of state, versus 
Timothy Pickering, senator of the United States. As secretary, 
he bears the strongest testimony on the subject of the latitudiuari 
an principles on which impressment is conducted. 

* Letter of the hon. Timothy Pickering esq. to his «xcellency Japie;^ Sul- 
livan, governor of Massachusetts, page 1-3. 

I Idem, page 8. i Idem, page 9. 



j^OO THE OLIVE BRANCH. 

The subject strikes me in a new point of light. An Ameii- 
can vessel is met at sea by a British frigate. — The crew are 
bi-oii2;ht tiembliug before that right reverend and worshipful ma- 
gistrate, the boatswain's mate. All who cannot speak plain Eng- 
lish are, seized; — as, being French. Germans, Danes, Italians, or 
Sottentots, thoj cannot he natives of the United States, and are 
not therefore entitled to protection from our flag. This scrutiny 
is soon over. Another then takes place. And of thase ivJio 
speak plain English, he seizes as many as he supposes, or pretends 
to suppose, to be British subjects ! ! I And yet we have men ia 
high stations who defend this practice! Would to God that eve- 
ry man ivho is an advocate for impressment, were l^imsclf im- 
pressed and enslaved on board a British mau of war, with a 
cat-o'-nine-tails to his back, to punish his refractory spirit, in case 
he dared to complain ! 

Extract of a letter from John JMarshall, Esq. secretari' of state to Utifis King, 
Esq. J^Iinisier Plenipotentiary of the (Jutted States at London, ddted 

Department of State, Sept. 20, 18U0. 
•'The impressment of our seamen is an injury of very serious magnitude, 
v.hlch deeply affects the feelings and ihe honour of tlie nation. 

"This valuable class of men is composed of natives and foreigners, who en- 
gage voluntarily in our service. 

" No right has been asserted to impress the natives of America. Yet they 
are impressed; they are dragged on board of Biitish ships of war, with evi- 
dence of citizenship in their hands: and forced by violence there to serve, 
until conclusive testimonials of their birth can be obtained. These must 
most generally be sought for on this side of the Atlantic. In tlie mean time, , 
ACKNOWLEDGED VIOLENCE IS PRACTISED ON A CITIZEN OF THE 
UNITED STATES, BY COMPELLING HLM 10 ENGAGE AND CON- 
TINUE IN FOREIGN SERVICE AUhough the lords of the admiralty uni- 
fornilv direct their discharge on tlie production of tliis testimonv; YET 
IVTANY MUST PERISH UNRELIEVED, AND ALL ARE DETAINED A 
CONSIDERABLE TIME, IN LAWLESS AND INJURIOUS CONFINE- 
MENT. 

;^ " It is the duty, as well as the nght, of a friendly nation, to require tli?t 
ineasures be taken by tlie British government to prevent the continued rep- 
etition of such violence by its agents. This can only be done by punishing 
and frowning on those who perpetrate it. THE MERE RELEASE OV 
THE INJURED, AFTER A LONG COURSE OF SERVING AND SUF- 
FERING, IS NO CO.MPENSATION FOR THE PAST, AND NO SECURI- 
TY FOR THE FUTURE. It is impossible not to believe that the decisive 
interference of the government in tiiis respect, woidd prevent a practice, the. 
continuance of which must inevitably produce discord between two nation?, 
which ought to be the friends of each other. 



■"o 



" Those seamen who were bom In a foreign countiy, and have bccii 
Jidoptedby tliis, were eitlier tlie subjects of Britain or some other power. 

"The right to impress those who were British subjects Las been asserted; 
and tiio right to itnprtss those of every otiier nation has not be?n dLscJaims4.« 
''Neither tlie one practice ijor Hie other can be justified. . : 



J " II 



THE OLIVE BRANCH. zoi 

"With the natuvalization of foreigners, no other nation can interfetc, ftir- 
tliertlian the rights of that other uro affected. The rij^lits of Briiaiii ar.^ 
(certainly not affected by the naturalization of other than British subjects. 
Consequently those persons, who, accorthng- to our laws, are citizens, niust 

^be so considered by Uritain, and every other power nol having- a conflicting 

. claim to the persons. 

"THE UNITED STATES, TFdTEREFORE, REQITIRE POSITIVELY, 
THAT THEIR SEAMEN WHO ARE NOT FiRlilSH SUBJECTS. WHE- 
THEU BORN IN AMERICA OR ELSEWHERE, SHALL BE EXEMPT 
FROM IMlPRESS.MENT. ^ 

• " The case of British subject^whethcr naturalized or not, is more ques- 
tionable; but the ri[;ht even to impress is denied. The practice of the 
British government itself, may certainly, in a controversy with that govern- 
ment, be relied on. The pvivitegcs it claims and exercises, may certainly be ce- 
ded to others. To deny this ivoiild be to deny the equality of nations, audio 
make it a question of powet- and not of right. 

" If tlie -jH-actice of the British government may be quoted, that practice is 
to maintain and defend in tlieir sea-service all those, of any nation, who 
j have voluntarily engaged in it, or who, according to their laws, have become 
British subjects. 

•• .iUeii seamen, not British sjibjccts, engaged in our mercha7it service, ovghi 

he equally exempt vnth citizens from impressments: we have a riglit to engage 
tiieni, and'have a right to, and an interest in, their persons, to the extent 
of their service contracted to be performed. Britain has no pretext of 
right to their persons or to their sendee. TO TEAR THEM THEN, 
FROM OUR POSSESSION IS AT THE SAME TIME AN INSULT AND 
AN INJURY. IT IS AN ACT OF VIOLENCE FOR WHICH THERE EX- 
ISTS NO PALLIATIVE. 

« JVe kno'iu well that the difflcidty of distinguisfung bet-veen native .Americans 
and British subjects, has been used ~Mth respect to natives, as an apo'ogy for 
tite injuries complained of It is not pretended that this apology can be exteu- 
fled to the case of foreignersj and, wit>i respect to natives, we doubt the 
existence of the difficulty alleged. We know well that among that class of 
people called seamen, we can readil}^ distinguish between a native Ameri- 
can, and a pei-son raised to manhood in Great Britain or Ireland; and we do 
not perceive any reason why the capacity of making this distinction should 
not be possessed in the same degree by one natioii as by the other. 

"If therefore no regulation can be formed which shall effectually secure 
all seamen on board American merchantmen, we have a I'iglit to expect 
from tlie justice of the British government, from its reg-ard for the frienclship 
of the Uriited States audits own honour, that it will manifest the sincerity 
of its wishes to redress this offen-e, by punishing these wlio commit it. 
. "We hope,however, that an agreement may be entered into, satisfactorv 
and beneficial to both parties. The article whicli appears to have beeii 
transmitted by my predecessor, while it satiifies this covmtry, will probablv 
restore to the naval service of Great Britain a greater number of seamen than 
will be lost by it. Should we even be mistaken in this calculation, yet the 
difference cannot be put in competition v.-ith the mischief which may result 
fi'om the In-itation justly excited by this practice, throughout the United 
States. Tiie extent and justice of the resentment it pi'oduces, may be esti- 
mated in Britiun by inquiring v/hat impressions would be made on them by 
similar conduct on the partof this government. 

" Should we impress from the merchant service of Britain not only AmC' 
ricans but foreigners, and even British subjects, how long would such a course 
of injury unredressed be permitted to pass unrevengcd? How long would the 
government be content with successful remonstrance? I believe, sir, that 
only tixe most prompt correction of, orcompensatioa ior, the abuse, would b© 
•dmittedas satisfsiaioninsucha case. 



202 THE OLIVE BRANCH. 

•• If the principles of this jrovcrnnient forbid it to retafiate by impress- 
Tnints, there is yet anotbcrniodc wliicli might be resoifcd to. We mig-ht 
aiitUorise our ships ofuar, lliough not to imprest, yet to recruit sailors oi> 
board British merchantmen. Such are the inducements to cuter into our na- 
val service, that we believe even tliis practice w ould very- seriously jiffect 
the navigation of Britain. — How, sir, uoiild it be received by the British na- 
tion ? 

" Is it not more adnsablc to desist from and to take efTectual measures to 
prevent an acknowledged WTong, th;ui by perse\ erance in th.it wrong to 
excite against themselvesthewell-fomided resentment of America, and force 
our government into measures which may very possibly terminate in open 
ri'ptiire?" 

£a tract of a letter J rom Rvfiis King, Esq. to the secretary of state, dated Lon- 
don, Feb 23, 1801. 

" The progress wliich bad been made in om- negotiation with the go^ cm. 
ment, was svich as nuist have brought it to a speedy conclusion, had not a 
change taken ])lace in the department of foreign affairs; tliat the n ^nl 
would in the main have been satisfactory, is more tlian I am authorised to. 
fay, although 1 flattered myself with the hope that it would be so. Lord 
Hawkesbury assures me that he will give to the several subjects, which h.ive 
been pretty fully discussed, an early and impartial consideration: and I am 
in hopes that Lord St. Vincent will likewise be inclined to attend to our reite- 
rated remonstrances against the impressment of our seamen, and the vexa- 
tions ot our trade." 



CHAPTER XXXIV. 

Mr. Li&ton'sproje.t of a Convention respecting Deserters. Ob- 
jected to by JSlr. dickering, Mr. Stoddard, Mr. Wolcott, and 
Mr. M'Uenry. Rejected. 

xN the year 1800, Mr. Listen, tlie British minister, submit- 
ted to Mr. Adams, president of the United States, a projet of a 
trecty for the delivery of deserters, of which 1 annex the seventh 
and ninth articles, being those which alone bear on this subject. 

7. •' It is, however, understood, that the stipulation is not to extend to 
.luthoiizc either of the parties to demand the deliver}' of any sailors, sub- 
jects, or citizens, belonging to the other part)', who have been employed on 
board tlic \essels of either of the respective nations, and who have, in time 
of war or tiireatcned hostility, voluntarily entered into the service of their 
own sovereign or nation, or have beat compelL'd to cuter therein, according to 
the hnvs and practice prevailing in the t-u-o countries respectively. 

9. " It is, however, understood, that no stipulation in this additional arti- 
cle shall bi- construed to cnii)Ower the civil or military officers of eitlier of 
the coiitraclin;^' parties forcibly to enter into the public ships ofva*-; or into 
the torts, garrisons or posts oftlie other party; or to use violence to the per- 
sons ot the land or seaoflicei-s of the resjKCtive nations, with anew to com- 
r)el the delivery of such persons as may luve descried from the naval or mi-» 
jitary strvice of either party as aforesaid." %' 

This pvnjet was submitted to the heads of departments, and to 
the attorney General, for their opinions, which I subjoin. 

Frovi 'J'imuthy rickvfin^, Esg. secretary of stale, to President .Hdams. 

JAibriiury 20,1800. 
" The secretary h.is tlic honor to lay before the president Mr. Liston's 
not«ol the 4th i'cbruary, together vilh Ujs projet of a trenty for tlie rccu> 



THE OLIVE BRANCft SOS 

prbCiJ deliver}' of deserters; ([^ which appears to the sf ere tary utterly in-« 
admissible, UNLESS IT WOULD PUT AN END TO IMPkESSMENTS— 
♦ which Mr. Listen seemed to imagine — while the seventh paragraph of his 
pi-ojet expressly i-ecognizes the right of impressing' British subjects, and 
consequently American citizens sis at present." 

1 

B. Stoddavd, Esq. secretary of the navy, to the Presidetit. 

February 26, 1800. 
«' The secretary of the navy is cleiirly of opinion, tliat (Jj"^ it is better to 
liave no article, and meet all c!-nsequem es, tlian not to enumerate mei'chant 
vessels on the higli seas, among the things not to be forcibly entered iu search 
of deserters." 

Oliver Wolcotl, F.sq. secretary of i!ie treasury, to the President. 

April 14, 1800. 
'•The projrtofa treaty proposed by the minister of his T>ritaunic, nvj jes- 
■ty, for the reciproc.d delivery of deserters from die land and naval service, 
vXI/' does not sutticiently provide against the impressment of American sea- 
pien; and is therefore deemed inadmissible." 

As a subi^titute for Mr. Listoa's first article, Mr. Pickering 
proposed the followinj^ : 

" Tt is however, understood that nothing in these stipulations shall be con* 
strued to empower the civil, military or naval officers of either of the con- 
tracting parties, forcildx' to enter into the territory, forts, posts, {^ or ves- 
sels of the other party — or to use violence to the persons ot tlie commanders 
or the olhcers of the forts, ports, or vessels of the other party, with a view 
^to compel the deU\-ery of such persons as shall desert as aforesaid." 

This article v/as intended fully to secure, from impressment, 
even in ourpriv.ite as well as public vessels, not merely our own 
citizens, but ai"*!) t!(e subjects of Great Britain; in a word, to put 
an end entirely to the practice of impressment onboard our ves- 
sels. 

Mr. Wolcott, secretary of the treasury, proposed a substitute 
for die article objected to, still more clearly and explicitly annihi- 
lating the pretensions of England to impress seamen of any dei- 
cription on board our vessels. 

''It is, however, understood, that nothing in the foregoing stipulations 
shall be construed to empower the civil or any other officers, of eidier party, 
forcibly lo enter the forts, posts, or any other place within or under the; 
■urisdiction of the other party; nor to empower the nav;d commanders or 
. ther officers of either party forcibly to q:;/" enter any public or private ves- 
sels of the other party, on the high seas, with a view" to compel the delivery 
of any person whatever: on the contrary, it is expressly declared to be the 
undei-stimding ofthe contractmgpartiesj that the mutual restitutions of per- 
sons claimed as deserters, shall only be made by the free and voluntary con- 
sent of the military officers employed in the land ser\ice, or the command- 
' ers of the pubhc or private sliips or vessels of the two parties, or in pursu- 
t ance of the decisions of the courts, judges or other competent civil officers of 
the two nations, in all cases arising within their respective jurisdictions." 

O. WOLCOTT. 

James ^t? Henry, Secretary at War, to the President. 

" The secretary thinks the projet of Mr. Liston may be substantially ac- 

j eepted, except the 7th. article, which seems to provide that the United 

' States shall not demand the delivery of any sailors, altltough their citizens, if 

Uiey have been employed in British vessels, and who have, iu time of war ov 



u 



^27 



4i04 I'HE OLIVE BRANCH. 

threatened hostilities, vohmlarily entered into the British servic*. or have 
been compelled to enter therein, according to the law and practice prevail- 
ing in Great Britain. This article is very inaccurately expressed; for it sa) s, 
**eniplo\ed or entered into the service of their own sovereign or nation, or 
have been compelled to enter therein," &.c. Jf this ortich meum, -i-hot it 
la atprehended it duts, it is vholly inadmissible. It establishes a principle 
reprobated by this country. The counter projet of the secretary of state, 
Jn substance ineels the secretary's ap])robation; but it is submitted, whether 
the adoption of part of the dra'ft by the secietaiy of the treasury, will not 
improve it. 

' All which is respectfully submitted." 

JAMES M'HENRY. 

War Depa'tment, ^ip:U 18, 1800. 

" The attorney general having read and considered the letter of the secre 
tary of state, and the projet of an article drawn by the sfcretary of tJie 
treasury, on the subject of deserters', which are proposed to be sent to iht 
Britisii minister here, expresses his entire approbation ot the same." 

CHARLES LEE 

JptiloO, ISOO, 



CHAPTER XXXV. 

ilorrors of Impressment, as submitted to Congress by Timothh 
Pickerivg; Secretary of State. 
To afl'ord a specime»i of the treatment of some of the impres- 
sed American seanien, whose cases it has become fashionable to 
treat with indifleiencc, I submit extracts from authentic docu- 
ments on the subject- It will incontrovertibiy appear, <hat the 
horrors of (his odious and execrable business of impressment, 
have been quintupled bj the odious and execrable manner in 
which it has been conducted. 



Extcact from the deposition of Eliphalet Ladd, secotid mate ov board the Thom^^ 
as and Sarah, of PhiladtlphiUy and a iiative oJUxeter, J\'e7i-JIaripi:hire, avr 
nexed to a report to co7i^7ess of Timothy I'ickeinvg, F.sg. seaeturif of state. 

Kingston, June 19, 1799. 
" Ehphalet I add maketh nath, tliat on "'.Vedresday, ihe l2lh. inst. he came 
6n shore with two seanten belonging to said s)iip, named John Ides and Is- 
rael Uandol, iTi order to land a boat load of staves; that a press gang came 
up and laid hold of John Edcs — that one of the press gang named bloody, 
•uiith a broad mvord cnt this deponet on the forehead, and mode a ivoiind of 
three inches ■' ! ! They then took deponent, together \\ ith Edes, and conduct- 
ed them in diU'erent boat.s on board the Brunswick nan of war; that the 
boat on board of which Edes was, made the ship some little time l)efore tiie 
one deponent was in: and on deponent's nearing the ship /le heard the cries 
nf a man fogging .' ! ! and on goingup the sicie of the Brimswiek, he jier- 
ceived Edes, who was crying; and addressing himself to the fust lieuten- 
ant a 7«Ir. Harris, saying, here is a man who c:in attest to what 1 have, 
told jou. The lieutenant then laying hold of deponent by the arm,' 
said, go along on the {juurter deck, you damned rascal yon ■' ! ■' w hieh de- 
ponent accor ngly (Ud; that all the impressed men were then examined, 
and afterwards ordered by tlie lituteniUit into the waist; that wh?n they 
got there, Edes pulled off his shirt, and bHO^\ EI) ])EP()NE?sT LIS 
}u.CK, WIUCM WAS BRUISED 1 ROM WS SIIOI.LDERS TO lUa 



I 



niE OLIVE BRANCH. 205 

HIPS ! ' ! He then informed he had just been whipped with ropes ends ! ! ! 

^ as deponent was ijoing' up the ship's sides, by the boatswiiin and liis mates, 
by orders of tlie lieatenaiit ; that deponent remained on bo;ird the Hruns- 
wick all that day and tlie next ni}>;'ht, — durin,;- wliich no surgical or medi-. 
cal assistiince was given to tlie wound he had received on his head, nor to 
the bmiies of said Edes, who, during the night called out sevenJ times 
fro:n extreme pains, and ihe next morning was barely able to move him- 
self; that between nine and ten o'clock tlie next morning, the whole of tlie 

, impressed seamen were again ordered on the quarter deck, and stationed, 
except deponent and Edes; tliat while the examination was going on, tlie 
captain of the Thoaias and Sarah was coniing on board ; but was prevented 
by tlie lieutenant, wlio ordered tlie centinel to keep him off: that at about 
eleven o'clock the captain of the Bmnswick came on board, and at three 
o'clock deponent was discharged, but Edes retained. 

Sworn before ELIPIIALET LADD 

U'iliiam Savage, Justice of the peace, &c. 

Further extract from tlie preceding report of Timothij Pickering, Esq. eicretari/ 

of state, to Congress. 

Richard Carter, of the Pomona, of Portsmouth, impressed at the same time 
with Ladd and Edes, among other items of his deposition, swore — "he wat 
violently forced into a boat, and STRUCK TWICE WITH A DRAWN 
. CUTLASS by one of the olticers of the press gang; and two men with pis- 
tols placed over this deponent, -who loaded their . pistols in the presence of this de- 
ponent, and threatened to Mow out his brains if he attemjjted to move or speak: 
and then they carried this deponent and John Edes, one of the seamen ot the 
ship Thomas and Sarah, an American citizen, whom they had also seized 
on board the s!up of war, the Brunswick ; and this deponent saith, on getting, 
on board the Bnmswick, this deponent and tlie said Jolin Edes were or- 
• dered to go on the quarter deck, where Mr. Harris, the- first lieutenant of 
the said ship, abused this deponent and said John Edes; and gave ihem in 
charge to the master of said ship, while he went to look for the boatswain's 
mate ; and soon after returned with the boatswain's mate, whom he order- 
ed to take tliis deponent and the said John Edes, and to beat them ; in obe- 
dience to which orders, the saiil John Edes, and this deponent were severely 
beaten, particularly this deponent, the said boatswain's mate doubling a rope 
of about three inches and a half thick, BEATING THIS DEPONENT WITH 
GRKAr VIOLSMCS OVER THE HEAD, FACE, SHOULDERS, BACK 
AND STOMACH, UNTIL HE HAD TIR".D HIMSELF!!! and tlien he 
gave the same rope to one of the mariners of the said ship Brunswick; and he 
also severely beat this deponent in the same manner ! ! and this deponent saith, 
ne received"up\vards of a hundred blows! ! and was thereby greatly bruised, 
tnd his face cut, and his stomach, as well internally as externally injured, so 
hat this deponent brought up a quantity of blood for several days. 

Sworn before me, 

WILLIAM SAVAGE 
To avoid prolixity, I have omitted the residue ot this depositioju 
The deponent wa-i liberated by habeas corpus. 

Anne.xed to this deposition is that ef the physician, who attend- 
'' ed Richard Carter, who declared, tliat 

" From the situation in which he found the said Carter, he verily believed 
he had been very severely beaten some days previous, his blood being very 
much extravasated: and from the appearance of the bruises, it must have been 
flone with a thick rope." 

I know not in what terms to pour out my abhorrence and 
indignation at the abominable scenes depicted in the pre- 
ceding depositions and narratives. Language fails in thQ 



S06 THE OLIVE BRANCH. 

attempt. Shame, disgrace, dishonour, and infamy, will attend 
the councils and councellors of America, for the base submission 
to such monstrous cruelty. The outrage ought to have been met 
at the threshold. — Atonement to the sufferers ought to have been 
made at the public expense, that is, as far as such horrible inju- 
ries can be atoned for — and a demand made for re-payment of 
the money thus employed. If not complied with, full and com- 
plete retaliation ought to have taken place. 



CHAPTER XXXVI. 

Impressment during the administration of Mr. Jefferson. Let- 
ter from Bnfiis King. Jlrrangement with Lord St. Vincent 
rejected by Mr. King. Memorials from SalerU) JVeiv-York^ 
Philadelphia^ Baltimore, and JVewhaven. Murder of Capt- 
tain Pearce. Proceedings of Federal Republicans of J^ew-Vork. 

From Rufus King, Esq. to the Secretary of State. 

J\reiv-rork, July, 1803. 

" Sir — As soon as the war appeared to me unavoidable, I thought it advi- 
sable to renew the attempt to form an arrangement with the British govern- 
ment for the protection of our seamen. With tliis view, I had several con 
ferences, both with lord Howkesbury and Mi". Addington, wlio avowed a 
sincere disposition to do whatever might be in their power to prevent the 
dissatisfaction on this subject, that bad so frequently manifested itself dur- 
ing the late war : (Jij^x ith very candid professions, I, however, found seve- 
ral objections, in discussing the' subject with tlie first lord of tlie admiralty. 
Lord Hawkesbury having proniise<l to sign any arrangement upon the sub- 
ject that I should conclude with lord St. Vincent, I endeavoured to qualify 
and remove the objections ne offered to our project : and finally, the day 
before I left London, lord St. Vincent, consented to the following regulations • 

" 1. No seaman or seafaring person sJuili, upon the liigh sea.s, and with 
out the jurisdiction of either party, be demanded or taken out of any ship 
or vessel belonging to the citizens or subjects of one of tlie other parties, 
by the public or private armed ship^ or men of wia- belonging to or in t])e 
service of the other party; and strict orders shall be given for the due ob- 
servance of this engagement. 

"2. Each pjirty will prohibit its citizens or subjects fron^ clandestinely 
eonceahng or carrying away from the territories oi- colonial possessions ot 
tlie other, any seauicu belonging to the other part}-. 

"3. Tiie regulations shall be in force for five ycai-s, and no longer. 

"On parting with his lordship, I engaged to diaw up, in the fonn of 
a convention, and send him these articles, in the course of the evening, who 
promised to forward them, with his approbation, to lord Howkesbury. lac 
cjrdingly prepared and sent the draft to his lonl.s]ii]j, who sent nie a letter 
in the course of the night, stating that on fiu-ther reflection he wasofopin- 
itn, that the narrow seas should be e.xpressly excepted, th(.\ having been, as 
his lordship remarked, immemorially considered to be within the dominion 
of Circat Britidn ; that with this correction he had sent the proposed con- 
vention to lord Howkesbury, who, his lordsliip'presumed, would not sign it 
before he should have consulted the jud<re of the high court of aduiiralty. 
Sir William Scott. 



THE OLIVE BRANCH. 20r 

• As I had supposed, from the tenor of my conferences with Lord St. Vin- 
cent, that the >loctrine of the "-/lovec/iZJ/sKm would not be revived against us 
on this occ.ision, feat that Enjjland would be content with the limited juris- 
diction or do:ninion over the seas; adjacent to her territories, wiiicli is a'i- 
igacl by the law of nations to other states, I was not a Utile disappointed 
in rcceivinsf tliis coninunication; and after weig-hini? well the nature of the 
prinoi|)lc, and the disadvantages of its admission, / concluded to abandon the 
Vgnciation ratlier than to acquiesce in the doctrine it proposed to fistai)lish. 

" I ro.^rct, not to hai^e been able to put tiiis business on a satisfactory foot- 
ng, knowing, as I do, its verygreat importance to both parties. But I flal- 
er mvseif that I have not misjudged the interests of our country, in refusing 
sancUon a principle thaimijht be productive of inore exterMvc evils than those 
t tvas our aim to prevent." 

This is a most important document, and must never for an in- 
tant be overlooked in forming a decision on the question of im- 
pre-^sment. Mr. King was united witli. and a leader among those 
men who were lataly hunting down Mr. Madison, and preparing 
the way for anaixhy and civil war: and the chief pretence was 
!^he stand Mr. Madison made against impressment. Neverthe- 
less, we find that he took the same ground himself — and that it 
s indisputably true, that more than one half of the miseries of our 
Door, oppressed, and enslaved seamen are chargeable to his ac- 
:ount. And whatever may be the maledictions which his friends 
Ire showering down upon xMr. Madison, a double portion ofthem 
las been richly earned by Mr. King. For it appears, that had he 
jeen so disposed, he might have rescued our sailors from the hor- 
ors of slavery, every where but on the narrov/ seas, which would 
lave greatly abrid;;ed their sufferings, as well as our complaints 
against Great Britain. And yet lately with a most wonderful 
ind hideous degree of inconsistency, he was, as I have stated, 
persecuting and trying to crush Mr. Madison for the attempt to 
protect our seamen, in whose favour he formerly displayed such a 
high degree of solicitude! 

To evince how universal has been the indignation of our mer- 
cantile citizens against the oppression of, and cruelties perpe- 
trated upon our seamen, I annex impressive extracts from docu- 
ments on the subject. 

1 

Extract from a JMemm-ial to Conq-ress of the inhabiUmts of Sakin Jmi'iarif, 

20, 1806. 

^ " Your memorialists arc sorry, that other instancs of hostile conduct have 
peen manifested by Great Britain, less direct in their nature, but not less 
iepotyatory from our sovereignty than those enumerated. THE l.MPl{l'"-SS- 
MEX £■ UF OL'Il SEAMEN, not-j.'itjistandiug clear proof of citizcntthi(j, the %io- 
jation of our j'U'isdlction by captures at the mouths of our liavbovirs, and 
iasulting treatment of ouj ships on the ocean, are subjects worthy of the se- 
tigus consideration of our national councils; and will, we liave no doiibt, re- 
tefre an early, prompt, and decisive attention." 

Signed in behalf of tlie inhabitants, by their authoi-ity/ 

John Hathorne, Benjamin Crowninshield, junr 

Joseph Sprague, .Joseph vVhite, junu' 

Jonathan iNInsop, ^03f])l. Storv. 



O08 THE OLIVE BRANCH. 

Extract from r. Memorial of a general ineeting of merchants of A'ew-Tork, Dfc. 

26, li.15. 

" But it is not on account of our pecuniary losses alone that we complain 
The coDStancy and valour of tlie seamen of the Lnited States are justly themes 
ofpatiiotic exultation. From their connexion with us, we consider their 
cause i.s our cause; their riglits as our right; tlieir interests as our interests. 
Our (eelints are indignant at the recital oi their wrongs." 

This bfautiful and sublime piece of composition, which does 
equal honour to tiie beau and heart ol tlie writer, is signed by a 
committee offortv-nine perboiis, whos-e names maj be seen, page 
f)0 ot this vork. .Nianv of these gentlemen have betrayed their 
honour. They liave not redeemed the solemn pledge that accom- 
panied this juorceou. J he J have most indubitably done all in 
their power to fasten the horrors of iinpressnient, with adaman- 
"tine chains, on those illustrious men, " w hose cause — whose rights 
— whose interests — they considered as their own cause — their own 
rights — their own in(erests." For no man beyond the rank of 
an ideot, can doubt that every step taken to cripple the govern- 
ment — wl.ich game they lately played on a large scale — was a 
step towards laying the nation,, tied neck and heels, at the feet 
of England, to prescribe what terms she pleased, and of course tQ 
perpetuate the miseries of impressment. 

Extract from the memoriul of the lacrchantu of Fliiladelphia to Congress, Decem- 
ber, 1805. 

" That ovr seatnen should he exposed to the MEANEST INSULTS, ANT) 
MOST WANTON CRUELTIES, and the fruits of our industry and enter, 
prize, fall a prey to the profligate, cannot but excite both feeling- and indigna- 
tion, and call loudly for the aid and protection of government." 

Sotne of the gentlemen who signed thi.s petition, stand in pre- 
cisely the same situation as some of the signers of New-York. 
The observations made on these — of course apply to those. 

Extract from the Memorial of the mcrchanls ff Baltimore, dated Ja7wart/ 2i, 

1806. 

" Your memorialists will not trespass upnn your time with a recital of the 
various acts by which our coasts and even our ports and harbours have been 
converted into sccr.es of violence and depredation — ai\d cur gallant coimtry- 
men oppressed and persecuted." 

Extract from a Memorial to Congress of the merchants of ^'e-:v}uiven, agreed to, 

Feb. 7, 1806. 

"In regard to THE IMPRESSMENT 01' AMERICAN SEAMEN, your 
memorialists feel in common with their fellow citizens, a lively indignation 
at the abuses of power often exercised by British officers upon American citi- 
zens. AVe have full confidence that tlie government of the l.'nited States 
will ado])t and pursue such measures for restraining these injurious proceed- 
ings as the honour and inter* st of the I'nited State may require." 

After the murder of Captain Pearce, entering the port of 
New-York, by Captain Whilby. of the Leandcr, wilhin tlie 



THE OLIVE BRANCH. sfe 

jurisdiction of the United States, there were meetings held in va- 
rious parts of tlie country, to express their abliorrence of the out- 
rage. On the 26th. of April, 1806, at the Tontine Coffee House 
in New-York, tliere was a numerous and very respectable meeting 
of federalists, who appointed Ritfus K'ino;, Ebenezer Stevens, 
Oliver Wolcott, William W. Woolsey, and William Henderson, 
to draw up and report a set of resolutions for the occasion. In 
their report, which was unaniuiousl^ agreed to, was the following 
phillippic, against the administration for permitting IMPRESS- 
ivIENT among other grievances, 

" Resolved, th:it tlie suHeriii'g- foreign armed sliips to station themselves 
•ft" our harbour, and there to stop, search, and capture our vessels, — to IM- 
PRESS, WOUND, AND MURDER OUU CITIZENS is a yross and crimin- 
,al neglect of the highest duties of government; and that an administration 
which putientlj' permits the same; is lut entitled to the confidence of a brave 
and free people. 

"Resolved, Tliat the murder of JolmPearce, one of our iollow citizens, by 
a shot from a Bi-itish ship of wit, at the entrance of our harbour, and within 
half a mile of the shore, while tie was engaged in peaceabl}' uavigutiiig a coast- 
ing vessel, laden with provisions for our matket, was an act tiiat excites our 
Jetestation and abhorrence; and calls upon our government tor the adop- 
tion of prompt and vigorous measures to prevent a repetition of such wanton 
and inhuman conduct, and so fiagrant a violation of our sovereignty." 

Some of my readers may not know — but it is perfectly proper 
that all shoukl know, that Captain Whitby was brought to trial 
in England, and honourably acquitted. For the murder of Pearce, 
uo atonement has been made. It still cries shame and disgrace 
en. his countrvmen. 



CHAPTER XXXYII 

Documents on Impressment continued. 

Deposition of Isaac Clark. 

" I, Isaac Clark, of Salem, in the county of Esses, and commonwealth of 
Massachusetts, on solemn oatli, declare, that I was born in the town of 
Randolph, in the county of Norfolk; have sailed out of Salem aforesaid, about 
seven years; that on the 14th. of June, 1809, I was impressed and forcibly ta- 
ken iroin the ship Jane, of Norfolk, by the sailing master (his name was Car) 
of his majesty's ship Porcupine, Robert EUiott, commander. I had a protec- 
tion from the custom-house in Salem, wltich I showed to captain Elliott: he 
swore that I was an Englisliman; tore my protection to pieces before mv eyes, 
and threw it overboard, and ordered me to go to work. 1 told him I did 
not belong to his flag, and I vvoidd do no work under it. He then ordere^^ny 
legs to be put in irons, and THE NEXT MORNING ORDERED THE 
MASTER AT ARMS TO TAKE ME ON DECK, AND GIVE ME TWO 
DOZEN LASHEo; 'Uter receiving them, he ordered him to keep me in 
irons, and give one biscuit and one pint of water for 24 hours. Alter keep- 
ing me in this situation one week, I was brought on deck, and asked by cap- 
tain Elliott, if I would go to my duty On my refusing, ke ordered me to 
strip, XT tied me up a second time, and gave me two dozen more, and kept 
nie on the same allowance another week — then ordered me on deck again, 
asked if I would go to work. I still persisted that I was an American: and 
chat Ue had no rifUt to command my services, sind I would do uo work on 



IIIE OHVK BRANCH. 

board liis sliip. J(( fold mc lie would punish me until I vas williufj to work; 
jiiidgiivenie tjie third iwo dozen hishcs, ordered a very heavy chain put 
round my ncclc, (such un tlicy had ustd to sling the lower yard) fastened to a 
ring bolt in the deck, and that no i)ej'son, except the master at arms, should 
speak tome, or give me any thing- to tat or drink, hut one biscu't and one 
pint of water for 24 hoiu-s, until I would go to work. I was kept in this 
situation for nine wcrks, when being exi nusted by hunger and tliirst, 1 was 
obliged to yield. After being oji boai-d tl>e ship more than two years and a 
halt^ and being wounded in an action with a French frigate, 1 was sent to the 
hospital. WIkd partially recovered, I was sent on board the Impregnable, 
98 gim shij). My woi.nd growing worse, I was returned to the hospital, wheri 
the' American consul received a copy of my protection from Salem, and pro- 
ciired n)y disoliarge on the 29th.- oi" April i;i.st. There were seven impressed 
Americans on board the Porcupine, three of h hom had entered. 

ISAAC CLARK. 

• Essex, ss. Dec. 23, 1812. 

" Then Isaac Clark personally appeared, and made solemn oath that the 
facts in the f( regoiiig decbration, by him made and subscribed, were true ia 
all their piu-ts — before 

JOnX PUNCHARD,^ Justices of the peace, 
51. TO^V]^;SE^D. 5 ^^'^ of tlK- quormn. 

From Com. Jtoclgers to the Secretary of the J\ avy. 

U. S. Frigate Presuleni, Boston, Jan. 14, 1813. 
" Sir — Herewith you will receive two muster books, of his Britannic ma- 
jesty's vessels, Moselle and Sappho, iound on boai-d the British packet 
Swallow. 

" As tlie British h-ave always denied that they detained on board their ships 
of war, American citizens, knowing tliem to be such, I send you the enclosed, 
as a public document of tlieir own, to prove how ill such an assertion accords 
with the r practice. 

" It will appear by these two muster books that so late as August last, 
about an eighth part of the Moselle and SapphoS crews were Americans; 
conset[iienliy, if there 5s only a quarter part of that proportion on board their 
otlitr vessels; tliut they have an inhnitc-ly greater nuuiber of Americans m 
their service than any American has yet had an idea of. 

"Any further comment of mine on tliis subject, I consider unnecessary; as 
the documents sueaktoo plain for tliemselves. I have the honour to be 8ic 

J NO. RODGERS 
" The hon. I'aul Hamilton, Secretaiy of the Navy." 

Fxtract of a L-tter ftotn Comviodove Pointer to M. Carey, dated 

Washington, July 13, 1815. 
"After closing my letter of tliis morning, I received yours of yesterday; 
s-nd as t!ie only meansof ijrocuringllie information required, have consulted 
Conunodore liodgers, who infornis me tliat there appeared on the muster 
books of the Moselle and Sappho, the Jiames ot from thirty -five to forty men, 
who were reported to the admiralty office, as impressed American seamen. 
The places of tlieir nativity are also noted. The complement of men for 
t«ch of these vessels was about 160. Witli respect, 8cc. 

DAVID PORTER. 

" I Beeknian \cv Plank Ilofihian, of the town of Poughkcepsie, do certify, 
that 1 am a lieutenant in the United States navy.- tliat 1 was a heutenant on 
hoard the Constitution in the action and capture of the Java; and was sent on 
board that vessel; and, alter the crew were removed, set her on tire; and blew 
her up. 

" Among the crew of the Java; THUtTEEN IMPRESSED AMERICAN 
SEAMK.N were found, three of whom had entered the British service, and 
were left: tlie other ten were liberated ks Americans." 

B. V. HOFFMAN. 

Touglikccpsic, Api-U XC, 1813. 



I HE OLIVE BRANCH. Sit 

"Richard Tliompaon, Ijoiiig sworn, saith that he is a nutive of New Pal I v. 
opposite F'oug-hkeepsii."; that he sailed from Wilmington about the 2Sth of 
April, 1810, oil hoard the hrii^- W arreii, AVni. Kelly captain, for Cork. Ou 
tlic homeward jjassage, in September following', he was impressed and tak.u 
on board the Peacock, a British sloop of war, and compelled to do his 
duty; that while on board that veasel, he made many unsuccessful attempts 
to write to his friends, to inlbrmthem of his situation, lleiurther saith, that 
after he had heard of the war, himself and two other impressed Amcricuvi 
acanven who (vere on board the Peacock, went aft to the captain; claimed ty 
be considered as American prisonefs of war; and refuse<l to do duty any 
fong'er. •< 

" Wp. were ordered ofTthe q\iavter deck, and the captain called for the 
master at arms, and ordered lis to be put in irons. We were then kept in 
irons about twentv-four hours, when we were taken out, brouglit to the gang- 
r/av, STRIPPED OB' OUR CLOTHES, TIED AND WHIPPED, EACH 
O^E DOZKX \XD A HALP LASHES, AND PUT TO DUTY. 

"He fm-thcr saith, that he was kept^n board the Peacock, and did duty till 
the action with, the Hornet. After the Hornet hoisted American colours, he 
and the other impressed .\mericans again went to the captain of the Pea- 
cock, asked to be sent below; said it was an American ship, and that they 
did not wish to figlit again.st their country. The captain ordered us to ouV 
quarters; called midshipman Stone to his duty; and if we did not do our duty; 
TO BLOW OUR I'.RA1\S OUT;''a)e, aye!" was answered by Stone, who 
t/ien held a pistol at my breatt, and ordered lis to our places. ^Ve then con- 
tinued at our places, and were compelled to tight till the Peacock stnick- 
and we were liberated after about two years and eight months." 

his 
11ICIL\RD>^ THOMPSON 
mark. 

Poughkeepsie, April 17, 1813. 

Head over mid sig-Tied-i JOSEPH HAnmS. 
in the presence of 5 JOHN S. FRIAR. 

Extract frori the h^ book of an officer mi board Ids majesty's ship Gxterriere, in 
the action -with the Constitution. 

"The Guerrlere was a frigate of 1080 tons burden, taken from the French 
in 1806; and had 302 men and boys belonging to her. There ~we)-e ten Atne- 
rican seamen on hoard, who had belonged to her for some years. — Ru^ us ths 
declaration of war against Great Britain w.os not known when she sailed, there 
had been no opportunity rf discharging them; and captain Dacro.s consider- 
ing it as uiiju.st to compel a native of the United States to light against liis 
countrymen, granted them permission to quit their quarters and go below." 

Captain Dacres, in his address to the court martial bj which he 
was tried, states this fact in the following terms: 

" What considerably weakened my quarters, was permitting the Americaa^' 
belonging to the ship, to quit theh* quarters on the enemy hoisting the co- 
lours of tliat nation, which, though it deprived me of the men, I thought it> 
was my duty." 



Boston, Feb. 6, 1813. 
"Died at Boston, on the 3d. instant, on board the frigate President, God- 
frey Hyer, seamen, aged 47. The deceased was a native of Rhode-Island, and 
was one of the numerous instances of impressment, which have been the 
cause of complaint against the English. He was taken on boai'd an Ame- 
rican merchant ship, and though he never voluntarily entered their service, 
he was detained from his country and his ^riend^ four teen years, daring '.yhich 
time he was present at seventeen engagements, and gained the. reputation of 
a good seaman and a brave man. 

28 



il2 THK OLIVE BRANCH. 

«' H''-at. If-ngth found means to escape; and on his relurn to the UfHted 
Slates, he immedi:ttfly shipped ou boardthe President, where he continued 
until his dfccasc — his conduct receivinsc the marked approbation of his com- 
mando;- and i\\f otiier ofFiccrsof the frigate. He was interred on Thursday 
last at <'harlcsl«»\vn — his hnicral was attended by a lieutenant, eight midship- 
men, -.til Die potty officers, and hfty seamen of the ship: and the ceremoniea 
^ere i^crtormrd by the chajjlain in a manner highly solemn and impressive." 

Fro?n the Boston Patriot, 
"My brother Jt'hn Cai\d, of Woolwich, in tlie District of Maine, was prest 
onljoardhis majesty's frijyate Ahicedonian, on the 10th of June, 1810, from 
the ship Mount Hope, of \yii,Ciis3et, and was killed on board tlie Macedoni- 
an, in the battle with the United States, Commodore Decatur. A disconso- 
• Kite wile and cWld are in mourning- and in sonow, for the loss of a husband 
and parent, on whomthev were dependent." 

JOSEPH CAND. 
"The following narrative of an impressed American, will show 
not only the disgraceful manner in which American sailorshave 
heen forcibly dragged into a foreign service, but the treatment 
tiiey receive in consequence of refusing to fight against their 
country. 

" I John Nichols, a native of Durham, state of Massachusetts, relate and 
say, tiiat I sailed from Portland in the ship Franklin, commanded by Jalnes 
JIarks, as chief mate, bound to Liveil-iool, where we arrived the seventh day 
of Febru;u-y, 1809. Tlic same day 1 was taken h\ a press gang, coming from 
my boarding bouse to the ship, and carried by tliem to the rendezvous, 
'"'eopcrs ]\ow, -.iw} detained one night. The next morning I gave the hen - 
teiumt my piotcition. and at the same time stated to them I was chief mate 
<'f the sliip, also captain Marks and Mr. Porter, supercarg-o, came and were 
refused admittance. 

" I tlicn asked the lietitenaMt for my protection; he answered, "I will 
give it to}ou with a lull to it;"' and immediately tore it up before my face, 
and sent me on board the guard .shij) Princess, where I remained one week, 
nnd\\asth( n sent roimd to Plymouth on board the Salvador guard shipi re- 
nviined tliere one month, alter which I was drafted on boai'd the Aboukii" 
^4, whore I remained three years and fourteen days. 

" ^V'hen the war broke out, I determined to give myself up a prisoner of 
^« ;.r, let the consequence be what it woidd. Consequently on the 28th. of 
ti' V^ber, I went to the cajitainand gave myself up as a prisoner of war, and 
iol"iis< (I to do ;iiiy more duty. 'I'hen he toltl mc 1 was an Englishman, and if 
1 would not do duty, he would flog me; and ordered me in irons, and kept 
me in irons 24 lioiu-s, after which I was taken to the gangway, and received 
one do/cn v.ithtbe cat on my hare back. 

" Tlie eajjtain then asked me if 1 would go to do duty. I told him no : I 

woud sooner die first. He then jjut me in irons again for 24 hours, and 

out « more brought me to the gangway, and received as before with the 

. >anie (lueftlons, and answer as preceded; and the same was repeated four da)'3 

successively, and / ivceh'cJfour duzinoii mif nuked htich. 

"Alter the fouilJi day I was a prisoner at large. The 26 day of December 
I wa« sent to juison without my clothes, they being ixfused me by the cap- 
lain alter abii.siiig mr in the most insulting niamier: and all I ever received for 
my servitude \\:is fourteen pounds. During impressment, 1 have used my 
btist endeavours to escape." JOHN NICHOLS. 

/r<V7urff«f, Jeduthan Lpion. 

From the Saiem livt-islerf Jnlu, 1813. 
'♦ Cuptam L p'.on has fnrnisht d us with a list of 128 American seamen, who 
luid been impressed on Ijoaixl Urilish ship.s of war, and delivered up as pri- 
soners of wuj-, witli the pluc«s oi" lUeir nativity, the ships tlicy were discharged 



THE OLIVE BRANCH. ai3 

from, ihe time they have sen-ed,and the number of Americans left on boanl 
t-he ditiVrenl sliips at the time of their discluirgc. Tlicsc were on board 
*ine prison shin, the Sau Antonio. Hesides these, there were on board the 
Chatham prison ship, 320 men who liave been delivered np in similar cir- 
cvimstances. Many of these poor fellows had been detained more than 15 
years, and about 40 of the 128 onboard the San Antonio belong to this 

state." 

To the editors of the J\''atio7ial Intelligencer. 

"In the month of February, 1797, I belonged tc ttie ship Fidclit}', captain 
Charles Weems, lying' in tlie harbour of St. Pierre's Martinique. About 
one o'clock Sunday morning, 1 wasaM'akened by a noise ontliedeck, and on 
going up, found tlie ship iu possession of a press gan. liia few minutes all 
hands were forced out, ami ordered into their boat, and in a heavy shower of 
rain conveyed on boartl tlie Ceres fi-igutc. We »vere ordered on the gun 
deck until day light, by which time about 80 Americans were collectcdi 

"Soon after sunrise, the ship's crew were ordered into the> cabin to be 
overhauled. Eacli was questioned as to his name, Sec. when I was called on 
for mv place of birth, and answercil, Newcastle; Deleware. The captain af. 
fected not to hear the last; but said, "aye, Newcastle; he's a collier; the ve- 
ry man. I warrant liim a sailor. Send him down to the doctor." Upon 
which a petty oiHcer, vvhom 1 recognized as one of the press gang, made 
answer, " sir, I know thi.s fellow. He is a schoolmate of mine, and iiis name 
is Kelly. He was born in BoMast. And, Tom, you know me well enough, 
O:;/' so don't sriain yankee any more." «1 thought," says the captain, « hi- 
was a countrymtnof my own; Cl/'but an Irislmiau's all one — take him away." 

" The nevt wus a Prussian, who had shijiped in Hamburgh, as a carpenter 
of the Fidehty in Septe.uber, 1796. — He affected, when questioned, not to 
understand English, but answered in Dutch. Upon which the captain 
laughed, and said, "this is no yankee. Seud liim down, and let the quarter- 
master pill him in the mess vvith the other Dutchmen; they will understand 
him, and the boatswain will learn him to talk English." lie was accordingly- 
kept. 

" I was afterwards discharged by an order from Admiral Han'ey, on the ap. 
])lieation of Mr. Craig, at that time American agent or vice-consul. I further 
observed that iTr'fuli one third of tlie crew were impressed Americans." 

JOHN DAVIS' of Abel. 

J^avy Yard, Oct. 12, 1813. 

Copij of a letter from Commodore Drcatiir to the secreiarij nftlie navy. 

U. S. shrp United States, .AVw London, March 18, 1814. 

" Sir—I have the honour to forward to you enclosed, a despatch received 
by me from captain Capel, the commanding officer of the oritish squadron 
before this port, WTitten in reply to an ap])lication of mine, for the release 
of an American seamen, detained against his will on board the frigate Sta- 
tu*a. 

"Hiram Thayer, born in the town of Greenwich, in the Common wealtli ot 
Massachusetts, was impressed into the naval servipe ot Great Eritain, in t!>c 
month of August, 1803, and detuned ever since. 

«..« About six years ago, when the Statira was put in coiunussion,, he w:.i 
transfi-rred to her; and has been constantly oi> board her to this day. 

" I am informed, and in lact it was stated'b)- captain Stackpole to lieutenant 
Hamilton, who was charged with the flag, that the late general Lyman, our 
consul at London, made application to the lords commissioners for tlie dni- 
charge of I'hayer: but they were not satisfied with tlie evidence of his nativi- 

itv 

'"John Tliayer, the father of lliram, assures me that the certificate of the 
selectmen, the town clerk, and the miuister of Greenwicli, wer6 for.varded 
some time ago to Mr. Mitchell, the resident agent for American prisoners ot 
war at Halifax; but does not know why he was not released than. 

"Thf> son has written to his father, and informed him that on representing 
hi§ case to captain Stackpole, he told him, " if they fell in with an Amencaii 



214 THE OLIVE BRANCH. 

man of war, and he did not do his duty, (rTHE SHOULD BE TIED TO. 
THli MAST, AND SHOT AT LlKK A DOG." 

" On Monday tlie 14th. Inst. John Thayer requested me to allow him a flag, 
to g'O ofi" to the enemy, and ask for the release of his son. This I granted at- 
once, and addressed a note to captain Capel, stating that I felt pers-.uided that 
the upphcation of the father, fui-nished as he was with coi. elusive evi- 
dence of the nativity and identity of the son, vvould induce an inuiicdiate or- 
der for his discharge. 

" The reply is enclosed. Tlie son descried his father at a distance in the. 
boat, and told the lieutenant of the Statira that it was his father; and I under- 
stand the feelings manifested by the old man, on receiving the hand of his 
son, proved beyond all other evidence, the pi-operty he had in him, There 
was not a doubt left on the mind of a sing'le British officer, of Hir.im Thayer's, 
being an American citizen. And yet he is detained, not as a prisoner of war, 
but COMPELLED, UNDER THE MOST CRUEL THREATS, TO SERVE 
THE ENEMIES OF HIS COUNTRY. 

" Thayer has so recommended himself by his sobriety, industry, and sea. , 
manship, as to be appointed a boatswain's mate, and is now serving in that 
capacity In the St.t'ia: and he says there is due to him from tlie British gov- 
vernment about two iumdred and fifty pounds sterhng. He has also assured 
his father tliat he has always refused to receive any bounty or advance, lest he 
miglit affbr.l some pretext for denying him his discharge whenever a proper 
application should be made fw it. I am, sir, with the highest consideration, 
your most obedient humb le senant." 

STEPHEN DECATUR. 
K.rtract from captain CapeVs letter; endused. 
On board his B. M. ship LaHog^ie, off ^V. London, Ma) ch 14, 1814. 
" Sir — I regret that it is not in my power to comply with yourrefiuest in 
ordering the son of Mr. John Thayer to be dichargod from his majesty's ship 
Statira. But I will forw.ard your application to the Connnander in chief, by 
IIm; earliest opportunity, and I have no doubt he will order his immediate dis- 
cargc." lam, &.c. 

THOMAS CAPEL, Captain, &.c. 
Extract of a letter from Commodore Decatur to the Secretary of the A'avy. 

J\''e-ii' Loiuhm, Ma'u 17//;. 1814. 
*« The enclosed. No. 2, is the copy of a note I addressed to captain Capel 
of his B M. ship l>a Hogue, on the subject of liarnard O'Brien, a native citi- 
zen of the United States. In the boat that bore tiie flag of truce to the La 
Hoguc, the fatlier of the man in question went. 

" Captain <'apelwoidd not permit him to see his son. He directed my of- 
ficer to mfonn me ihat he would answer my despatch the next day, since 
when I have not heard fc-om him." 

Letter to Captain Capel. 
" Sir — At the solicitation of Mr Barnard O'Brien, whose son is now oa 
board his Ri itannic Majesty's ship La Hogue under your command, I have 
j^antcil aHagoi truce, conducted by lieutenant Hamilton, with permission 
for Mr. O'Brien to attend it. His object is to effect tlie liberation of his son, 
a native eUizen of ihe United States. He bears with him a copy of the re- 
cord of tlie town of r.roton in the state of Connecticut, signed by the town 
<krk and select men. as also accitificate from ri number of respectable men 
jn (irolon, proving his nativity. Witli tliese documents I cannot doubt that 
he willcli'ect the purpose of his visit." 

CSi^rtu'd) STEPHEN DECATUR. 

" Sir — We the undersigned t.ike the liberty to solicit your assistance in 
behaff of .Mr. Bernard O'liricn, in obtaining his son's relea.'ie from the British 
ship 1^ Hogue, off New London 

" We :ire well ac(|uaiutcd with the young man, and know him to be an 
American born citizen. 1 lis letter to his father, dated on board the 1 ,:• Hogue, 
the J4lh. of March, is sulheient proofof liis being on board (which letter will 
lie shewn you) If you C'ttjx give uny assi^i -Ance in obtaining Lis r*i*:asc, eithei' 



THE OLIVE 15UANCir. 215 

by letting Mr. O'Brien go to the ship by a flag of truce, or ui any other 
way, will he considered a. particular t.ivoiir conferred on sir, your most obe- 
dient servants." 

Gerard Galley, Geo. A. Sullcman, 

Nath. Kimbidl, Ro. S. Avery, 

Jos. Tiittle, Erastus T. Smith. 

P. S. The young man's name is Barnard O'Brien, son of Barnard O'Brien, 
and his wife Elisabeth O'Rrien. He was born in the town of Groton, Jauu- 
Wy 29t]l 1785. Extract from the records of the imon of Groiaii. 

A true copy, certified per Jhnos Jl. A'iles, toton Clerk. 
" I certify that Amos A. Niks is town clerk for liroton, and that I believe 
the above certificate to be a true and correct record of Barnard O'Brien's 
birth. I do also ceitify that I have known the said Barnard O'Brien from hi^ 
'outh, 
j>ivid Groton, April 7tli, 1814 

NOVES BAIIBER, Selectmanfor Grotmu 



CHAPTER XXXVm. 

Subject of Impressment concluded. 

I HAVE now, as nearly in chronological order as possible, 
brought this odious, this detestable subject, to the last act of 
the drama. 

.'^oine of the actors, who stood on high ground in the opening 
«f the piece sink far below par in this act. They stand in con- 
spicuous stations, and possess great iniiueuce on our destinies and 
those of our posterity. 1 regard it therefore as an imperious du- 
ty to canvass their conduct fully and completely, and to cite them 
to the bar of the public, which I thus do in the most solemn man- 
Be r. 

Two of tlie gentlemen to whom I refer, are Timotliy Pickering 
and Rufus King, Esqrs. whose opinions and conduct on this im- 
portant topic, have been, at difterent periods, in as direct hostil- 
ity to each other, as day and night — -truth and faJsehood. 

The reader has seen how laudably, how zealously, how patrioti- 
cally both these gentlemen, on the subject of impressment, for- 
merly contended for and defended the rights of their country — 
as well as opposed and stiuggled against the exorbitant and in- 
admissible clauns of England. 

They were lately united with the Otises, the Blakes, the Han- 
sons, and the Websters, \\ho appeared determined to ''put uown" 
yes, reader, "put down" is the word — it is strong, significant, and 
unequivocal — I say, ^'^ to put down the administration^^ for strenu- 
ously insisting on tliose rights, — for attempting to shield the sea- 
man from the iron grasp of his enslaver. 

Tins is a clear case. I state it in brief Either Messrs. Pick- 
ering, and King were extravagant in their demands formerly, and 
endangered the peace oftheii- country by preferring exorbitant 



216 THE OLIVE ERANCli. 

and unjust claims on a nation, *' </ic bulwark of our ho' 1/ red- 
giouj'^ — ^^ struggling fur her salvation'^ — ^ml fighting the battles 
of Christendom against Antichrist and his hosf^^m they were 
faithless to that country of lute, and were using their best endea- 
vours, for factious purposes, to defeat her in the effort to procure 
simple justice. There is no other alternative. Let them choose 
for themselves. Let the public ratify or reject the choice. I 
merely state the case. 



Never was there a more striking a revolting instance of 
the deleterious spirit of faction and of its power to deaden all 
the finer and more honourable feelings of human nature, than 
this question exhibits. It is disgraceful and humiliating to the 
huipan species. High minded American merchants, possessed of 
immense fortunes— enjoying in profusion all the luxuries and de- 
licacies this world affords— and owing all these manifold bless- 
ings to the labours, the skill, and the industry of our sailors— 
but ungratefully regardless of the agents by whom they procure 
them, and blinded by party spirit, regard with calm and stone - 
hearted apathy ths miseries of impressiucnt. They are not mere- 
ly inilifferent to the sufferings oftlie unfortunate seamen, " p2(r- 
lained by men- stealers,''' from all their humble blessings, and 
dragging out a miserable existence in slavery of the most galling 
kind, with a rope's end ready to punish them for murmuring out 
their sorrows. No. They are not, I repeat, merely indifferent. 
They throw themselves into the scale of their enemies. They de- 
ride the idea of struggling for the security of a few sailors, whom, 
in the face of heaven and earth, they falsely call vagabonds from 
England, Ireland, and Scotland, whom our government is wicked- 
ly protecting at the hazard of the ruin of their country! Almigh- 
ty father! To what an ebb is man capable of descending: Let us 
suppose lor a moment that the illustrious Hull, Jones. Perry, Por- 
ter, Decatur, M'Donough, or any other of that constellation of 
heroes, who have bound their country's brcnvs with r. wreath of im 
perishable glory, had been pressed by a Cockburn,' their proud 
spirits subjected to his tender mercies, and crushed by the gall- 
ing chain and the rope's end! What a scene for a ])ainf:cr — what 
a subject for contemplation — what a never-dying disgrace to 
those whose counsels would persuade the nation to submit to suc't? 
decradationi 



"©• 



There is one strong and striking point of viciv in which tht.| 
subject of impre!<sment maji be considered, snd which reallyf 
renders the tame acquiescence in it, which is now contendedj 
for, pregnant with awful results. ^CT' England has impressedik 
from our ships, Danes, Swedes, and Italians ■, as well as nativel 
dmericans. WE HAVE SUBMITTED TO IT. fCT AnM 



TflE OLIVE BRANCH. Sir 

Jf,\ Pickering, J/r. AV/ii;-, Governor Slrons^, U. G. Otis, ^c. 
plead in favour of submission. If this be just, what right, I tle- 
'.niin(l,have we to prevent all belligeieatb whatever, and at all 
.imes, from copying the example? Suppose France, Spain, and 
Italy, at war. Are not tlie cruisers of each nation justified in 
searching our vessels for tiic subjects of the powers to which thev 
respectively belong, and as fully entitled to endave the Danes* 
I'ortiignesef Swedes, and Em^iishnien on boards ^CJ^as the Bri' 
1 1sh cruisers are to enala ve Frenchmen, Spaniards, Danes, and For- 
iu^;uese';^ This is a liorrible view of the subject, and curdles the 
blood in my veins. There is no calculating the extent or the 
iMiormity of the evil. 

I must resume this topic. It. is too important to be dismissed 
HI a single paragraph. It deserves volumes. Would to Heaven 
in abler pen were engaged in the discussion. 

That British cruisers have been in the constant habit of impress- 
ing, without any scruple, and that they regard it as. tlieir right 
to impress, Danes, Portuguese, Frenchmen, Italians, and all other 
foreigners found on board our vessels, is true, w Timothy Pick- 
ering, Rufus King, and Judge Marshall, have disgraced and dis- 
i honoured themselves by asserting most awful falsehoods. To 
their evidence on the subject, which is detailed above, I refer the 
'eader. 

If Great Britain has a right to impress Frenchmen, or Span- 
> lards, or Dutchmen, on board our vessels, France, Spain, and 
Holland, have an equal right to impress EngUshmea. Nothing 
m be more clear. Let us proceed. 

The British captains assert that they find it difficult or impos- 

-ible to discriminate »betv/een Englishmen and Americans. It 

uist be far more difficult for French captains. And they will 

v-e still more excusable for any mistakes— -mid for enslaving Ame- 

" icans instead of Englishmen. What a frightful fate has faction 

•repared for our ill-starred sea -faring citizens! 

I have stated that Messrs. Pickering, King, Strong, ^*c. « con" 
^^ tend for submission to impressment." This requires explanation. 
' They do not, it is true, iu words, contend for impressment. But 
this was the inevitable result of their late course of proceedings; 
for as I have already stated, and beg to repeat, they laboured 
n\ost indefatigably to destroy the present administration, princi- 
pally for the stand made to put an end to impressment; and the 
consequence of the violent opposition made to the government on 
the subject has been to oblige it to postpone the discussion of that 
.mportant question. 

A committee of the legislature of Massachusetts was appointed, 
at a late session, to enquire into the affair of impressment. The 



«I8 THE OLIVE BRANCH. 

object of tiie appointment Avas to damn the character of the admhi-^ 
istiation, by diminishinjj the enormity of this high-handed 
oB'ence, against which the Levitical law pronounced sentence ot 
dcatli: — 

" He that stealcth a man — and selleth him — o^ifhe be found 
in his hand, he shall be put to death." 

It is painful to state — but it is my duty to state to the •\vorh} 
that this committee by no means did justice to the subject. They 
acted witli most palpable partiality. They reported — wonderful 
to tell — impossible to believe — that at the commencement of tjie 
var, the number of impressed Americans belonging to the great 
commercial state of Massachusetts, on board British vessels of 
war, was " ojilj/ eleven I .'.""* — Yes — reader; — it is really eleven 
I have read it six times over, to convince mj self that I was not 
mistaken. But it is absolutely true, that a committee of the le- 
gislature of Massachusetts did report to that body, that at the 
commencement of the war. THERE WERE BUT '« ELE\'EN" 
IMPRESSED MAS^-VCHUSETTS 8AIL0RS on board the 
vessels of his Britannic majesty. 

Now, reader, let me rcMiuestyou to consult the preceding do- 
cuments carefully—and observe 

1. That there were ten Americans on board the Guerriere, at 
the time of her engagement witli the Con^titution. This is es- 
tablished by the log book of oe of her officers.! 

2. That tliere were thirteen An^ericans on board the Java,| 
when she was captured by Bainbridge.lj 

3. That there were on board the Moselle and Sappho, as ap- 
pears by the muster-books of those vessels, at least thirty five im- 
pressed Americans. § 

4. That tliese plain facts stand on such ground as neither Tim- 
plhy Pickering, Rufiis King, governor Strong, George Cabot, 
Harrison Grav Otis, Daniel Webster, or A. C. Hanson will dare 
to dispute. 1 hereby publicly clinllenge them to a denial. 

5. 'i iiat 1 have thus clearly arnl indisputably established, 
tliatonbcaid of four vessels there were 10, and ]3, and 35 



* Road lo Ruin, No. IV. f See page 211. i See lieutenant IlofTman's oartiu 
ticate, piiije 210. 

I It would be unfair and uncandid not to state, that Commodore Bainbndge 
deposed onthe20tli. of Fcbmarv, 1813, before a committ(.e ot'the House of 
Kcprcscntativts of the stau- of Massachusetts, that there was but one imjiress- 
fd American on board the Java, when he captured her. This statement he 
qualified in a sul)scquent communication, and, as f;u- as I understand the lat- 
ter, admits tlmt then- were two ntore. But if We wholly omit t)ie Java, in 
<-onHO(iM('nc(; f)f the stupendous contradiction between the certificate of lieut. 
Vrn Hofliiian and the deposition of (,'onnnodorc Bainhiidge; it will not ma- 
terial]) afl'ecttlie above calculation, 'lliere will remain about 45 impressed 
American seamen on board three British men of war. 

§ See Commodore Porter's letter, page 210. 



THE OLIVE BRANCH. 219 

American slaves, being — ax average of fourteen to each. 

6. That there are about 500 liiitish vessels constantly in 
oummission. 

7. Tliat an average of fourteen amounts to 7000 on board 
the British fleet. 

8 That this statement corresponds pretty exactly with the 
records of the secretary of state's olUce. 

And then, reader, decide what judgment must be passed on 
the coiiunittee when they gravely state that there v^ere on 
board the British vessels of war only eleven natives of Massa- 
chusetts .' ! ! it makes me sick to reflect on such obliquity 
of mind, ;iud sucli monstrous perversion of fact. 

It is, however, true that this committee, though the world 
is grossly deceived by the form of expression in the report, 
have a salvo to prevent establishing against them the charge 
of falsehood. They state that these are results " as far as 
their enquiries went.' But this saving clause escapes the 
mass of readers They fasten en the strong allegation, that 
*' the administration went to war for impressed seamen; and 
that there v/ere only elfven natives r>f Massachusetts impress- 
ed." All the rest escape notice. 

" *is far as their enquiries ivent'' is a very equivocal ex- 
pression. They may have sto})ped at the threshold — or they 
may have srone half way — or they may have gone through the 
bnsine-<s completely. That their enquiries did not go very 
far is however pretty certain. 

" The words " American slaves,^^ will startle some delicate 
ears. This strong expression is nevertheless cori'ect.* 
When an Algerine corsair attacks one of our vessels, and 
seizes it and the crew, — the latter are justli/ regarded as 
slaves. — Yet their case is far better than that of the Jlmeri- 
cans impressed hy British cruisers. The Algerine slaves work 
for task masters, ^o do the British slaves. The Algerine 
slaves are flogo;ed if they refuse " to do their duty. ' So are 
the British. I he Algerine slaves have but poor fare. So 
have the British. Thus far they are on a parallel. But 
here the parallel ceases. — The Algerine slave is never forced 
to jeopardize his life in battle — he is never forced to point 
a gun that may slaughter his countrymen. But this the 
British slave must do, or *' be tied to the masv and SHOT 
AT LIK.E A DOG ! ! ! " f Is he not then the most misera- 
ble of slaves ? 



* The idea which is dilated on in this parasfraph must have been suggested 
uy a perusal of the Weekly Uegistev, Vol. 111. page 349. Ot tliis I was not 
aware when 1 wrote it- I have reoentljc made the discovery in the esami- 
nation of tliat in invaluable work. 



I 



j- See Commodore Decatur's letter, page 21." 

29 



2^0 THE OLIVE BRANCH. 

When the preceding chaj)ter was written, I had not seen 
the report of the Committee of the House of Representatives 
of Massachusettis, to wliich I have referred. I own a set of 
the Examiner published by Barent Gardenier, of New-York, 
containins; tlie Road to Ruin, ascribed to Jno. Lowell, which 
quotes this report, and from which alone I knew of its con- 
tents, or even of its existence—- 1 subjoin Mr. Lowell's quo- 
tations — 

" I find from indisputable documents furnished by the 
Rev. Mr, Ta^sart, member of Congress from this state, that 
the whole number of American seamen said to be detained at 
the besjinning ot the war, on board British vessels, did not 
exceed three hundred. 

'• I find by the investigation of a Committee of our own 
Hous^i of Representatives, that the number belonging to this 
state, so detained, did not exceed, so far as their enquiries 
went, eleven vien.'^* 

On the 4th, inst.[July 1815,] I received the Report itself 
from Boston: and I should ill deserve the confidence that has 
been reposed in my work, did I not avail myself ot the op- 
])ortunity thus alfordod me to lay an abstract of some of its 
documents before the reader 

Extract from the deposition of John Eldridge. 

" 1 reside in Tarmouth in the county of Barnstable. I have been the mas- 
ter ofa vcsstlaboiit seventeen years, within the last twenty -four years; and 
have had on board my vessels from seven to sixteen men; on an average 
about eiolit or nine. About the year 1803, while I was Iving at Trinidad, in 
the sloop Stork, one of my men^ while on shore, had quitted his boat, and 
was taken up by the press-gang. His name was William Boyiiton, and he 
was, tLS he told me, an American. The next day I was informed bytheoffi- 
rVr of the press-gang, that the man was taken, and immediately upon my ap- 
plication on bward the ship whtsce he was.; placed, he was returned to me, with 
some mone}' he had about him. lie had left his protection on boai'd the ves- 
sel at tlie time when he w:is taken. 

" In IfcJlO, while I was at Martinique, a Portuguese boy named Joseph Fri- 
ay, belonging to my vessel, was nupressed from the vessel; he was detained 
Iwodays, but u])On my application he was discharged; he had no protection, 
nor any indcnun-c of apprenticeship; he was a servant to my mate. 

Extract from the deposition of William Parsons. 
" 1 reside in lioston, and iiave been engaged in commerce and navigation 
;ihout thirty years. 1 liave employed in my vessels, annually, upon an average, 
ateout fifty seamen, until the time of the embargo. I have no recollection of 
anv of my se:uiien being impressed for tlie last twenty years, except in one 
instance." ' 

Extract from the deposition of Caleb Jyoring. 
" T reside in IJoslon. Ihave been engaged in conmierce and navigation 
between cigbuen and nineteen years, i have employed upon an avei-age an- 
nually, about forty seauiu» in i'oreig!» trade. 

* Road to lluin, No. 4. froi»thc Boston CcntineL— See Examiner, voH> 
p. 107. 



IHE OLIVE BRANCH. 221 

'i ^-f collect at present, hut one instance of any of myseunun being' ini 
351-essed by the British; in July ;8U9, two seamen, belons^-ing to the shii) 
Hugh Johnson, while she was' lying- ut Palermo, were taken |roni her by .1 
British man-of-war; I do not know their names — one of th6se ineu^was an 
Englishman, the otlier was an American." 

£.x-tract from the. deposition of ^Ljhcs Tinvnueiul Esq. 
" I Moses Townsend, of Salem, in the county of Essex, Esquire, do dejiose 
and say — that I have been engaged in commerce anil navigation for about 
thirty years, and was master of a ship about twenty years. I have usually li:id 
crews of ten and twelve men, upon an average. I never had any men im- 
pressed from an\ of the vessels under my command, except once while I was 
at IJristol, in England. On th:it occasion, I had tliree or four men impres- 
sed, belonging to the ship Lighthorse, under my command; they were taken 
in tlie evening, and upon my application through the Amtrican con.sul, tliey 
were released tiie ne.\t day." 

Extract from tlie deposition of Joaeph JShidge 
" I Joseph Mudge, of Lynn, in t!ie county of Essex mariner, do depose, 
and say — that I have followed the occupation of a mariner for aiiout twenty 
J ears, and have been master of a vessel from the first of Janviary 1800 (ex- 
cept about four months of the year 1812, while I was mate of a vessel, in or- 
der to get a passage to the United States from abroad.) 

"I have had seamen frequcntlj' taken from me by British cruizers; bn^ 
never had any man that I knew to be an Americtm, taken from me, that wa^ 
not released upon my application." 

Extract from the deposition of Jlndreio Harraden. 
" I Andrew Harraden, of Salem, in the covmty of Essex, mariner, depose 
and say, that I have followed the occupation of a mariner abqut thirty-two 
j^eai-s, of which 1 have been master of a vessel from the year 1791 to tliis 
time, excepting two voyages performed during that period. I tiave never 
had any seamen impressed from my vessels except in one instance. In the 
year 1802, while at Cape Francois, in the month of August, a man by the 
name of George Handall, of Boston, was taken from my ^'esse^ by a French 
pressmaster and his gang, and carried on board a French frigate lying at that 
port. Oii application to tlie commandant of the port he was released the next 
xnorning. None^^of my men were ever taken or detained by the English." 

Extract from the deposition of Josiah Orn.e. 

" I Josiah Orne, of Salem, in the county of Essex, mai-iner, depose and say — 
diatl have been master of a vessel about twenty-seven years. 

"I never had any impressed from the vessels under my command by the 
'British except in one instance — ^that was in 1801." 

Extract from JWithiuiiel H')nper^s deposition. 
"I Xathaniel Hooper, of Marblehead, merchant, do depose and say — ^th^t 
1 have been engaged in commerce and navigation witli my father iud broth- 
ers for about nineteen years past; and for about seven years pi'evious to the 
embargo, we employed usually upon an average about fifty seamen in our 
vessels. We have never had any men impressed from any of our vessels, 
that we know of 

FiX tract from Benjamin T. Heed's deposition. 
" 1 Benjamin T. Heed, of Marblehead, in the county of Esse\, merchant 
depose and say — that I have, with my brother, been engaged in trade and 
navigation for about eighteen years past. Before the emlmrgo, we usually 
employed two vessels annually, the crews ofv/hicli woidd be from tAvelveto 
fifteen men — we never had any men impressed from our vessels previous ta 
the embargo, to my recollection." 



a22 THE OLIVE BRANCH. 

There are various other depositions annexed to the Report, tiie 
tenor and tendency whereof are generally of a similar character 
to the above. 

The contradiction and inconsistency between these documents, 
and those I have produced in the preceding chapters, are so strong, 
so striking, and so utterly unaccountable, as to make us stand 
aghast with astonishment. To reconcile tiiem in any shape or 
niode is totally impossible. Were we to place full and implicit 
reliance upon the depositions just quoted, it would almost ap- 
pear that impressment had been a matter of little or no conse- 
quence, and that it had been most extravagantly exaggerated, to 
delude and deceive the public mind. But then what becomes of 
the strong and precise statements of Silas Talbot,* of Ruftis 
King.f of Timothy Pickering,^ of Jud^e Marshal,§ of commo- 
dore RodgerS;*!! &c. witnesses who cannot possibly be suspected 
of anti-Anglican partialities, views, or prejudices ? 

If the prevailing opinions of the great extent of impressment 
be unfounded, and if deception or delusion has been attempted^ 
these gentlemen must have concurred in it, as well as their po- 
litical antau:onists; for their testimony is among the most conclu- 
sive that has been produced on the subject. 

The statement of commodore Rodgers, respecting the muster 
books of the Moselle and Sappho, is the most recent document 
on the subject, and is beyond the reach of suspicion. 

To the reader I unhesitatingly submit the subject. Let him, 
vhetlier Federalist or Democrat, honestly raise the scales of truth 
and justice — Let him impartially weigh tlie evidence on both 
sides, and let him decide according to the credibility of these war- 
ring anrl irrecoiicilable documents. 

In addition to the information contained in the preceding pa- 
ges, I have now belore me a most powerful document on the sub- 
ject of impressment. It is 

" A statement of applications made to tlie British government on 1538 cases 
of inipressed seamen, claiminj:^ to be citizens of the United States, from the 
eleventh of March 18Uj. till the thirty-first of Angus* 1804, by C^orge Er-. 
vinjj, agent of the United States for the reUef and protection uithei^eamen.*' 

I subjoin an abstract: 

Number of apjjlirrjtions, . . _ „ 1538 

O' wTuh ar'» dii-'irates of former ones, - - 306 
Original applic!! »ns, - . . - , . 1232 

Relused to bedi cltHtged. having no document;?. - 388 

Ordered to be tlischa'tje I, ...... 437 

Said n'jttobc on board the ship specified, - - 105 

' Sec page 197. jSce page 196. i Sec page 194. § See page ?00 5 S<?e 
piij^'c 210. 



THE OLIVE BRANCH. y^jy 

llefused to be discharged, said to have taken the boun- 
ty, and entered, ----- . ijo 
Refused to be discharged, said to be married in Eng- 
land, - 17 

Said to have deserted, - - - - - I3 

Said to bedrownded, or died, - - - . 2 

Ships, on board ot which stated not in commission, 3 

Retused to be discharged, said to be British subjects, 4y 

Refused to be discharged, said to be prisoners of war 3 

Do not appear to have beeji impressed, - - 5 

On board ships stated to be on a foreign station. 2'2 

Ships lost, on board of whicli were stated to be - 6 

liefused to be discharged, documents being insufficient, viz. 

1. Protections from consuls and vice-consuls, - 88 

2. Notarial affidavits made in the United States, - 15 

3. Notarial affidavits made in Enjjland, . - 07 

4. Collectors protections, - - - - . 41 

5. Discharges granted from king's ships, they beinn- 
American citizens, ----- _^ 4 

6 Of diflerent descriptions, and which were kept by 

the impress officers, - - - - . - 35 

r. Applications yet unanswered, - .. - _ j5g 



153a 



This abstract deserves to be read and examined over and 
over. Every line of it claims the deepest and most serious 
consideration. It appears that in less than eighteen months, 
J:welve hundred and thirty-two persons were impressed out 
of American vessels, exclusive of the very great number 
who, we may reasonably conclude, had no means of convey- 
ing their applications for redress to the proper oro-an. An 
entire volume might be written as commentary on ^Iiis me- 
morial of Britisli outrage and injustice, and of American 
disgrace and dishonour! 

Tiie fir.,t item is hideous: three hundred and eighty.thref 
impressed Americans are doomed to remediless slavery, be- 
cause they were not branied with the mark U. S. or pro- 
vided witii a badge, a pass, a licence, or certificate ! Sup- 
pose connnodore Perry, or commodore Macdonough, or com- 
modore Porter, had impressed three hundred'' and ei"-hty 
three men frou\ on board of British vessels, under pretence 
of their being Americans — (and has the Almightv given any 
i-ight to a ]iritish couunotli)re or admiral beyond what he 
has vested in an American commodore or admiral.?) and 
suppose Mr. Merry, Mr. Liston, Francis James Jackson, Mr, 
Rose, or Mr. Foster, had demanded them — and that our se- 



■224 THE OLIVE BKAM U. 

cretary of state had peremptorily refused to surrender them, (jt 
cause they had not the regular brand of G. R. or a proper cer- 
tificate, or protection, would Great Britain have submitted to the 
slow process of further demanding and waiting for redress ? In- 
dubitably not. 

One hundred and five were doomed to slavery, by a removal 
from the vessels in which they were impressed, to others. An 
easy and summary process, by which the doors of redress are eter- 
nally barred with adamantine fastenings. 

One hundred and twenty of these sufferers are withheld be- 
cause they had taken tlie bounty, or voluntarily entered! In form- 
ing an estimate of the justice of this plea, we must not lose sight 
of the subsequent cruel tragedy acted by order of commodore 
Berkley, onboard the Chesapeake, in order to seize men who had 
voluntarily entered on board that ve- sel. If this h not— give no 
vif;lit-^t(tlce no wrong — 1 canjiot divine what tleservch the title. 

lam tired of this vile, this odious, this detectable subject. It 
excites to loathing and abhorrence. I must draw to a close. But 
there is one more point that I niusttoucli upon — and that is, that 
of the whole number of twelve hundred and thirty-two, there are 
only forty-nine asserted to be British subjects! The American, 
who, after these statements, can advocate the atrocious practice 
of impressment, must be utterly lost to a sense of justice lor his 
countrymen, or regard to the national rights or national honour. 



CHAPTER XXIX. 

Jin apology for an egregious error committed bij the itriter, on the 
subject of preparation for icar. The whole, scission one contin- 
ued series of preparations. Nineteen acts bearing strong notes 
of martial arrangement. 



JL DKKM it indispensably neccssar}' to correct a most egre- 
gious error into which I was betraved by the haste in which my 
first edition was compiled and written* I therein enumerated, 
among the errors of Mr. Madison's administration, the neglect 
to niak ' lUw preparation for the war, "previous to the commence- 
ment of hostilities." I deeply regret to have cast such a super 
ficial glance at the subject: to have allowed myself to be so 
grossly deceived: and to have contributed to lead my reader as- 
tray. There were ample preparutioiis made, as may be seen by 
the following list of acts passed during the session of congress, 
towards the dose of which war was declared. 



IHE OLIVF: li RANCH. 2*W 

Previous to the declaration of ivar. 

1. An act for compleiing the existing military establishment. 
December '24, 1811. ,' . 

2. An act to raise an additionat military force. This act pro- 
vided for raising ten i-egiiueiits of infantry, two regiments of ar- 
tillery, and one regiment of light dragoons, to be enlisted for five 
years, unless sooner discharged. The infantry amounted to a- 
bout 20,000 men— the artillery to 4000 — and tl:e cavalry to 1000. 
Jan. 1.1, 1812. 

3. An act authorizing the purchase of ordnance and ordnance 
stores, camp equipage, and ot.lier quarter-master's stores and 
Small arms. Jan. 14, 1812. 

4. An act authorizing the president of the United States to 
accept and authorize certain volunteer military corps, not to ex- 
ceed 50,000 men. , For this purpose there was an appropriation 
of 1,000,000 dollars. Feb. 6,1812. 

5. An act appropriating 108,772 dollars for tlie expenses inci- 
dent to six companies of mounted rangers. Feb 20, 1812. 

6. An act making appropriations for the support of the mili- 
Siry establishment of the United States for 1812, viz. 

For the pay of the army - - - - . 8^9,968 

Forage - 104,624 

Subsistence 685.000 

Clothing - _ 293,804 

Bounties and premiums - - - - - 70,000 

Medical department 50,000 

Ordnance and ordnance stores - - - 1,135,000 

Fortifications - - 296,049 

For the quarter-master's department - - - 735,009 

For purchase of horses - - - - - 150,000 

Contingencies 50,000 

Indian department -----. 164,500 

Militia of Louisiana, &c. _ . , . . 32,000 



Passed Feb. 21, 1812. 84,635,945 

7. An act making appropriations for the support of an addi- 
tional military force : 

For pay - - . - - ^ - ^ - 1,406,857 

Forage I54,4A5 

Subi^istence - - 1,074,097 

Clothing f. 863,244 

Bounties and premiums 442,260 

Horses for dragoons - 282,000 

Quarter-master's department, -. - - . 408,760 

Medical department 125,000 

Contingencies -..-,. 355,911 



Passed Feb. 12, 1812, 5S5'112'564. 



22(5 THE DLIVE BRANCH. 

8. An act making appropriations for the support of the navy 
of the United States, for 1812. 

Pay and sabsistence 81,123,341 

Provisions ...-..- 559,757 

Medicines - - - 40,000 

Repairs of vessels 315,000 

Freight, store rent, &c. .... - 11.: ,000 

Nsvy yards. &c. .--.-- 60,000 

Ordnance and ordnance stores - . . . 280,000 

Saltpetre, sulpliur, &c. - - - . . 180,000 

Pa^ and subsistence of marine corps ~ - _ 154,346 

Clotl'ing for marine corps - - - - 49,281 

Military stores for do - - - - - 1,777 

Medicines. &c. .--_.. 3,501 

Quarter-master's stores 20,000 

Passed Feb. 24, 1 8 ] 2* S 2,902.002. 

9. An act making a further appropriation for the defence of 
our maritime frontier. This act appropriated for the purpose, 
S 500,000. Passed March 10, 1812. 

10. An act for a loan of S 11,000,000 for defraying the above 
expenses. Passed March 14, 1812. 

11. An act concerning the naval establishment, for repairing 
the frigates Constellation, Chesapeake, and Adams. For this 
purpose there vas ap;ropriated SSOO.OOO. 

By this act there was an appropriatirn ma*le of S 200,000 an- 
nually, for three years, for the purchase of a stock '^f timber for 
ship-building. The ifirst ap; ropriatMvn v rs for rehuiid-ng the 
frigates Philadelphia, general Greene, New-York, and Boston. 
Passed March 50, 1812. 

12. An act in addition to the act to raise an additional milita- 
ryforce. Passed April 1,1812. 

^ 13. An act to authorize a detachment from the militia of the 
Unitjd States, to the arount of 100.000 men. This act con- 
tained a clause appropriating one million of dollar? towards de- 
fraying the expenses to accrue under it. Passed April lO, 1312. 

14. An act for the organization of a corps of artificers. Pass- 
ed April 23, 1812. 

15. An act for the better regulation of the ordnance. Passed 
May 14,1812. 

Subsequent to the declaration of war. 

16. An act for the more perfect organization of the army of 
'he United States. Passed .lune 26, 1812. 

17. An act making a further appropriation for the defence of 
the m.-iritune frontier, and for the support of the army of the 
United States. Passed July 5, 1812. 



THE OLIVE BUANCIL 227 

18. An act makiug additional appropriations for the inilitarv 
establishment, and lor the Indian ilepaitraent. Passed July 6, 
1812. ■ ^ 

19. An act making further provision for the army of the United 
States. Passed July 6, 1815. 

It therefore appears, that nearly the wliole session was spent 
in making preparations for hostility — for oilensive and defensive 
■operations. 1 shall not easily forgive myself the very extraor- 
dinary error, of W/iicii 1 have acknowledged mys^df guilty on this' 
subject. I shall regard it as a monition as long as i live, against 
precipitate decision. And may I take the liberty of hinting to 
the readei", whoever he be, that he may perhaps derive a useful 
lesson from the fact? If, with the attention 1 have been in the 
habit of paying to public affairs — reading tsvo or tin-cc newspapers 
every ('ay — aad perfectly convinced of the justice of .the war — I 
have nevertiieless fal'en into such a palpable, such a monstrous 
error, on so plain a point — if I have brought so unjust an accusa- 
tion against the congress who declared war — hov/ dillicult must it 
be for persons reinote from opportunities of judging correctly, and. 
liable to be misled by interested or factious men, to form accurate 
opinions.^ 

A further and most convincing proof of the magnitude ot the 
error which I committed, i,-, t« be found in the circumstance that 
on the 12th of July, 1812, only twenty four days after the declara- 
tion of war, gefteral Hull, at the liead of two thousand five hundred 
men, well appointed, had penetrated into Canada: and, had the 
same talent and bravery that displayed themselves at York- 
town, Chippewa, Bridgewater, the Sai-enac, New-Orleans, 
and ofher places, presided over its movements, there is no doubt 
that in the first campaign, the whole of Upper Canada, and per- 
?iaps Lower Canada too, with the exception of Quebec, might iiave 
been subdued. This army had 3750 muskets, 36 pieces of camion, 
1080 rounds of fixed ammunition for the cannon, 20U tons of 
cannon ball, 150 tons of lead, 75,000 musket cartridges made up. 
&c. &c. &c.* 

Let it be borne in mind, that among the heinous charges on the 
subject of the war, av;:iinstthe administration, the want of due 
* preparation has been^he most prominent. We here see how ut- 
^-edy fallaciews and unfounded is the allegation. 



See Weekly Register, vol, 3,pag-c Q"). 



r,o 



258 THE dLIVE BRANCH, 

CHAPTER XL 

Jieproaches of the minority ao-ainst the imhicelity of the majmniij. 
Pernicious consequences of newspaper misrepresentations. Bri^ 
tish deceived by their friends. 

W HILF the serious perparations detailed in the preceed • 
in£^ chapter were going forward, the federal printers throughout 
the union m ere pretty generally and zealously employed in ridicu- 
ling the idea of war — persuading the public that all. these measures 
were illusory and intended to intimidate the British ministry — 
and that our government possessed neither the courage nor' 
the means to venture on hostility. 

I have already quoted the notorious declaration made by several 
members of congress, particularly Mr. Josiah Quincy, that " the 
majority could not be kicked info war^ 

This course of proceeding is not easily accounted for. It must 
have had some motive. And it requires an extraordinary degree 
of charity to ascribe it to a motive either laudable or patriotic. 

Suppose, for a moment, that our rulers did not really mean 

var that they were actually destitute ot the means of carrying 

it on— that they were " too- cowardly to be kicked into it" — was 
it wise, was it prudent, was it honourable, was it politic, to blazon 
our deficiencies to the world; to assure England that she might 
safely, and with impunity, continue the perpatiation of her outra- 
ges on auunoft'ending neutral, because that neutral could not be 
kicked into war to resist these ontragrs? Surely nq^. 

In pursuance of the plan I have followed throughout this 
work, of establishing all points of importance by indisputable evi- 
dence, I subjoin a few of the paragraphs to which I refer. They 
•vill satisfy even the most incredulous reader. 



Smoke / Smoke J 

'« Our correspondent suggests, tliat in the event of certain measures al- 
ready taken by the executive fliiling', then to augment the force by new le- 
x-ifs — or by forming ten corps of 120G men each, to be selected from the 
militia of a certain age of the several states, who may volunteer for such 
corps during the war. It is to us umost astonisliing and inconceivable thing, 
that on reading' the above, any man should l)e alarmed, and think our gov- 
ernment are about to take (lecinive .itepx. AVill our administration never be 
understood^ Shall we forever be the dupes of a contemi)tiblc farce, which 
lias been exhibiting for year», tomake jjcopfc wojickr and stai'e. My life on 
it, our executive have no nun-e idea of dechu'ing- war than my gi'andniother." 
Boston Repertory, Jan. 9, 1812. 

" Oiir Cvcrnment loiil n-^tinnk-e~mr on Great Ptvitniir, but will keep Uj) a 
constant irritation on some pretence or otlicr, for the sake of maintaining 
their influence as a party. The more the public suffer, tlie more irritable 
they will be: and government will tru.st to their ad(h*ess to direct that irrita- 
bility against Great Britain." Boston Kepcrtory, April 17, 1810. 



THE OLIVE BRANCH. 229 

' The 25,000 men bill p;issecl congress— and in this city [ New- York] 
^e sensation produced by it was not half cquul to tliat vvliich was caused 
by tlie [governor's notice of banks. Mr Gallatin recommended a w hiskey 
Tax, &c. "^ and every body laughed to think what a queer tiling it was for 
.a man, who had fi}>ured "soraucli in the whiskey insurrection, to be the au- 
thor of such a mcasire. The Kew-York Gazette, liowevcr, still g-raced it;^ 
columns, and wo too sometimes with " for Liverpool — for — London," &c. 
&c. The committee of ways and means at last come out with their 
pandora's box of t;ixes. Yet no body dreams of war. T|io niLichanics, 
the banks, nay, the iijsurance offices goon as usual. Last of all 11,000,000 
of dollars — Still no alteration of the public pulse^no concern by friend 
jor foe of administration. All is well! In the name of wonder, how or why 
i.s all this ! l-Lxijosed as the city of iVew-York is, why this security, this 
apathy? Ai-e all tiie proceeding's of government a farce, and that so palpa» 
ble a one as to be understood by the most stupid? Or what itj the reason 
th.it not the slightest anxiety is felt by ourselves ? If government is in 
earnest, why have they not, w by do they not proceed uiore rapidly? Why 
is our shipping permitted to lun into certain capture? Either ihe govern- 
ment is most false and liypooritic;?.!, or Ike people out of their senses ?" 
New- York Evening I'ost," Feb. 1812. 

" When I see such a palpable failure in all the means, natural and ne- 
cessan , for carrying, on the war' -when I see the exposure of your sea 
board— when I see the actual mihtary force, instead of being increased in 
efficiency, in fact reducing, neither promises, 7wr usscvsrations, rwr oaths, 
Khali mahe. me believe tha.t yon -will g-o to war at the end of ninety days. Opposnii 
vatura. Nature has decided against you. Instead of that feast of war, 
to which we were invited, at the beginning of the session, we have 
served up to us the old (hsh of rectWctigns. There is no need of prophe- 
cy to tell the result. At the end of ninety days you will hud that your 
preparation is not sufficient. The horrors of war will be preached up ve- 
ry assiduouslv during our recess. EamiHarity with emiiargo will di- 
minish its dread. The restrictive system becomes identified with <^ome 
personal, local, paltry interest. The navigating states are sacrificed: and 
the spirit and character of the country are prostrated' in the dust, by fear 
or by avarice." Mr. Qumcey's speech on the embarg-o April 3, 1812. 

'* The project of attacking Canada is now given up. Some other 
plan is to be devised-" Philadelphia Gazette, Jan. ?0, 1812. 

" They [the leaders in congTess] have, already gone far enough in war, 

" they are conscious they cannot commence, prosecute, and terminate 
a war ; that the liands which ' begin, will never finish it. They shrink 
from it. They already stagger under the weight. 

" They are frightened as the aspect becomes a little serious, and vvisl» 
to go home, and think of it. Philadelphia Gazette, .l^n. 10, 1812. 

« If you think a vote to I'aisc 25,000, men, looks like war, — quiet your 
apprehensions. You do not understand v, hat is here called management, 
THERE WILL, AS I BELIEVE, BE NO WAR.— I'he war-whoop, tlie 
orders in council, the non-importation, and the presidential caucussing 
will vanish before summer." IJaltimore Federal Gazette, as quoted in 
tlie Philadelphia Gazette, Jan. 13, 1812. ■ 

« I tell you James Madison will not dare to march a man to Can- 
ada with the avoned spirit of warfare — not a man, sir no — no — not one — 
in our present defenceless state. — So no more of this di'eam.'^ Phila- 
delphia Gazette, Jan. 27, 1812. 

" We are firmly persuaded, that the majority in congress— do not 
mean to declai-e war at present ; THAT THEY DARE NOT ; and that 
all their threats are but — contemptible vapouring, which wUl die away 
like the vapourings of a drunken man, before tliey ris?." Boston. Reper- 
toiy, Dec. 24, 181 L 

" It is amazingly mal-a-propos, and moreover very vexatious, that while 
our J centinels of pubUc liberty are legislating away in" the full tide of suc- 
cessful experiment" Ht Wasliington,— their well laid plans ai'e tUiling every 



330 THE OLIVE BRANCH. 

where; Q^ the tw"o main sinews of Iheir darling' war, appear to be most m.«- 
cnibly rclaxed.-.NErniER MEN ARE TO P.E HAD— NOR MONEY TO 
PAY THEM." Alexandria Gazette, as quoted in the Philadelphia Ga- 
zette May 14, 1812. 

This paragraph was published only jRve weeks before the 
declaration of war. It was, with hundreds of others of si- 
similar character, calculated to keep up the delusion to the 
last, at hosne and abroad. • 

During the period when those paragraphs were publishing 
in our Gazettes, I felt the most serious uneasiness on the 
subject. I believed their eft'ect would be to produce war. - 
I repeatedly expressed my fears on the subject. 1 was con- 
vinced that they would delude England into a belief, that 
she might laugh our elforts to scorn — and that she would 
persevere in her ob))(ixious bourse till we were finally 
" kicked into wary Among other gentleman to whom I 
communicated my apprehensions. on this subject,, were James 
Milnor, Adam Seybert, and William Anderson, Esqrs. then 
representatives in congress from this state. It was in the 
gallery of the house of representatives, and as far as I re- 
collect, early in May, IS 12. 

The efforts to spread tliis delusion were not confined to 
this side of the Atlantic. No. The same industry was employ- 
ed in letters to ccrrespcjidents in England and Ireland, 
whicli made their appearaiice in the public papers in those 
kingdoms. Never was more application employed on any 
subject — and never was application more unholy or perni- 
cious 

I submit an extract from one of those letters, to the rea- 
der. It is a fair specimen of liuudreds which really appeal- 
to have been dictated by ^■CT' the most spvions appivhensions 
lest the British should rekt.v^ and |Cj*» lest we might thus 

ESCAPE WAR. 

P'rom the Londonderry Journal, June Ifi, 1812. 

Extract of a letter to a gaUkmcui in this place, dated 

IVdladclpUa, Mai/ 8, 1812. 

"You will perceive by the copy of a bill which I enclose, that we Ameri- 
cans are at our dirty work ; pun." IJut— I advi.se you not to be alarm- 
ed at tho violence of our pjoct-cdings. We sliall continue to bluster. — 
This is our cluiractenstic. And we would do more, if wc coidd. But it 
is not in our power. W e have not a dollar in. the treasury — no army de- 
sei-vinf,' the name; of one— ;uul are actually without a na^y.' Added to this, 
not a Bioicty of the loan of eleven millions will ever be procured." 

I wish the reader, before he closes this chapter, to weigh 
■well its contents. Let him <live into the most profound re- 
cesses of the human heart. Let him try to discover tiie 
main spring that diftated paragiaplis and Ictteis, fraught 
with such ruinous consequences to both nauons. 



THE OLIVi: BRANCH. ogj 

The effect of this vilp course of proceedini; was liiglily perni- 
cious in two points of view, widely dilt'erent from each other. It 
fatally heUl out every possible encouragement to the British 
ministry to persevere in the career of depredation on American 
commerce, an<l utter disregard to and violation of the rights of 
sovereignty of the United Slates. It was, moreover, calculated 
to goad,, and 1 have no doubt did contribute to goad, our rulers 
into war. 

Reader, let me illustrate this point by a plain case wiiicii op-, 
curs in our streets every day. Two boys have a quarrel — but 
are not very willing to come to an open rupture, lest their eyes, 
and noses, and mouths, should suffer violence in the affray. 
Some of the humane spectators pat them on the backs, and try 
to persuade each that his antagonist ^'•cannot be kickediulo war'^ 
— at the same time appealing to his pride to resent the insult. 
This laudable course seldom fails of success. The united influ- 
ence of regard for his honour, and reliance on his antagonist's 
cowardice, excites the courage of one or both just to the point 

■ of aggression. Tliis was the horrible result between the United 
States and England, of a procedure which never can be too highly 

•censured. * • ' 

\ I could pursue this topic to a very great extent. It admits 
of a wide field, of investigation: but I leave it with the reader. 
I have barely erected a finger post to direct his career. 

I am fully persuaded that Great Britain did not desire actual 
war with the United States. Had her ministers really believed 
the alternative to be war, or a repeal of t!)e orders in council, 
they would have repealed them in season. But their friends on 
this side the Atlantic most cruelly deceived them. Every day's 
experience proves that ^cy ""« indiscreet, imprudent, or hiju- 

• dieioiis friend, does more injiiri/ than three enemies. ICT^The 
friends of England in this country have afforded undeniable 
proofs of the correctness of the maxim. The writers whom I 
have quoted above, and others of similar character, have inllicted 
pn her more injury than ten times the number of the raost vior 
i'^nt anti-Anglicans in the countryo 



CHAPTER XLI. 

War proceedings in Congress. Yeas and JVaj/s. Inexplicable 
conduct. Mr. (luincy, and other violent Federali'iis, noted in 
the affirmative on aimost all the questions leading to War — hut 
against War itself. . . . ^ 

i HIS, reader, is a dry and dull chapter. It is little more 
i-iian reiterated lists of name?. It cannot afford much entertain- 



r232 THE OLIVE BRANCH. 

» 
Bient. But if you have fairly travelled with me ihus (ar, 1 de- 
precafp yon i- passinj;; over lliese few page^. What they may want 
in enterrainmenl, I hope they will compensate in instruction. 

When the vot6 was finally taken on the declaration of war, ' 
there were 49 members in the negative, whose names are sub- 
joined — • 

Nays — Messis. U.'ifcer Bartlett Bleecker Bo_vcl Bre.ckolirklg'eBrJg'ham Cham- 
pion (Jhitteiuleu Cooke Davenport Ely Emott Fitch Gold GoldsbOrough Uufty 
Jackson Key Law l,e\Vis Maxwell M'Rryde Mctcalf Milnor Mitchell, Mfise- 
ly Ncwbold Pearson Pitkin Potter Quincy Randolph Reed R'dg-ely Rodman 
Samnions. Stanford Stewart Stow Sturg-es Sullivan Taggart Ta'briadge Tall- 
Hian, Tracy, Van Cortlandt V\heaton White WilsoK.— 49. 

I annex a statement of the votes on various measures prepar- 
tory to war. The names of those who finally voted against the 
war are in Italicj 

December 16, 1811 

'' 'Jhe qucslii'n v;as taken on th6 following resolution : 

"That it is ex]3edient to authorize the Prc.i.^.ent, under proper •regula- 
tions, to accept the service of any muiiber of voiunteers. not exceeding • 
fifty thousand; to be organized, trained and hcid in readiness to act o\i 
such si-'ivicc as the exigencies of government may require; 

" Ai.d decided thus: 

"Yeas — Alston Archer Avery Bacon Baker Bard Bartlett Basset Bibb 
Blackledge Blceher Blount Boyd Breckenrid^e Erou n Burwcll Butler Cal- 
houn Cheeves Chittenden Cochran (Z\o\^':on Cooke Condit Crawford Davis 
Dawson Dlnsinoor Emott Findley Fisk Fitch Franklin Gholson GoW Oo!ds- 
larougli Goodwyn Green Grundy B. Hall O. Hall Harper Hufiij HyncniaH 
.tohnson Kent Iving Lacock Lefever Little Livingston Lowndes Lyl^ iVIacon 
Max-naH Moore M'Briide iM'Coy M'Kee M'Kim Metca'f MUror Mitchili 
Morgan Muf-row Moseley Nelson'^ JVbt>io/J Newton Urms!)y Paulding Pear- 
son Piclicns Piper P/Vi7nPon4 VovX^trQiimcuResdliidgelyiln{^go\(\ Rhea Roano 
Roberts Jiodimin Sage Summons SevierSeybert Shaw Shcffcy Sniilie G. Smith 
A'^(i-.-t> Strong- Sullivan TuhwjdgeTaHmun'TraoyTvoup'luvner Van Cortlandt 
H'liite Whitehill Williams Widgeiy //"j7io:i Winn Wright Hawes Dcslia— llo. 

» Nays— Messrs, Bigelo'w Brigham Champion Davenport illy Gray Jack- 
^n Law Lewis rotter li andilph J.Suntli Stanford Sturge& Taggart iVhc't'.:^.. 
-r-16. 



Same Day. 

*'The question ;\as next taken on the fourth resolution of the committee- 
on foreign relations in the following words: 

«' 'I'hat the President be authorized to order out from time to time, su' !> 
deiaclimcnts of iho mditia, as in his opinion the public service may ic 
quire; 

" And decided as follows : 

*' Yeas— Mi-ssrs. Alston Anderson Archer Avery Bacon Bnkei- Bard Hart. 
L;tt B:iss> tt liiijb lacklcdge Bleecker Blount Boijd Breckenridge Brown 
Jiurweil Butler t alhoun Cheeves, Chittenden Cochran Clopton Cooke Condit 
Crawford Davis Dnwson Desha Dinsmoor Earle Emott Findley Fisk Fitcf 
Franklin Gholson Cold tioUhborongh tioodwin Gray Gieen (.'rundy B 
Hall O. Mall Harper Hawes Uufty Hyncmaa jJohnson Kent King- La- 
pock Lefe\v»' Lewit Little Livingston Lowiides Lyle j^Macoii Ma;rneU 



THE OLIVE BRANCH. 235 

doore. M'Brifk M'Coy M'Kee M'Kim Metcalf Milnor Mtvlull Mor- 
gan Morrow .ITosr?/!/ Nelson .Xtrwliokl Newtoii -Ormyby Paukliiitr Pearson 
Pickens Piper Pitkin Pond Porter Putter Qiiiiic'/ JiunM/jh Jiced Jiidgdij 
]Rinj,''g"ol(l Iviiea Uoane liobcrts Ji'nd.uiin G. Smith J. Smith Stanford Strong" 
Sjtllivun 'J'ii!>Ha(//fe Tallinan 'JWici/ Troup Turner J'mi Cortlundt H'hcalon 
White Whitchill \\^lliunisWid^cry U ikon W'mw Wriglit.— 120. 
*« Nays — Messrs. liig'clow JUrigluitn Champion Davenport Jackson. Luiv 



. . r ' ■ . Same day. 
■ 1 he ^iicuioii was iakcn'on tlie fifth resolution, in the woi'ds following; 
"Tliat all the. vessels not now Jil service belonging to the navy, and wor- 
ly ofrepai-s be ininictruUely litted up and put in commission. 
' And carried as tollovvs : ' • • 

•' Yeas— Me&si-s. Alston Anderson" Archer Avery Bacon Baker P>a*d Bart- 

.V/; Basset lligclow Rlackledge Bkeckev n\Q\\n\. Brcckenvidge Jirigham Bur- 

' well IJutier Calhoun L'hmnpion Cheeves Chittenden Cochran Clopton Cooke 

Condit Crawford Davis Dawsoif Desha Dinsmoor, Earle EUj Emott Findley 

• Fitch Franklin (^hoiscn Gold Coldsborough Goodwyn . Green Grundy «. Hall 
O. Hall riar]>-r -Mawes llvneman Juc^sow Johnson Kent Kmg Lacock Laio 
Lefcver Little' Livingston Lowndes Lyle Ma.vM'll Moore M>Brijde M'Coy 

• M'Kim Metca'f Afilnor- MitchiU Mm^M\ "SUmovf TMosehj 'kelson A'eivbold 
Newton Ormsbvpuj^IJing Peflm?* Pickens Piper PiVA^m Pond Porter qidncy 

• Heed Nidn-li/ limg'^oUl Rhea Koane Roberts Sage 6'aw/»i07is Seaver Sevier 
Sevbert Shaw t;. Sniiili Strong Stierges Suliiva}i Tuggart Talmadge Tallinan 
Tract, Troui5 Turner Van Cortlandt il'heaton White Widgery H'ilson Winn 
■.\'right.— Ill 

"Xavs-7-:Messrs. Bibb Bond Broion Gv^y Hufty Le~Ms Macon Fgtter R(m- 
dolph liodman Sheffey Smllie Stanford W'hitehlU Williams.'— 15. 



"■ The question was taken oh the following resolution, and carried. 
" That it is expedient to permit , pur merchant vessels, owned exclusively 
by resident citisiens; and commanded and navigated solely by citizens; to arm 
under proper regulations to be prescribed by law, in self defence against 
all unlawful proceeding's towards them on the high seas. , _ 

.' " Yeas— Messrs Alston Ander.son Avery Bacon ^u^'e;- Bassett Bibb Bige- 
lo\\> Blatkledge Bltecker Breckenridge Bric-ham Butler C;Uhoun ChampioT" 

.Cheeves CJdttenden Clopton Co/Ae ConclitCra-wfbrd Davenport Davis Dawson 
Desha Dinsmoor Elv Findlev Eitch Franklin Ghoison Gold Goldsborovgk 
Goodwyn Green Grundy B. Hall (,). Hall flarp^^r Hawes llyneman Jackson 

. Joiinson King Uncock La-w Lcfever Little Livingston Lyle Maxwell Moora 
M'Brijde W (^oy Met calf A m nor Mor^^\^ .Mosdi) Nelson JVwioW Nev/ton 
Onnsby Paulding Pe«7wn Pickens Piper PMw Pleasants Pond Porter Pear- 
■Son Quincij Reed liidgeVy Ringgold Rlica Roane, Sage Sammons Seaver Sevier 

■ Sltiw Smilie J. Smitli Sto;w fUvrges Tuggart Tallman Tracy Troup 'i'urnei ' 
Va'i Coi'tlandt Wheaton White Widgcy Wilson Bartlett Potter. — 97. 

« Nay.i— Messrs. Archer »<ard Hloiint Roydc Brown Cochran Hufty Kent- 
Lowndes Macon M'Kee M'Kim Mitchill Morrow Roberts Rodman Shetl'ey 
Stanford Stewart Whitehill Williams Wright.— 22. 



January 6, 1812. 

" The house took up the bill for raising an additional military force, whici: 
. finally passed, 94 to 84. The yeas and nays were as follows : 

" Yeas -Messrs. Alston Anderson Archer Avery Bacon Bxrd Bartlett 
■^assett Bible Rlackledge Meecker Blo\int Brown Buvwdl Butler Calhoun, 



"^.4 THE OLIVE BRANCH. 

Chceves Clay Cocliran Clopton Condit Crawford Davis Dawson Desha Dlai* 
inDor Karlc Emutl Findlcy Fisk. Franklin Gholson Gold Creen Griindv C, 
Hail O Hall Haii^er Mawcs IJyncman Johnson Kent King Lacock Left verLit- 
', In Livingston Lowndes Lyle ^UuxTvelt Moore AFCoy Al'Kee Al'Ivim Metcalf 




Ihlln.^.. 

Winn \V right.— 94. 

'•Nays — Messrs. Big'clow Boyd Breckenridge Bvigliam Champion Chittenden 
yyarc/iport Ehj- Fii-ch Hufuj Jackson Key Law Letvia IMucon Jl'Bryde JMoselu 
W^'evboid Pearson Pitkin Potter Pmido/ph Rodman Shefl'ey Smihe Stanford 
'iSieiiiaH S'.ow Sturffes Taggart TaUmailge Wheaton White iyil.?on. — 34. 



January 20, 1812. 

•»rhc engrossed './ill concerning the naval establishment was read the 
fijird time^'iid paEscd. The yeas and nays on its jjussage wei'e as follows: 

" Yeas— Messrs. Alston Anderson Bassett Blaekledge Breckenridge Burwell 
Butler Calhoun Checves Chittenden Condit Davenport Davis Dinsmoor Ebj ■ 
Emo/t Findley Fisk Z'/a-A Franklin Gholson Goodwin Green-Harper Hawes 
Hvneman Iving Little Livingston Lowndes Max^i-ell Moore M'Bryde M'Coy 
jVi'tiim Jlihior Mitchill Nelson Newton i^jVAw Pleasants Pond Po/^tr Rich- 
ardson Kinggold Khea Seybert SheHey G. Smith J. Smith Stewart Stoiv Star- 
ges.'J';!ggurt 'I'alliaferro Tracy Troap Turner P'uji Cortlandt Jl'heaton White 
Wilson Winn Wright. — 65. 

««Navs — Messrs. Bacon Bibb Boyd 'Qvoviw Cochran Crawford Desha O. 
Hall //;//i!y Johnson Lacock Lyle Macon M'Kee Metcalf Morgan New J\e7i)' 
hold Piper lioane Roberts Rodman Sage Seaver Shaw Smilie Stanford Strong 
Mtchelt A\'ilUams.— 30. 

Febimarij 19,1812. 

" The engrossed bill for authorizhig a loan for eleven millicns of dollarsj 
was read the third time, and tlie question was put, " shall the bill pass its 
*Jiiid reading." 

" Yer.B — Messrs. Alston Anderson Archer Bacon Bard BafscttBibb Bkec- 
kcr Boyd Brown Burwcil BuUer Calhoun Cheeves Clay Cochran Condi*! 
Ci-awford Davis Dawson Desha Dinsmoor Earl Emott Findl.y Fisk Franklin 
(.holson Gold Goodwyn (ireen Gnmdy B. HallO. Hall Harper Hawes lirfiy 
Johnson Kent Lacock Lefever Little Livingston Lowndes Lyle Macon J/oa-- 
•^vell Moore M'Coy M^\\\mCMetcalfJ\IitchiU'Slov^w Morrow N. IsonXcwNcw- 
bolii Nevvton Ormsby Pickens Piper Pleasants Pond Porter Putter Qvircy Reed 
liichardson Kinggold Khea, iloane Koberts Sage Sammonfi Seaver b'cvicr 
Seybert Shaw Snnlie G, Smith J. Smith iVwrw Strong Tracy Tvoup Turner 
Van Cortland: WhitoIiilUVidgery \Vinn Wright. — 92. 

"Nays — Mcasrs. Baker \i\^eAo\y Breckenridge Brigha7n Champion Chitten- 
den Davcnjiort P.itcli Goldsborough GvJiy ■ Jackson Laiv Le-Ma .Udnor Jlosely 
Pearson Pitkin Rimdolph Rid^ely Rodmari Sheffey Ste^cart Sturges Taggari 
Tidtmndgc Wheaton White Ui'.ton. — 29. 

1 hope the readei- has fully examined those dry lists, and has 
hjs niiad prepared for the roBections I have to submit upon 
thoiii. 

•No man will deny that a public functionary who acts with gross 
and maiiiiest inconsistency in his political career, especially, ia 
matters (»l the highest possible importance to his constituents, for*- 
t'eits their confidence. Of course it is extremely dangerous tt) 
submit to his guidance. 



i HE OLIVE BRANCH. ts^ 

The war was either just or unjust. 

Every man wlio believed it unjust, and who voted for a series 
of measures leading to it^ betrayed his trust. 

Everyman wlio voted for thenieasures leading to war; who op- 
posed it after it was declared: and who, as far as in his power, 
thwarted the measures adopted to carry it on, was guilty of a 
gross, manifest, and palpable inconsistency — and in either one or 
other course betrayed his trust 

That raese posiiions are correct cannot be denied. I proceed 
to apply them — and sludl single out an individual to make the 
case more striking. 

Josiah Quincy voted, as we have seen, |CP for a set of mea-^ 
sures, all predicated upon an approaching ^var. — |C7"He voted 
for the loan to', t^uir; the money necessary to give eftect to those 
measures. ?Jt3Jr ^^e, and forty-eigat other members, who had 
generally v(VB^u witli him for all these preparatory measures, vo- 
ted against tiie war itself. And further, they did not merely vote 
against the wai-, but, |iC7^thirty four of them publislied a most in» 
flammatory protest, addressed to their constituents,to excite them 
to oppose it. This protest, and other violent measures, v/ere fa- 
tally but too successful. 

I annex the names of the protestors. 

Messrs. Brigliani Bigelow, AI'Bride Breckenriclge Baker Bleecker Cham- 
pion, Chiltenden, Davenport Euiolt, Ely Fitch Gold Goldsborough Jackson 
Key Lewis Law MoseleyMiluor Potter Pearson Pitkin Quincy Reed Ridgely 
Sullivan Stewart Stuges Talniadge Tag'g-art White Wilson Wheaten. 

I aver that tiie whole of the annals cf legislation, front the 
first organization of deliberative bodies to this hour, cannot pro- 
duce a more sinister, dark, or mysterious policy. These gentle- 
men, particularly Mr. Quincy, who has been so conspicuous in hig 
opposition to the war, are most solemnly cited before the bar 
or the public, and called upon to explain the motives of their 
conduct to that country, which was brought to the jaws of perdi- 
tion by the opposition they excited against a war which they couu* 
Penanced in almost every stage but the last. 



CHAPTER XLIL 

Declaration of war. Violently opposed. 

At length, on the 18th of June, 1812, war was declared 
against England in due form, after a session of above seven 
months, and the most ardent debateSi The final vote was carried 
in the senate by 19 to 13 — and in the house of representatives by 
79 to 49: affirmatives in both houses 98, negatives 62 ; that is, 
more than three to two, in both houses united. 

^1 



236 THE OLIVE BRANCH^ 

War then became the law of the land. It was the paiamount 
fluty of all good citizens to submit to it. Even those who doubte d 
its justice or expediency, and who had opposed its adoption, were 
bound to acquiesce; for the first principle of the republican gov- 
ernment, and of all government founded on reason and justice, is. 
that the will of the majority, fairly and constitutionally express- 
ed, is to be the supreme law. 'lo that the minority is sacredly 
bound to submit. Any other doctrine is Jacobinical, and disor- 
ganizing, and seditous, and has a direct tendency to overthrow all 
government, and introduce anarchy and civil war. If it were 
lawful for the minority, in the unparalleled way they did, to op- 
pose or paralize the government, and defeat its measures, on the 
pretext that they were unjust, such pretexts can never be wanting. 
And I aver that it would be full as just, as righteous, as legal, 
and as constitutional, for Mr. Holmes at the head of the minority 
in Massachusetts, to besiege governor Strong, in his house, and 
coersce him to retire from office, as it was for the Kings, the 
Websters, the Hansons, and the Gores, to besiege president Mad- 
ison at Washington. 

While the federalists held the reins of government, they incul- 
cated these maxims with great energy and effect. The least 
opposition to law excited their utmost indignation and abhor- 
rence. The vocabulary of vituperation was exhausted to brand it 
and its perpetrators with infamy. But to enforce rules that ope 
rate to our advantage when we have power, and to submit to 
those rules, when they operate against us, are widely different 
things. And the federalists, ae I have already remarked, aban- 
doned, when in the minority, the wise and salutary maxims of po- 
litical economy which they had so eloquently preached when they 
were the majority. 

And they were not satisfied with mere preaching. They had 
occasional recourse to violence. A band of Philadelphia volun- 
teers, during the western insurrection, seized a printer at Read- 
ing by force and violence in his house, and scourged him in the 
market-place for a libel, not the twentieth part as virulent as 
those that are daily published at present with impunity. 

War is undoubtedly a tremendous evil. It can never be 
sufficiently deplored. It ought to bo avoided by all honour- 
able means. But there are situations which present greater 
«ivils than war as an alternative. I believe this nation was 
precisely in that situatitni. We had borne almost every 
species of outrajje, insult, and depredation. And the uni- 
form voice of history proves that such base submission of 



THE OLIVE BRANCH. 237 

kations to the atrocities perpetuated upon iis inevitably produc- 
es a loss of national character, as well as of the respect and es- 
teem of other nations — and invites to further outrages and depre- 
dation, till the alternative finally becomes a loss of independence, 
or resistance with means of confidence impaired. The questions 
respecting the late war with Great Britain are, whether it was 
warranted by tlie conduct of that nation — and whether after hav- 
ing been duly declared by the constituted authorities, it was not 
the incumbent duty of the whole nation to have united in their 
support of it. The first of these questions is of so much im- 
portance that I shall devote to it the 44th chapter entire. I 
have already sufficiently discussed the second in the begining of 
the present chapter. 

From the hour of the declaration of war, a steady systemati- 
cal, and energetical opposition was regularly organized against 
it. The measure itself, and its .authors and abettors, were de- 
nounced with the utmost virulence and intemperance. The war 
was at first opposed almost altogether on the ground of inexpe- 
diency, and the want of preparation. Afterwards its opposers 
rose in their denunciations. They assert it was unholy — ^'icked 
—base— perfidious — unjust—cruel and corrupt. Every man that 
in any degree co-operated in it, or give aid to carry it on — was 
loaded with execration. It has been recently pronounced in one 
of our daily papers to be "the most wicked and unjust war 
that ever was waged." The disregard of truth and of the mor- 
al sense of the reader, which such a declaration betrays, is cal- 
culated to excite the utmost astonishment. Can this war for 
an instant be compared to the attrocious and perfidious war vvag- 
ed by Bonaparte against Spain — to the treacherous war of Eng- 
land against Denmark, begun by a most lawless and unprece- 
dented attack upon the shipping and capital of an unoifending 
neutral ? I pass over thousands of instances. 



CHAPTER XLin. 

FeacR party- Composed of warlike materials.. Repeated cla- 
mour for war, 

IMMEDIATELY after the declaration of war, there was a 
party formed called the " Peace Party," which combined near- 
ly the whole of the federalists throughout the union. Their 
object was to expose the war — the administration— the congress 
who declared it — and all who supported it, to reprobation, and tc 
force the government to make peace. 



o- 



238 



THE 0L1\E BRANCH. 



This party embraced various descriptionsof persons, all enlistr 
ed under tlie banners of federalism, whom it may not be improp- 
er to enumerate. 

First, those who were clamorous for war w ith England in 1793^ 
.for her depradations on our commerce. 

Secondly, those who declared and supported the war against 
France in 1798. 

Thiidly, those who were vociferous for war against Spain in 
1803, when she interdicted us from the right of deposit at New- 
Orleans. 

Fourthly, those who in 1805—6, urged the government to re- 
sist the aggressions of England, and to take the alternative — 
redress of tvrovgSj or WAR. 

Fifthly ,those who, after the attack upon the Chesapeake in 1807, 
were clamorous for war, as the only mode in which satisfaction 
could be had for such an outrageous insult. 

To enable tlie readex to make a ftiir comparison of the several 
degrees of con»plaint at these several periods of time, I annex a 
synoptical view of them. 



. 1793 


1797 


1803 


1806 


1807 


1812. 


Clamour 


■ War 


Clamour 


Clamour 


Clamour 


War with Grest Britain. 


for wai- 


with 


for war 


for war 


for war 




with Eng 


France. 


with 


with G. 


with G. 




land. 




Spain- 


Britain. 


Britiiin. 




Cause. 


Cause. 


Cause. 


Cause. 


Cause. 


Cause. 


Depre- 


Depreda- 


Prohibi- 


Enforce- 


Attack 


AMEniCAX VESSELS, 


datioiis 


tions on 


tion of 


ment of 


on the 


0W.1E1) BY A5IEBICAX CITI- 


on com- 


com- 


the right 


the rule 


Chesa- 


7.E>S,I.A1)E>' AVITn AMEBI- 


merce. 


merce 


of depos- 


01 1756 


peake. 


( iN PnODVtTIOKS, ASB 




Ambabsa- 


it at New 


Impress- 


Impress- 


NAMGA TEH BT AJIERTCAJI 




dors in- 


Orleaus. 


ment. 


ment. 


SEAMEN, LIABLE TO SEIz'- 




suUed. 








l?nK_AM» lOMIE.MXATION, 




Attempt 








if bound to l-'rance Hoi- 




to extort 








lar.d.or tlie nortli of Italy. 




m onty. 








In other words, the trade 
of tlie Cnittd States with 
50,U!J0,U0U of the people 
of Europe interdictcc , 












Impressmeitt. 



I hope Ihe reader will pay particular attention to this table. 
Let him for a moment whether Federalist or Democrat, divest 
himsolt of all the prejudice on this subject. Let him suppose 
himself called to decide upon events of a former age or a distant 
country. Let him compare the different grievances together 
and 1 trust he must a( knowledge that those of 1812, very far out- 
weighed any or all ot the others combined. 

Let us tirst consider the tase of the suspension of the 
right of deposit at New-Orleans, On tbat octasion th« 



THE OLIVE BRANCH. 039 

federal party in congress and out of doors were loud in then- 
clamour tor war, %CT°ivitlwut even allowing time for making an 
attempt to ijvocure redress by negociation. Motions were tnad« 
in congress for raising 50,000 men to sail down the Mississippi 
in order to chastise the insolence of the Spaniards. The govr 
ernment was upbraided for its pusillanimity in not vindicating the 
national lionour. The cry then was — ^^ millions for defence, not 
a cent for tribute,^'* 
Extract of a letter from the seat of government to a friend in Jifassacliunetli 

" The Mississippi river is the common highway to the people of the west- 
ern countr}', on which they must pass witli tiieir produce trt market. — 
They never will sufter this highway to be obstructed or shut up. The 
free navigation of this river must be preserved to that portion of the 
American people or, THE AMP:RiCAN KMFIRE MUST BE DISMEM- 
BEItED — If we had a Washington at the head of oar government, 1 
should expect firm, decisive measures would upon tliis occ;islon be piu-- 
siied ; that a military force sufficient to take New-Orleans, would immedi- 
ately and without delay be assembled at the Natclies, m the Mississippi 
territory; that upon the refusal of the Spanish government, upon demand, 
to fulfil the treat}', that army, thus assembled, should immediately pro- 
ceed down the river, and take possession of Xew-Orleans. — But I ap- 
prehend no such vigorous measures will be adopted by oiu* present exec- 
utive. From the reduction of the army last year, what regular troops 
have we remaining to be employed in that service?" Boston Centinel, 
Jan. 17, 1813. 

" Notwithstanding the milk and water measures the administration has 
thought proper to adopt respecting the " Occlusion" of the port of New- 
Orleans— -the language of the people on the occlu.s!on is directly the re- 
verse." Boston Centinel, Feb. 16, 1813. 

Extract of u letter from Washington. 

"We disapprove the timid and time servmg measures which our government 
has adopted rebitire to the violation of that treaty with Spain: the st:ites 
whidi border on the Ohio and .Mississippi are most immediately interested in 
what tlie president calls the "occlusion" of the port of Ne\\--Orleans. . On 
the 14th. Ml". Ross, of Pennsylvania, made a most able and animated speech 
in the senate, in v/hich he described in striking .colours, the situation of the,', 
western country, and urged the necessity of taking effectual measures fop 
their relief, and in support of national honour. Atur having spoken mora 
than an hour, Mr. Ross informed the senate, that he had prepared several 
resolutions on tlie subject, whicb he asked leave to submit. The democrata 
immediately jnovcd tliat the galleries should be cleared. Mr. l{oss then 
declared, that if the discussion was to be secret, he siiould not offer the re- 
■ )lutions, or make any further observations on the subject. The galleries 
..ere, liowever, cleared by the majority, and the senate soon adjourned. 
■It is understood that a grand caucus was held thut evening, and the 
majority dreading the effect such jn-oceedings might have on the pub- 
lic mind, the next morning it was deiei'mined in senate, that the dis- 
ussion should be public." Boston Centinel, March 2, 1803. 

*■ Nothing is more contagious tlian example. The meek and lowly 
,pirit which influences the conduct of the executive towards Spain, hasi 
nfected even the armed force on the fi-ontier ; and the pioneers of their 
•ountry,— WHOSE SWORDS OUGHT TO LEAP FROM THEIR SCAB-, 
BARDS TO RESENT ITS INJURIES, are now seen to catch at every 
appearance, however evanescent, to promote the reign oflmmilitj'. Eveo 
general Wilkinson, who, one would suppose, would be tremblingly alive 
to his country's lionour, and proud of an ojjportunity to stimulate it to 
^irited measures — assumes the dulcet note, and with uviditj- dispatches 
nn express to inform governor Clairborne, not that the Spanish govem- 
Cient has restored the United States to their ri;.rht by treaty : but tru.. 



240 THE OLIVE BRANCH. 

]y " tliat the guveriimenl has given permission for the desposil of all kinds 
of provisions in New-Orleans, on paying six per cent, duty! ! ! And this 
infonnation, says the able and indefatigable editor of the F.vening 
Post, is introduced by the words, THE PORT OF HEW-ORLEAKS 
OPEN, in large capitals by way of exultation at this* joyous event." 
Boston Centincl, April 13, 1803. 

"The president of the U. States, in his late letters to the executives of the 
individual states, on the subject of tlie organization of the militia — speaking 
iof tiie Spanish conduct at New-Orleans, says — 'Rights t lie most essential 
to our welfare have been violated, and an infraction of treaty committed witli- 
out. coloin* or pretext." This being the acknowledged .state of things, let 
the vsorld judge, whether the national lionourvill be more justly vindica- 
ted, and violated rights redressed, by the mawkish appeal which has been 
made to Spanish faith and justice, and French generosity and manage- 
ment, by the degrading solicitation for purchased justice, or the disgrace- 
ful ])rofier of a bribe — ^^or whether(Xj' these ends woidd not more rea- 
dily be obtained by the execution of the manly and spirited measures re- 
commended by the eloquence of Morris, and the patriotism and sound 
understanding of Ross and the other federalists in congress — posterity 
will judge." Boston Centinel, April 13, 1803. 

" While we deplore the weakness and pusillanimity of our government, we 
sincerely congratulate our westeni brediren on the favourable change in 
their situation ; and fervently pray for its long continuance. Mow far we 
may attribute this change — to the spirited conduct of the federal members 
of congress, cannot at present be Inlly ascertained. U e have no hesita- 
tion, however, in believing that it has at least persuaded, if not entirely 
originated these measures." Centinel, April 27, 1803. 

"■ Since the adoption of the federal constitution, no subject has more 
forcibly affected the feehngs of the citizens of the I'niled States, than 
the occlusion" of the port of New-Orleans b)' the Spanish [or French] go- 
vernment. It is a subject to which the attention of the reader Cannot too 
frequently be called. I'he president of tiie United States has not he 
sitaled officially to declare, that bythii nteasure "rights the most essential 
to the welfare of the American people have been violated, and an infraction 
of the treaty committed without colour or pretext :" the spirit of the peo- 
pl«' Jias been alive to the injury — and was ready to jnake any sacrifice to 
redress the. wrong : — but because the federalists in congress felt the full 
glow of this spirit ; and took the k-ad in proposing the neccssaiy 
measures to give it efficacy ; rather than they should derive any honour 
from their success, the administration having the ])ower, substituted 
iXy A PUSILLANIMOUS NEGOCIATION, and degrading entreaty, for 
that spirit of action wliich manly resentjiient for violated rights and bro- 
ken faith, so loudly called for." Boston Centinel, June 15, 1803. 

Louisiana purchased. 

'• The question will ever be, was the mode of getting the territory 
die best, the cheapest, tlie most honourable for our nation .•' Is the way 
of negociating cash in hand, as cheap or honourable as that Mr. Ross 
reconimencled ? We eould have had it'for nothing." Centinel, July 2, 1803. 

"All that wc wanted on the river Mississippi was a place of deposit; that, 
our treaty wiUi Spain gives. It was basely withdrawn • our high spirited i-u- 
lers are asked to assert our rights. O, no — 80,000 militia arc to be held rea- 
dy to defend our turnips and Iced the pigs and cattle BUT TO TAKE OUR 
RIGHTS— TO SEIZE WHAT TREATIES GIVE, AND FRAUD WITH- 
HOLDS, THIS IS NOT! HEIR FORTE. 

"A great man has been heard to say, tliat war in any case was wrong 
and on the- question being put whether he would think it wrong to goto war 
if our comitiy was invaded by a foreign army, that even tlien some other way 
, might be found out. Tliisisour honours keeper, whom we h'v<' ^lefinij m. 
tiie strange hope thut he will guard it better than his own 



THE (HJVE BRANCH. £41 

•' Certainly the Jacobins do not need a conqueror to make them slaves. 
They are slaves in soul, whom even our liberty cannot raise; slaves are moi-p 
fascinated witli a master's livery tban their own rights: yet tliey expect this 
base lanc^uap^e will make iheni popular." Ctutinel, July 9, 1803. 

« AN AU.VIINISTRATION SO FEEBLE A M) DESPICABLE, by what it 
:an and wliat it cannot do, would h.'.ve siuilv under the competition with, 
Prance:and a hostile neighbour on the Alississiji;'! would have in two years been 
our master. Conscious oi' their poverty of spirit and of means, such an ad- 
ministration would have resorted to the ordinary expedient of the base to 
yield part of their wealth to save the remainder." Centinel, July 27, 1803. 

" Ljke true Spaniels we are the most servile to those who most insult us. 
We receive back our rip;ht as a great favour, and pay tribute for tliat which 
the despoiler could no. "longer withl\oUl— the free navigation of the Missis- 
sippi and a place of deposit on its shore was our right: the privation of 
WhiQji a wrong, and A l-HtEE AX» EXTIRE RESTORATION, OR A FOR- 
CIBLE RECOVERY OF IT, SHOULD HAVE BEEN THE REMEDY. 
True patriotism, thank Cod, still gl)ws, still blazes like a seraph in England. 
Here it smells of alien. But Great ifritain nmst sai-e the unwiUing world, to 
save herself" Centinel, Aug. 2.1 , 1803. 

" There is no condition of <lisgrace granted below ours. In the lowest 
deep there is a lower deep. Our nation had better' not exist at all than exist 
by sufferance and under tribute." Centinel, Aug. 23, 1803. 

Who could possibly suppose that th«> precediBg extracts are 
from the Boston Centinel, owned and edited by major Benjamin 
Russel, who was lately so ardent, so zealous, so benignant a 
'^^ friend of peace,'' and^ whe was among the prime leaders of 
those ^^friends of peace,'" whose pacific irroceedings nearly 
overturned the government spread bankruptcy in every direction, 
ruined thousands and tens of thousands of the best citizens in the 
country, and laid us nearly pfostrate at the feet of a vindictive 
and powerful enemy? The expense of war v?as of late withma- 
|or Russel one of its chief objections. In 1803, he was so hero- 
ically disposed that he urged war as " the cheapest and most 
honourable" mode of recovering our rights. 

Extract from the speech of Gouvernenr Morris in the Senate of the Utiited 
Stales, Feb. 16, 1803, on Mr. Ross's resuhition to take immediate potsession 
of the island of JVew Orleans'* 

«* Yes Sir, we wish for peace; but how is that blessing to be preserved ? 
I shall repeat here a sentiment I have otten h.ad occasion to express; In my 
opinion there is nothing worth fighting for but national honour; for in the 
national honour is involved the national independence. 1 know that a state 
may find such unpropitious circumstances, that prudence may force a wise 
government to conceal the sense of indignity; but the insult should be en- 
graved on tables of brass, with a pencil of s'teel, and when that time and 
chance which happen to all, shall bring forward the fiivourable monrient, ther* 
let the avenging ann strike home. It is by avowing and rnaintaining this 
stern principle of honour, that peace can be preserved; he will feel with me 
that our national honour is the best security for our peace and prosperity^ 
that it involves at once our wealth aad our power; and in this viev/ of the 
subject I must contradict a sentiment which fell from my honourable col- 
league (Mr. Clinton.) He tells us that the principle of this country )s peace 
and commerce. Sir, the avowal ot such a principle will leave us neitiier 
comrnercc nor peace. It invites others to prey on that commerce which we 
will not protect, and share the wealth we dare not defend. But let it be 
known IT) at you stand ready to sacrifice the last man and the last shilUng m 



:43 THE OLIVE BRANCH. 

'iefcnce of riiiUonal honour, and those who would have assaulted it, will h"e 
Aaie of you." 

ExiiKictfrom lioss's speech, delivered in the Senate the same duy as the prece- 
ding, Feb. 16, 1803. 

'« Wliy not put a force at his (the president's) disposal with which he can 
Strike ' With wJiich he can have a pledge for your future well-being- .'' When 
the Atlantic coast i.s willing shall their security be lost by jour votes } Are 
you sure that you will ever ag^iin find the same disposition .' Can you re- 
CiUl the decisive moment that may happen in a month after our acljourn- 
ment ? Heretofore jou have distrusted the Atlantic states; now, whesi they 
ofltr to pledge themselves, meet them, and close with the proposal. If the 
resolutions are too strong, new model them; if the measures are not adequate, 
propose other and more eHi-ctuid measures. Rut as you value the best in- 
'erests of the AA'estern country, '""id the union with the Atlantic, seize the 
present occasion of securing it forever. For the present is only a question 
of how much power the executive shalMiave for the attainment of thisgi-eat 
end, and no man desirous of tlie end ought to refuse the necessary means for 
attaining it. Your votes decide the direction this senate will take. And I 
devoutly wish it maybe one we sliall never repent." 

The cause of complaint in 1806, was much greater than in 1803. 
But it bears no comparison to the grievances in 1812. In 1806 
besides tlie lawless depredations on our vessels at sea, without 
notice, we were interdicted merely from trading with the colonies 
of tlie French and Spaniards on other terms than they permitted 
in time of peace. How far this was beneath the grievances that 
led to war, will appear in the next chapter. 

Let us see how far major Russell was consistent on the point of 
peace and war in 1806. 

'•The disputes between this country and England, so long attended witli 
ligour on her part, and injury on ours^ will not admit of much longer vain 
complaints and harsh recriminations. They must terminate shortly in the 
silence of war or peace. 

" At the renewal of the present war, we had proceeded for some time 
with all the ardour and zeal ot good fortune. We. liave been stopped again 
in our career by the renewal of harsh and vexatious restriction.^ on the pai-t 
of Lngland. She has again appealed to principles which we cannot admit, 
and claimed as rights, what we cannot grant her even as an indiUgcnce. In 
the exer'-.ise of these assumed rights, wc find a serious source of complaint; 
for it iias cost us mucii. It is, however, nothing novel. It isbut a renewal 
of the injuries we complained ef in 1793." Boston Gentinel, Feb. 5,1806. 

'i 1 hey [the democrats in congress] dare not resist all aggressions alike, 
and assume tlie part of spii-ited inipartiality as a magnaniujous jiolicy re- 
fjuired. If war is called for by tlie insulted honour of our country — if the cup 
tif conciliation is drained to tlie tlregs, as they declare it to be, ^Tj- LET 
WAK RE DECLAREU,--(C LET AN EMBAltGO BE LAID— adequate 
fuiulK pro\ ided — the strong arm of defence nerved ano extended — and a 
powerful navy ordered. In these measures the whole country, from Georgia, 
to Main, convinced of their necessity, will be united." Boston Centinek 
Feb. V2, 1806. 

"I df)not Relieve we shall have war with anv nation. But our peace will 
be at the expense of our spirit." Boston Centinel, March 8, 1806. 

" Our ministers in Europe — May they never htsitiite to PliEFER WAR to 
dishonour or triijute." Toast drank at the Aitillerv Eiection, Frem the 
Boston Centinel, June 4, 1806, 



THE OLIVE BRANCH. 243 

Fruvi Jf'uxliiiivton, Juiniant 23, 1806, 

i''ear, prejuilice, or some other dastardly principU-, is continually crowing 
the path of our rulers : and the iouil culls of" our country, its commerce, 
and spoiled merchants, for energetic measures, is unheard, or disregarded. 
My fears are, tliat the president's message will only be supp»rtecL by win- 
dy debates, or pen and ink reports, 

Mr. Randolph, I am told, has very much injured his health by the exer- 
tions he is said here to h-.ivt- made during tlie time the house was in con- 
clave. He has not attcndeil the house for several day?, and is sick. From 
one quarter to another, the proceedings of the hous'.-, when in secret ses- 
sion, are leaking out My inquiries lead me to believe, that in the spirited 
measures which Randolph proposed for supporting the i>resident's cuntiden- 
tial message, he was joinei.1 b}' every federalist in llie house ; by a majori- 
ty of the Virginia I'cpresentation and some others; but tliat he was in the 
minority; and further, that lie v/as opposed by all the New-Eiigland demo- 
crats to a man !!'." J^oston (Jentinel, January, 1806. 

" Our seamen are impressed — they are Citptured — thev ave imin-isoned — 
fliey are treated with almost eveiy kind of indignity, while pursuing th&lr 
lawfid business in a regular manner. How long uaist tliis l)e l)o;-ne ? Has 
our government yet to learn, that no nation ever was or ever will be res- 
pected abroad, but in proportion as it exacts respect by punisliing wanton 
insults upon its dignity, and wanton dejiradations upon the property of its 
citizens ; that its doing- juiitice to other nations cannot secure it respect, un- 
less it has botli ability and cUsposition to enforce measures of justice from 
them, and that constant firmness of national attitude and conduct prevent in- 
sults, wliilc pusillanimity invites them." New-Hampsliire Gazette, July 31, 
1805 

TO WHOM IT SUITS. 

" Look at the situation of our sea-coast, defenceless, a prey to plcavoons 
privateers, and armed vessels of all nations. Our ports blockaded, on; 
coasters and shipping robiied, our forts insulted, our harbours converted into 
private depots, where tiie very vessels which robbed and disgraced us, are 
supplied with provisions, stores, and God knows what; and where it is more 
than probable they have their agents, confederates, or copartners. See th>- 
powers of Europe acting- against America, and if it were meant to insult 
her, or rather, indeed sporting with her tameness iu the eyes of the look- 
ing on world. Disagreeing, fighting, and at enmity with each other in eve- 
ry thing else, in this one thing tiiey perfectl}' agree, in tre-ating America 
with indignity, insult, and daring contempt. 

"Are you yet aware, sii-, when it will end? Are you sure that if neglect- 
ed it wUl not amount to a height too great to be reached without strain- 
ings that may produce fatal convulsions in the state > For God's sake, for 
the honour of your counti-y, for your own credit, rouse, let loose the .spirit 
of the country, let loose its money-bags, and sa\'e its honour ; the nation 
will one and all support yoi'-- Mew-Hampshire Gazette, Jan. 31, 1805. 

In 1807, the cause of complaint was still less substantial than, 
in either of the other instances. 

Not to tire the reader with proofs of the 'lublic clamours for 
war at this period, I deem it abundantly sufficient to refer him 
to the twentieth chapter of this work, wherein lie will fin evi- 
dence to satisfy the most incredulous. 

I must be pardoned for declaring, that any man who was a 
partisan of war in the above cases, and reprobates the recent 
war as unjust and unnecessary, betrays a most awful degree 
of inconsistency. And yet it is an indisputable fact, that the 
most violent, the most clamorous, the most Jacobinical, and the 
Jnost seditious, among the late ^* Friends of Feace,^- were among" 



S44 THE OLIVE BRANCH 

the most strenuous advocates for, and ^^ Friends of War^* on 
the former occasions. 

The Boston Centinel, after the declaration of liostilities, re- 
"•arded war as the most frightful of all possible evils. But this 
was not ahvays its view oT the subject. Within a fortnight 
alter laying the embargo, that measure was pronounced more 
formidable than war itself. 

"The cmbaigo \vhich the government has just laid, is of a new and 
alarming nature. CC/" War, great as the evil is, has less teixor; and will 
nj-oduce less misery than an embai-go on such principles." Boston Cenli 
nel, Jan. 2, 1808. 



CHAPTER XLIV. ' 

Trnjuiry into the J2i3tice of the war. Awful accusations against 
the Government. Fres'ident'sJ\Tessage. Beport of Committee 
of Congress. British depredations. Trade of the United 
States annihilated with 50,000.000 of the inhabitants of Eu^ 
rope,. 

ff^IlOSE who were unacquainted with the causes that led to the 
.-■- liitc war, might from the publications that appeared against 
it, believe that the United States were wholly the aggressors — 
that England liad Ixen a tame and submissive sufferer of depre- 
dation, outrage and insult — and that our rulers had been wan- 
tonly led, by inordinate and accursed ambition, to engage in a 
ruinous and destructive war, in order to eiuich themselves— 
quander away the public treasury— and impoverish the nationo 
riiev were, it would appear, actuated by as unholy motives as 
ever impelled Attila, Genghis Khan, or Bonapaite, to j)erpetrate 
outrage and cruelty to the utmost extent of their power. 

Tl'.ese allegations ^vere made in the strongest language in the 
public papers in London. The prince regent appealed to the 
v/orld that Great Britain had not been the aggressor in the war. 
And the lords of the admiralty asserted that war v/as declar- 
e<l " after all the grievances of this country had been removed.^* 

The Federal papers re-echoed and magnified the accusations 
of the British writers ; and succeeded so far as to inflame a 
large portion of the public with the most frantic exasperation 
again.?t tlie.iulers of their choice, whom thev suspected of hav- 
ing abused their confidence. 

Governors of st;ites in their addresses, as well as senates and 
houses of Kepres2ntatives in tlieir replies, took the same ground 
— and assumed guilt, and profligacy, and corruption, as the pa* 
leiits of the declaration of war. 



,s 



THE OLIVE BRANCH, 245 

Tlie house of representatives of Massachusetts, regardless of 
tke holy rule, ^'' jnd^enttty lest if on bf. juil^ed,'''' in the most un- 
qualified manner, with an utter destitution of the least semblance 
of charity, asserts, that 

"The real cause oftlie w.iv must be traced to the first systematical aban- 
donment of the policy of Washington and the friends and franiers of the con- 
stitiuion; to implacable animosity against those men, and their universal ex- 
clusion from all concern in the government of the country; to tlie influence 
of worthless foreigne'-s over Uie press, and the deliberations of the govern- 
ment iii all its brai'.ches; — to ajealousy of the commercial states,* fear of their 
power, conteinpt of their pui'snits, and ignorance of their true character and 
importance; — to the cupidity of certain states for the wilderness reserved for 
the miserable aboi'igines; to a violent passionfor conquest," &c. 

With equal candour, the senate of tliat state, not to be outdone 
by t!ie other legislative branch, declares that 

" (C/" The war was founded in falsehood, declared without necessity, and 
its real object was extent of teiritor) by unjust conquests, and to aid the late 
tyrant of Europe in his view of aggrandizement." 

In -these awful accusations, there is no allowance for human im- 
perfection — for error in judgment — for difference of opinion. They 
are preferred in the strongest form which our language admits, 
and involve the highest possible degree of turpitude. 

If tliese allegations be true, the President who recommended 
war, and the legislature of the United States which declared it, 
have betrayed their trust, and are base, abandoned, and wicked. 
]f they be false, the lejiislature of Massachusetts are base, aban- 
doned, and wicked. There is no alternatives. One or other 
description of persons must sink in the estimation of cotempora- 
ries and posterity. 

Let us examine the. case. Lcc us investigate the truth. If 
our rulers be thus base — thus ab.atuloned — thus wicked — thus 
corrupt — -let them be devoted to the detestatiot; they have so rich- 
ly earned. But if .the allegations be false — if the war were just — 
if the nation drank the chalice of outrage, insult, injury, and de- 
predation, to the last dregs, before she had recourse to arms, let 
us, at every hazard, cling to our rulers — to our form of govern- 
ment to the national honour— to the national interest. 

The conduct of Great Britain to this country for a series of 
years, had been a constant succession of insult, aggression, and 
depredation. Our harbours had been insulted and outraged; our 
commerce had been most wantonly spoliated; our citizens had 
been enslaved, scourged, and slaughtered, fighting the battles oi 
those who held them in cruel bondage. We had, in a >vord, expe- 

* The absurdity and total want of foundation of tliese allegations I shall fuljy 
estiablish in a subsequent chapter. 



246 THE OLIVE BRANCH 

rienced numberless and most wanton injuries and outrages ol \a- 
rious kinds. But tlie two prominent causes of the war, assigned 
by the President in that message which recommended, and by 
the committee in the report which contained, a declaration of 
war, were impressment and the orders in council. I shall pro- 
ceed to the exaHiination of both topics. But I previously quote 
the words of the message and of the report. On the subject ot 
impressment, the President states, 

"The practice is so far from aftecdng Hritish subjects alone, that, under 
Uic pretext of searcliing- for these, THOUSANDS OF AMERICAN CITI- 
CE NS, under the safeguard of public law, and their national flag, h:iv« been 
torn from their country, and from every thing dear to tliem; have been di-ag- 
ged on board ships of war of a foreign nation; and exposed, under the severi- 
ties of their discipline, to be exiled to Uie most distant and deadly climes, 
to risk their lives in the battles of their oppressors, and to be the melancholy 
instruments of taking away those of their own brethren." 

And the committee, on the same topic, state, 

"We will novv proceed to other wrongs which have been more severe 
felt. Amongtliese is THE IMPRESSMENT OF OUR SEAMEN, a practice 
which has been unceasingly maintained by Great Britain in the wars to which 
she h;is been a party since oui- revolution. Your committee cannot convey 
in adequate temis the deep sense which tliey entertain of the injustice and 
oppression of th)S proceeding. Under the pretext of in\pressiiig British sea- 
men, our fellow-citizens are seized in British ports, on the high seas, and in 
every other quarter to wliich tiie Britisli power extends; are talvcn on board 
British men of war, and compelled to sci-ve there a.s British sulyects. In tliis 
mode, our citizens are wontonly snatched from their country and their fami- 
lies; deprived of their liberty; doomed to an ignominious and slavish bon- 
dage; compelled to iiglit the b^ittles of a foreign country — and often to perish 
juthem. Our Hag has given them no protection; it has been unceasingly vio- 
lated, and our vessels exposed to danger by the loss of the men taken from 
them. Your committee need not remark, that while (he practice is continu- 
ed, IT IS IMPOSSIBLE FOR THE UNITED S'i'ATES TO CONSIDER 
THEMSELYl'.S AN INDEPENDENT N A1 iON. ILverv new case is a proof 
oftheir dcgredation. Its continuance is the more unjus'iiiiable, because thi- 
United States have repeatedly proposed to the British government an ai- 
rangcment which would secure to it the control of its own people. An ex- 
emption of the citizens of the United States from tliis degi-ading oppression, 
and their flag from violation, is all that tlicy have sought." 

On the orders in council, the president ob?evvos. 

" Under pretended blockades, without the prvsmcc ot" an adeqnuic i'orcc 
and sometimes without tiie practicabilltv ot api>lving one, OUR COMMERCE 
IIVS :{EEN PLUNDERED IN EVERY SEA.' The great staples of our 
conn'.:y liuve been cut off from their legitimate markets; and a distructive 
blow aimed at our agricultural and ijiarltinie interests. In aggravation of 
these predatory nic asures, they have been considered as in force from the 
date of their notification; a retrospective eflcct being thus added, as has 
be en done in otfierimportarit cases, to the unlawfuhie.'^s of tlio course pursued. 
And to render the outrage the more signal, these mock blockades have been 
jeiterated and enforced intlic faci- of oflicial communications from the British 
government, declaring, as the true definition of a legal blockade, "that par- 
ticular ports must be .actually invested; and previous warning given to ves- 
'k'lsbounj to them ;not !o enter." 

" Not content with tlitse occasional expedients for laying waste our neu- 
tral trade, the cabinet of Great Britain resorted, at lengih, "to the sweeping 



IIIE OLIVE BRANCH. 5,45- 

system of blockades, under the name of orders in council, which lias heen 
mouldcd'and managed, as mig'ht best suit its political views, its commerciit^ 
jealous), i.r tlie avidity of Bhtisli cruisers. T 

And the committee states, 

By the oixlers in council ot the 11th of November, 1807, 
"The Brit s'n government declared direct and positive war against the 
United States. The dominion of the ocean was completely usurped by 
it; all commerce forbidden; and every flag driven from it, or subjected to 
capture and condemnation, which did not subserve the policy of the Brit- 
ish government by paying it a tribute and sailing under its .sanction. From 
this period toe United States have incurred the heaviest losses and most 
mortitying humiliations. They have borne tlie calamities 0/ war without 
retorting them on its authors." 

I shall discuss each item separately. 

1. Orders in Council. 

To repel the charge of the war being " founded in falsehood," 
so far as respects this item, it woidd be sufficient to establish 
their existence on the day war was declared. This is obvious. 
For if they existed, then the wal- could not be "founded in 
fakchood." But 1 shall not rest satisfied with this alone. 

War was declared at Washington on the 18th of June, 1812, 
The repeal, as it is called, of the orders in council, took place 
on the 23d of that month in London. It is clear, therefore, that 
the charge of " falsehood" here is utterly unfounded. 

By an official statement presented to congress by the secreta- 
ry of state on the 6th of July, 1812, it appears that the .British 
captures, prior to the orders in council, were 258, and subsequent 
thereto 389. 

It is difficult for me to form an estimate ot the value of these 
vessels. I am no merchant, and have no adequate data to guide 
mc. I have enquired of mercantile characters, and have been 
void, that from the great value of the cottons, tobaccoes, &c. of 
he outv/ard cargoes to France, and the silks brandies, &c. of 
die homeward cargoes, SO or 40,000 dollars would be a lair av- 
erage. But I will suppose 25,000 dollars for vessel and cargo, 
which, I presume is not extravagant. This extends to the en^ 
ormous amount of 13.200,000 dollars, 
depredated previous to the orders in council: and 

9,725,000 dollars, 
during the existence of these orders; for the latter o.f which 
there was not the least chance of redress. 

The sum, of which our citizens were despoiled, by no means 
constitutes the whole of the grievance. The enormous limita- 
tion and restriction of the trade of a sovereign and independent 
tiation, was at least of equal magnitude, in point of outrage, 
with the pecuniary loss ; for it is a sacred and indisputable], 



448 THE OLIVE BRANCH. 

truth, that from Nov. 11, 1807. till the day war was deciareci, 
^:j°'American ships, — owned by American merchants, navigated 
by American seamen,— <Lnd laden with Jlmerican productions, — 
were liable to seizure and condemnation if bound to France Hol- 
land or tM northern part of Italy. 

I implore the reader, by all that is candid, to consider this 
sin'de sentence. Let him read it once more carefully. It is 
a fair statement oi the relative situation of tjie 1m o countries. 
fc^j" The commerce of the United States with nearly one third 
of th^ population of Europe was subject to condemnation.' Let 
him lay his hand on his heart, and answer tlie question, was not 
this adequate cause for war? Was not this a greater grievance 
than the sixpenny tax on tea, which lead to the Atuerican Revo- 
lution.^ Have not more than nine tenths of all the wars that 
have ever existed, been declared for less causes .? We were for- 
bidden by Great Britain, under penalty of confiscation, to carry I 
on trade with about fifty millions of the inhabitants of Europe. 1 
And yet we are ,!j;ravely told, "the war was founded in false- • 
hood!!!" Wonderful, wonderful delusion!! 

|i:j»At that period England herself carried on with France 
and her dependencies, under licences; the very trade which she 
rendered illegal when carried on by the United States !!! And 
several American vessels, bound for France, and taken by the 
British cruizers, were actually, without breaking bulk, taken in- 
to French ports by the captors, or those who purchased from 
them !!! 

Having presented to the reader a short specimen of the de- 
nunciations of the war, I lay before him sorae opinions ot a di- 
rectly contrary tendency. 

The first authority is highly exalted and respectable. It is no 
!pss than the emperor Alexander. This monarch, in the very 
commendable offer of his mediation, declares, that 

"His majesty takes pleasure in doing justice to the wisdom of the United 
States ; and is convinced that it has done all that it could, to avoid this 
rupture." 

The next authority is Governor Plumer, of New-Hampshire, 
who ill a short speech to the legislature of that state, Nov. 18, 
J 812, states that Gre^t Britain 

"Has for a series of years by her conduct evinoed a deadly hostility to 
our lutional rights, to oiu- eoniintrce, peace and prosperity. She has wan- 
tonly impressed thousands of our imoHlnding seamen ; immured them with 
in tite walls of licr floating castles ; held them in servitude for an inilimil 
rd period, often for life; and compelled them to fight, not only with na. 
lions with whom we were at peace, but to twn theu- amis against thei' 
own country 



THE OLIVE BRANCH. 249 

She has violated the rights and peace of our coasts; wantonly shed the bloo<^^ 
of our citizens i;i our harboui-s ; and instead of punishiiii^ has rewarded hcl 
g'uilty ofHceri. Under pretended blockades, unaccompanied by tlie pre- 
sence of an adequate force, she has unjustly deprived us of a market for the 
products of ourimlustry; and, by lier orders in ^(nuicil liastoa gi-eat ex- 
tent, swept our commerce fnnn the ocean : thus assuming' a right to re- 
gulate our foreign trade in war, and laying a fomulatioii to prescribe law 
for us in time of peace. Slie has permitted her subjects jHiblicly to forge 
and vend our ships' papers; to carry on a convnerce with that very enemy 
from whose ports she interdicted our trade. Wliilst her accredited miniser, 
under the mask of friendship, was treating with our government, her spies 
were endeavouring to alienate our citizens, subvert our government, and 
dismember the union of the states." 

.The senate of Massachusetts, June 2G, 1812, agreed upon 
an address to the people of that state, ot which I subjoin 
two paragraphs— 

"We will not enter into a detail of the injvuues inflicted on us, nor the 
flimsy pretexts by which Great Britain has endeavoured to justify her out- 
rages. It is sufiicient to say, that .she no longer pretends lo disguise her 
ambitious design.s, under pretence of retidiation on her enemy. She asserts 
her right to unbounded dominion, only because she assun»es unbounded 
power. She annexes conditions to tlie repeal of her orders iti councilj 
wiiich she knows we have no right to require of her enemy — which she 
knows are impossible — tlius adding insult to injui-y — thus adding mockery 
to her long train of perpetrated injuries. VVitli the boldness of tlie high- 
wayman, she has, at last, stripped the mask frOm violence, and vindicates 
her aggressions on the only plea oftyi-ants, that ot whim and conveni- 
ence, 

" It was not sullicieiTt that we were remote from European politics, 
and courted peace imder every sacrifrce ; acquiesced in nxinor injuries ; 
remonstrated agajrist those of a deeper die ; — forbore until forbearance 
became pusillanimity ; and Anally retired from the scene of controversy, 
with the delusive hope that a spirit of moderation might succeed that of vio- 
lence and rapine. We were hunted on the ocean. Our property was seized 
U}50n by the convulsive grasp of our now open and ackr.owledgcd enemy, and 
OCj' om- citizens forced iuco a cruel and ignominious vassalage. And when we. 
retired, we were pursued to the threshold of our territory — ouU'agesofan 
enormous cast, perpetrated in our bays and harbours ; the tomahawk of 
the savage uplifted against the parent, the wife, the infant, on our fron- 
tiers ; and spies and incendiaries sent into the bosom of our country, to 
plot the dismemberment of ouL- union, and involve us in all the hon-ors of 
a civil war, 

" The constituted authorities of the United States iu congress assem- 
bled, submitting the justice of their cause to the God of battles, have 
at length declared war against this implacable foe ; a war for the liber 
ty of our citizens iXj' a war for our national sovereignty and independen- 
d'ence ; — a war for our republican iovm of government against the ma- 
chinations of despotism." 

On the 26 of December, 1811, the legislature of Ohio, 
publisl>ed a resolution and address on the subject of our 
foreign relations, in which they pledged themselves to a tuU 
support of the government, in the event of a declaration of 
war. This pledge they have nobly redeemed. 1 subtnit one 
paragraph of the address. 

" The conduct of Great Britain towards this country is a gross depar- 
ture from the known and estabUshed laws of nations. Our rights, as well 
those derived tlirough the immemorial usages of nations, as those se- 
cured by compact, have been outraged without acknowledgment — even 
withont remoi-se. Solemn stipulations by treaty and implied engagements. 



250 THE olivp: bkanch. 

jbave gWen place to vrews of on overreaching', selfish, and depi-a'ved po- 
'.cy. — Life, liberty and property, have been the sport of measures, un- 
just, cruel, and without a parallel. The flag of freedom and ot impartial 
nevitrality has been wantonly insulted. Tears of the widows and orphans- 
ofn'.urdered Americans have flowed in vain. Our countrymen have been 
torn from tlic emln-ace of liberty and plenty. The cords of conjugal, 
filia), fraternal, and paternal aflection, have been broken. Almost every 
sea and ocean buoys upon its surtiice the victmis of capture and im- 
pressment. Vain is every efibrt and sacrifice for an honourable state 
of safety and tranquillity. Mission has followed mission — remonstrance 
has succeeded remonstrance — forbearance has stepped on the heels of 
forlxjarance, till the mind revolts at the thf^uglit of a prolonged endui-ance. 
Will tlie freemen ot a still favoured soil imresisting-Iy gi-oan under the 
pressure of such ignominy and insult .■"' 

The senate of Maryland, on the 22d of Dec. 1812, pass- 
ed a set of resolutions, approving of the war, from which I 
subjoin an extract. 

" AVlienever the pui-sujt of a pacific policy is rendered utterly incon- 
sistent with the nat.onal interest, prosperity and happiness, by the un- 
provoked injuries and lawless outrages of a foreign power ; whenever 
those rights lu-e assailed, without the full and perfect enjoyment of which 
a nation can no longer claim the charter and attributes of sovereignty 
and independence ; whenever the right of a free people to navigate 
the common highway of nations, for the purpose of transporting and 
Tending tlie siu-pluB products of their soil and industsy at a foreign 
market, is attempted to be controlled and subjected to such arbitraiy 
rules and regulations as the jealousy or injustice of a foreign power may 
think proper to prescribe ; whenever their citizens, in the exercise of 
their ordinary occupations and labouring' to obtain the means of sub- 
sistence for themse!\es and their families, are tori\ by the ruthless hand 
of violence from their counti-y, their connexions, and their homes ? when^ 
ever the tender ties of parent and cliild, of husband and wife, arc whol- 
ly disregarded by the inexea-able cruelty of the iinffeKng oppressor, who, usurp- 
ingthc highprcrogativeofheaven, and anticipating the dread office of death, 
converts those sacred relations unto a premature orphanage and widowhood 
not that orphanage and widowhood which " spring from'^the grave" unless 
the floalbig dungeons into whicli they are cast, and compelled to f^ght the 
battles of their oppressors, ma^ be compared to the awful and gloomy man- 
sions of the tomb; whenever injuries and oppressions, such as these, arc in- 
flicted by a foreign power, upon the persons and properties of our citizens, 
and an appeal to the justice of such power to obtiiin redress proves wholly 
useless and unavailing; in such cases it is the duty of those to whom the sa- 
cred trust of protecting tlie rights of the citizen and tlie honor of the nation, 
is confided, to take such measures as tiie exigency of the case may require, 
to protect the one, and vindicate the other: I'hcrcfore 

" Bc'sohed, that the war waged by tlie United States against Great Britain, 
is just, necessary and politic ; ought to be supported by the united strei\g1h 
and resources of the nation, until the grand object is obtained for which it was 
declared." 

CIJAriER XLV. 

Consideration of the Orders in Council continued. Strong and 
Unetjuivocftl. reprobation of them by James Lloyd and Jameg 
liayard. Esqrs. and Governor Griswold. Extract of a 
letter from Harrison Gray Oiis, Esq, 

JL MIGHT have dismissed tiiis part of my subject with 
the last ehaptef. But as it k of vital importance— a*f 



THE OLIVE BRAWCll. 251 

Greaf. Britain ami llie United States are at issue on it in 
the lace of an anxious and enquiring world, wliose judgment 
we await on l^ic subject — 1 judge it advisable to enter into it more 
luUy. 

Tiic only defence ever attempted of these outrageous proceed- 
ings is on the principle of ^' retaliation,^^ This is completelv 
iuvalidated by Mr. Karin;;-, page lii6. It is also unetjuivocally 
abandoned by the mo-^t prominent and influential leaders of the 
federal party. 

James Lloyd Esq. senator of the Ignited States for the state 
of Massachusetts, a most decided federalist, a steady, undeviat- 
ing, and zealous opposcr of the administration and of all its 
measures, had pionounced sentence of condemjiatioo, in the 
most unecjuivocal ferms. upon the pretence of retaliation, in a 
speech delivered in the senate on the 28th of Febi-uary, ISlS*. 

" And hou' is it possible, that a third and neutral jjarty can make itself 
a fair object of retaliation, i\)V meiistires which it did not counsel— wliicli it 
did not appi-ove — wliich iiiiliiatc strongly with its interests — which it is and 
ever lias been anxif/iisly desirous to remove — which it h:is resisted by every 
means in ils power, tliat it tliougiit expedient to use, and of these means 
the government of the neutral cou.ntry ought to be the sole judge — which 
it has endeavoured to get rid of even at great sacrifices!— -how is it j>ossi- 
ble that a neutral country, "thus donducting, can make itself a fair object of 
retaliation for measures which it did not originate — which it could not pre- 
\-ent, and cannot controui!-— Thus, sir, to mv \ iew'^hc OUDKUS L\' COU.N' 
CIL AKE WHOLLY I NJUSTU'iABLE, "lEP TlilvM BE liOlTOMF.l) 
EITHER ON THE PUIXCIPEE OF UETALIATIO.V 05^ OF SEi.F-VRK- 
SERVATIOX." 

From Mr. Lloyd's authorily on this topic i presume there will 
be no appeal. There cannot be. His dxicision is final. But I 
am not .00-^ fined to Mr. Lloyd. Mr. Bavard, a jjentleman of 
equal staniling, aqu(»ndam senator of the United States from the 
state of Delaware, one of our late Commiss^ioners to Ghent, also 
a decided federalist, pronounced the same sentence on them — in 
a speech delivered in the senate of the United States, October 
31,1811—. 

" They were adopted as a measure of retaliation, though they ncvfcr de- 
served tiuit character. He had always considered tiie Cerhu and -Milan de- 
crees used as a mere pretext. 'I'hose decrees were vain and empty denun- 
ciations in relation to England. Tlie plain design of the liritish govern 
ment was to deprive France of the benchl's of external commerce, UN- 
LESS IHE PROFITS OF IT WERE Tp BE DIVIDED WITH HER- 
SELF. This was fully proved by the license trade. Britain carries on the 
very ti-ade she denies to neutrals, and having engrossed the v.hole to her- 
self, she excludes neutrals from a participation. 

'•I am among the last men in the senate who would justifv or defend the 
orders in council— -THEY VIOLATE THE PLAINEST RIGH TS OF THE 
NATION.— -The gromid of retaliation was never more than a pretext, and 
their plain object is to deprive France of ueatral traJe. It never was con- 
tended, nor does Britiiin now contend, that she v/ould be justified by the 
laws or usages ot nations to interdict (^ur commerce witli her enemy. 
She COVERS HER INJUSTICE WITH THE CLOAK OF RETALIA- 
TION, and insists that she has a right to retort upon her enemy the evils 
of his own policv.-— This is a doctrine to «vhich 1 am not disposed to agree 

33 ' 



252 THE OLIVE BRANCH. 

IT IS DESTRUCTIVE TO NEUTRALS. It makes tliem the pyey of Ui* 
belliprerents, 

"IT IS A DOCTRINE WHICH WE MUST RESIST." 

In addition to tlie authority of Messrs. Lloyd and Bayard, I 
beg leave to adduce tlirit of th«^ late governor of Connecticut; 
Roger Griswold, Esq. wliich, though not quite so unequivocal, is 
sufficiently strong to satisfy every candid reader. 

On the"^IOth of October, 1811, eight months previous to the 
declaratitui of war, Governor Griswold, in an address to the Le- 
gislature, <lre\v a strong portrait of the injustice of the bellige- 
rents towards us, and of the necessity of abandoning the pacific 
policy which our government had pursued, and adopting vigo- 
! nils and decisive measures to enforce respect for our rights. 

«'Jt has been our misfortune to pursue a policy, which has rendered us 
contt-mplilile in the eyes of foreign nations ; and we are treated as a people, 
who arc- readv to submit to every indignity, which interest or caprice im- 
jioscs ui)()n us. It caiuiot, however be too late to retrieve tlie national hon- 
or: and we ought to expect that our public councils will find, t'lat a manly, 
iiiiparti:d, and decided course of measures has now become indispensible — 
such a course as shall satisfy toreign nations, that whilst we desire peace, 
we h:ive the MEANS AND THE SPIRIT TO REPEL AGGRESSIONS, 
rhe inttrests of the United States undoubtedly require a secure and hon- 
ourable peace. But the only guarantee which ought or can with safety 
be relied on for this object, is a sufficient organized force and spirit to use 
•t with eftect, when no other honourable ineaus of redress can be re- 
sorted to. The extensive resources, aided by tlie geographical situation of 
our country, have furnished every necessaiy means for defending our ter- 
ritory and ourcomnurce: and WE ARE FALSE TO OURSEL^ ES WHEN 
]\iri!ER |i. e. our territory or our commerce,] IS INVADED WITH IM- 
I'LNllY." 

No dispassionate reader can deny that Governor Griswold in 
(his speech makes very strong and unequivocal declarations of 
the necessity of vigorous, and decicive, tliat is to say, of war- 
like measures. It is impossible otherwise to interpret the im- 
pressive style in which he invokes the S2>''''>'ii ^^ '^^^ the organi- 
zed j'un-e with effect'"' — and the declaration that " u-e are false 
to uiir:--eices ivhen tve allow our commerce or our territory to be 
invaded with impunity." 

On the 12tii of May, 1812, only five weeks before the decla- 
ration of war, the Legislature of Connecticut met again. Gov- 
ernor Griswold addressed them once more on the same subject. 
He explicitly tleclared, that 

" the last six months do not appear to have produced any change in the 
hostile aggressions of foreign hations on the conmiercc of the United States 

AnU after loferring to, and justly reprobating the burning of 
tur vessels by the French, he emphatically adds, 

" Such, ImUcviT. has been the character of both, that IW) circumstance 
CAN .aS'lil'V A fUEl'ERENCE TO EITHER." 



THE OLIVE BRANCH. 251 



I beg the reader will give these doeuniiints a duedegive of con- 
sideration. It appears that Governor Grissvidd, on the lOth of 
October, 1811, unequivocally pronounced an opinion, tiiat ihe ag- 
gressions of G. Britain and France were of such a nature as to war- 
rant resistance by war. He denounced the pacific policy we had 
pursued as rendering ns^^ contemptible in the eyes of foreign na- 
tinns^-'^ who in consequence regarded " iis as a people ready to 
submit to every indignity which interest or caprice might impose 
upon iis.^^ He called upon the government to change its system, 
and to convince foreign nations, that " we have the means and 
the svirit to resent foreign aggressions,'^ And finally declares 
♦• ;t' xre false to ourselves whenive suffer uur commerce or our 
temlory to be invaded with impunity.''^ Seven months after- 
wards, he reviews these declarations, and states that " no cir- 
cuv.iitanci could justify a preference to either"" France or England, 
both fiad so grossly outraged our rights. And yet, reader, what 
must be your Uflioiushiiaentto be told, that this same Governor 
Griswold, immediately after the war wae declared, which his 
speech appears to have urged; arrayed himself among and was £^ 
leader of the ^'friends of peace ^'' who denounced the war as wick- 
ed, and unjust and unholy ! ! ! 



I might have rested the cause on the united testimony of Mr. 
Lloyd, and Mr. Bayard, and Governor Griswold. They are ful- 
ly sufficient for my purpose. No candid or honest man can re- 
sist them. They all with concurring voice establish the strong, 
the decisive fact, that there was ample and adequate cause of war. 
But regarding the subject as of immense and vital imptH'tance, 
I am determined '■'•to make assurance doubly sure.'^ I therefore so- 
lemnly cite before the public another evidence, still rriore power- 
ful, still more overwhelming, to prove that the war v/as luut found- 
ed in falsehood — to prove that it was both just and righteous. 



This evidence is the honourable Harrison Gray Otis,K^q. a gen- 
tleman of considerable talents, great wealth, 'high 'standing, and 
most powerful influence in the state of Massachusetts, who has 
acted a very conspicuous and important part in the extraordina- 
ry events of our era. He was formerly a senator of the United 
States — recently a member of the legislature of Massachusetts — 
one of the principal movers of the appointment of, and a dele- 
gate to, the Hartford Convention; (w)iich legislature and conveu- 
tion denounced the war as unjust, and wicked, and proHigate) — ■ 
and finally one of the delegates to Washington, to negotiate with 
the president on the part of the eastern states. It is hardly ne- 
cessary to add — but I shalt be pardoned, I trust for adding ^liat 



254 THE "OLIVE BRANCH. 

Co 

there is not in the United States a more uniform, undeviatin^. 
and zealous opposer of tlie party in power — a more decided anti- 
C^allican — or a citizen less disposed to censure England or hei 
measures unjustly, than Mr Otis. 

This gentleman, on the 14th. of January, 1812, addressed tea 
friend in London, a letter on the relations of the two nations — 
which displays no small share of public spirit, and breathes a 
most fervent desire for the repeal of the orders in council, in 
order to remove the indignation and abhorrence they excited in 
the United States. 

This letter was published in liondon; and, had not the coun- 
sellors, of his Britannic majesty been most fatally and egregious- 
ly misguided, would have produced an immetliate and decisive 
effect, and saved the two countries from the horrors of warfare. 

One of the democratic papers in Boston, I believe the Patriot, 
republished the letter, with comments ijijurious to Mr. Otis, of 
which I have a very imperfect recollection. They appeared to me 
ill-founded at the time. Major Russc!, editor of the Centinel, ad- 
mitted the authenticity of the letter, whicli he published; girded 
on his armour; and fully defended the writer and his production, 
He proved to the satisfaction of the public, that no inference 
could fairly be drawn from that cosnmunication, inculpating the 
moral or political character of Mr. Otis, who, on the contrary, 
deserved applause for the part he took in this affair. The ideas 
of the editor of the Centinel were just and correct. These 
views are given from memory. But the strong impression the af- 
fair made on my mind at the time, convinces me that they are es- 
sentially just. 

With these explanations I submit the letter to the reader, 
whom I beseech to give it due attention. It will boar thrice 
readinf*-. On the subject I am discussing, it is final and deci,ivc. 
Never was there a more erresistible document. 



Extract of a letter from Harrison C''aii Otis, F.sq. io ojiicnd in London, ilale'{ 

Boston, Jan. U,IQ\2. 

«' You v.-ill pcrcfive liy tlie papei-s lliat our potcrnment profess the inten- 
tion to assume a verv warlike attitude; and tliat the sentiment of indigna ■ 
lion throuL'liouttlie cot. iitrv at the rontiuuatit-n of tlie orders in council, IS 
LOUJ) AM) liXIVKKS\LrRO:Nr IMnil PAUTIKS! The motives wliicli 
induce your f^ownuner.' lo continue tliem, are quiti; iiiconiprclienslblc to 
the HKST rUICNDS of *.r!il ^^ritain in this country; and i\u: eflect will be 
to make cv<ry nianODlOl'S who d;iies ti> express a wish for your success 
and prosperity; a sentiment still common to our best men, but which an ad- 
herence to this system willinipair and dcstrox. 

"It is too true, that the repeal of the Berlin and ^filan decrees ha? been 
iess formal tlian it should have been; and that o\ir administration have*be» 
r.iino illing; dupes to the insidious policy of Napoloon. 



THE OLIVE BRANCH. 255 

" Rut why should our government mind that? Why should they not em- 
^brace any pretence for restoring harmony between our two countries, es- 
pecially as it will of consequence be followeil by hostility on tlie part of 
France? Napoleon will renew his outrages the moment we are friends j and 
the natui-al ties which cement Great Uritain and America, will be drawn 
closer. On the contrary, the scrupulous adherence of your cabinet to a.i 
inpty punctilio, will too probably unite the whole country in opposition to 
- our nation, and sever for generations, perhaps forever, interests which 
' have the most natural affinity, and MEN WJIO OUGHT TO FEEL ANU 
' LOVE LIKE BRETHREN." 

Let us canvas,s this precious document attentively. It is 
fraught with nveaning, and flashes conviction. Every sentence 
' is of vital importance. Mr. Otis states that '• the sentiment of 
indignation ag'ainst the ordem in council wan loud and univer- 
sal from both parties." This declaration from such a quarter 
is overvvlieluuiig — it is irresistible. It proves the strong sens+i 
prevalent of the outrage and injustice of the orders in council. 
The concni'-ence of both parties, who so rarely agree in any 
point, demands particular attention. And surely Mr. Otis him- 
self, or Mr. Pickering, or Mr. King, will not deny that it is faiv 
to infer that he musfhave regarded tiie orders in council as ua- 
just, and wicked and oppressive, and piratical, and utterly inde- 
fensible, when he candidly confesses, that a continuance of tlieni 
would ^'produce the e^^ect to render am/ man odious ivho dared 
}'o express a ivishfor the success and prosperity'' ot' Great Bri- 
An. 

Mf.Otis deprecated a war with England as one of the mightiest 
^vils. I^ appears to have regarded these orders as not merely 
■ luse of war — but as likely to produce war, if continued. 

What language shall I use, reader, to fix your attention io 
his most solemn part of my subject ! Mr. Otis is so thorou-HiIy 



II 



ind that " the effect of their continuance will be, to render odious 
ecenj man who dares to e.vpress a icish for the success and prosper- 
■'tif oflins:land'^a.t\d further,that ^'an adherence to an empty piiue^ 
lilio tvill sever the two nations perhaps for euer." Let it be obser- 
ved that these declarations were made January 14, 1812, only five 
'uoiiths before the declaration of war — and further, that no alter- 
It ioii or mitigation of the rigour of those orders had taken place 
whiin war was declared. ^V'hea these [toiuts are duly weigiied. 
let the reader consider that this same Harrison Gray Otis was 
oue of the prime movers of a seditious, I might say a treasona- 
'r!e opposition to the war, on the ground of its having been ''pro- 
tligate and unjust." It is impossible for language to do justice 
;o the astonishment these reflections are calculated to excite. 
VIr. Otis was a raember.of the sevat^ of Massachusetts, in Febrn- 



256 THE OLIVK BRANCH. 

ary, 1814, when a report of both houses declared, "that the war. 
so fertile in calamities, was ivaged with the worst possible: 
views, and carried on in the worst possible manner, forming a 
union of iceakness and wickedness, ivhich defies for a parallel 
the annals of the ivorldH!'^ 

Here I close this part of the discussion. It were superfluous 
■to add a Hue. The reader will have no difficulty to decide. 
A few more strong facts, and 1 shall have done. 

On tlie 18th of December, 1803, a vote was taken in the 
house of representatives of the United States, on the following 
resolution : 



« Resolved, That the United- States cannot without a sacrifice of tlicir 
rights, honour and independence, submit to the late edicts of Great Brit- 
ain and Fi'ance. 

"And decided in the affinnative as follows; yeas 118; nays 2. 

"Yeas. — Messrs. Alexander W. Alston L. Alston Bacon Bard .SflA7er Basse tt 
Blackledge Blake Blount Boyd Boyle Brown Burwell Butler Calhoun Camp- 
bell Champio7i Chittenden Clay Clopton Culpepper Cutts Davaiport Dawson 
Ueane Desha Durell Elliot Ely Findlcy Fisk Frar.klin Gardner CarnctGhol- 
son, Goodwyn Gray Green Harris Heistcr l!clms Holland Holmes Howard 
Humphreys Isley J.G.Jackson H. S. Jackson Jenkins Johnson Jones Kelly 
Kenan Key Kirkpatrick, Lambert Lewis Lloyd Macon Marion Masters 
•M'Cr.eery JMilnor D. Montgomery J. Montgomery N. 1». Moore T. Moore 
Jer. Morrow Jno. Morrow Mosely Mumfore Nelson JVewbold Kevvton Nich- 
olas Pitkin Porter Qiiincy Randolph Ilea Rhea J. Richards IVL Richards Rus- 
sel Say Seaver Shaw Sloan Smelt Smilic J.K.Smith J.Smith Southard Stanford 
Stedman Storer Sivrges Taggart Tallmedge Taylor 'riiompson Trigg Troup 
Upham Van Allen Van Courtlandt Van Horn Van Ranssclear A erplank 
Wharton Whitehill Wilbour Williams A. M'ilson N. Wilson Winn.— -118 

" Naya.— - Messrs. Gurdenier Hoge.-— 2" 

This is a vote of immense importance in tlic decision of the 
question which 1 have been discussing. One hundred and eighteen 
members out of one hundred and twenty, have recorded their 
(leliberate opinion that " submit to the edicts of Great Britain 
and France,''"' would be " a sacrifice of the rights, honour and 
independence''^ of the United States. 

Our government had used every concciveble peaceable means 
to induce Great Britain to revoke her orders in council, to which, 
according to those gentlemen, we could not sabinit.without "a sa- 
crifice of our rights hono7ir uud independence^ But every ef- 
fort had been made in vain. The orders in council remained 
unrevoked. 

Yet many of these gentlemen, thus solemnly pledged ai.d 
committed, voted against the war, as imjust and 'uiholy and 



illE OLIVE BRANCH, 257 

wicked ; and spared no pains to excite a seditious, a trea- 
sonable opposition to it, on the pretext of that injustice and 
\vickedneis I 

Can the human mind conceive a stronger and more inde- 
fensible contradiction than this ? It is impossible. 

The war was in resistance of the orders in council and, 
iccording to these gcntleinen, was of course, a war to pre- 
vent " a sacrifice of the rights, honour, and independence of 
the United States." And if ever war can be just and 
liolv, it surely is then just and holy, when it is waged la 
defence of •• the rights, honour, and independfence of a 
nation." 

I cannot allow myself to believe, that I shall have a single 
reader v,'ho will doubt or deny tiie correctness of this infe- 
rence. It is irresistible- These gentlemen are fairly com- 
mitted in the face of the country and of all Christendom, 

It may be said, and has been said ten thousand times, 
that the same pledge \^'as given on the subject of the French 
decrees ; and that war ouglit to have been declared ao-ainsl 
one nation as well as the other. To this there are two re- 
plies. One, that the French government did repeal its de- 
crees, although in a very ungracious and uncourteous man- 
ner. But ungracious, and uncourteous, and indecorous as it 
was,, they were i-epeuled. That this was the fact, I appeal 
to Mr. Otis. He has completely settled this point forever,. 
On the 14th of January, 18 2, as we have seen, in a con- 
fidential letter to a friend, he declared, not that the decrees were 
unrepealed — but that " the repeal was less formal than it should 
have beeny The reader who does not find that this is a 
decisive admission that they were actually repealed, must be 
wilfully blind. The other reply embraces an important fact. 
When the. question of war against Great Britain was under 
discussion in Congress, Mr. M'Kee, of Kentucky, fc^j^ moved 
for a declaration of war against France as well as her ene- 
my. Tiie motion, on a division of the house, was negatived' 
by a very large Majority. Ten members only* votetl in the 
amrmative, of whom |C3^seue« were democrats — and ^cj^but 
three federalists ! All the other federalists voted in the ne'^a- 
tive I This for ever closes the clamour on the subject of the 
propriety of declaring war against France. 

Here I make a solemn pause. The orders in council 
were, as we have seen, one of the most prominent grounds 

* See this fact stated in the speech, of Sir. Clay, speaker of tlie House of 
Representatives of the United States, Jan, 8, 1813, Weekly Reg-iitcr, vok 
:.ii. page 372. 



?58 THE OLIVE BRANCli. 

of \vai. 1 li«ve 'rsiablishcd their existence and their flagi' 
tious injustice fit tlie time of that dechiration. Yet the sen- 
iiic uf ]MasfachiiFetts has declared that " the war teas 
foxivdcd infalschuod J .'/" 

Mhen 1 stated the enormous transit dut^ the British min- 
istry attempted to collect for ^rj°"permission to trade will, 
Vrance, I mentioned, that to such an extravagant length wa-^ 
Aeir violation of neutral rights und of our independent sov 
ereigiity carried, that, wonderful to tell, they aftected ti^ 
eonsidor the permission to trade on these terms, as a spe 
<:ial favour ! Lest the reader might doubt or disbelieve thij- 
astonishing, this monstious, this dishonourable, this unjiar- 
alleUd lach 1 give him the most unequivocal authority — the 
celebrated Francis Jan^es Jackson. This gentleman, in a 
letter to the secrelaiy of. state, dated October 11, 1812, ex- 
j!)t-'Iy states — 



" "i he option {riven to neutrals — to trade with tlie enemies of Great \ir\ 
*.m)—ihYr,u^h liritish ports— ON PAYMENT OF A T1?AN!?1T DLTV, 
wfcs criginiiUy devised and intended — as a IMiriGATION of what is cer- 
tainly more correct, but rrore rigid in principle — THE TOTAL AND 
INQVAllFll D INTKIJL'lCllOK OF ALL TWADE AVITH TH3i 
liNEMYIj" 

'I'here is one point of view in vhich the pretensions ol 
Eiijjaiid ought to be considered, to show their palpable and 
*lH)tking ii:jiistice. their utter disregard of the rights of 
this nation, and their total departure from the most jolenui 
profes^feions previously n;ade. 

lij these professions England had pledged herself to re- 
peal the Orders in Council as soon as the Berlin and Milan 
decrees were repealed, so far as those decrees aifected our 
intercourse with England. We had no right to demand oJ 
France to go farther than this in her repeal. It woidd 
have been the most arrogant presumption for our govern- 
ment to have prescribed- to France any regulation of such 
:at t» of her trade as we were not interested in. Yet Eng- 
:ind did require a lepeal of her decrees as they affected her 
trade will) other nation^, as a shie qiia non to the repeal of 
the orders as they aflected tlie trade of the United States. 

This has been repeatedly denied, and with the utmost con- 
fidence. But denial is not disproof. And unfortunately foi 
the irieiids of England, the fact has become matter of his- 
torical record. It is to be found in a document of tlie most 
indisputable authenticity. On the fSth of June 1812. only 
eight days before the declaration of war, Mr. Foster, the 
British Minister at AVashington, wrote a letter to our go- 
vernment, in which this idea is distinctly and uuequivocally 
avowed in the following Mords; 



1 



THE OLIVE BRANCH. ^25'J 

• ' I liave no hesitation, sir, iu saying', that Great lUltain, as the case has 
litherto stood, never diil, nor ever could engage, without the grossest in- 
justice to herself and her allies, as well as to other neutral nations, ti) re- 
peal her oixicrs, as affecting America alone, leaving them in force ag;unst 
ither states, upon a condition that Trance would expect, singl) and speciiilJy, 
America from the operation of her decrees. 

Whatever roprobatloii tb.e system liere avowed, loudly calls 

for on the grotxnd of its gross and llagrant injustice, we must 

approve the candour ot" Mr. Foster, v/hich clothes in all its gen^ 

ume and iiftrinsic deforioity, and holds up to the abhorrence of 

he fair and upright part of manlvind of all nations. 

England at this time stood pledged to tins country, by repeat* 
ed declarations, promul^'aU'd with the utinost soletiuiity, to pro- 
ceed pari passu with France. But notwithstanding these solemn 
pledges so often reiterated, she at last fairly come out with her 
declaration, that tlie repeal of t!ie_ decrees so aftecting America 
was to produce no eftect on tiie Orders in Council as aftecting 
this country. That is, as plainly as can be, that unless we could 
prevail on France to cease the operation of her decrees upon 
British trade generally, we had no reason to hope for a relaxa- 
tion of the rigour and injustice of her Orders in Council. This 
3S a new explanation of a j)ctrl passu, and would of itself, had 
it stood alone, afforded full justihcation of the declaration of 
hostilities. 

No man who has the least regard to his character— who is net 
deprived by faction and party violence of the moral sense — 
can, after a perusal of the preceding observations and facts, hes; 
itate Avhat sentence to pronounce on the accusation, tliat '^ tJtr 
ivar was founded In falsehood,''^ 



CHAPTER XLVI. 

Enquiry into the Justice of the war continued. Jl clear, expli- 
cit and unanswerable defence of it, on the g;round of impress- 
ment alone, independent of all the other grievances, by the uri' 
exceptionable testimony of the honourable James Lloyd, Esq. 
of Massachusetts, 

Impressment. 

OF the enormity of this horrible grievance, which ^CT'cries to 
heaven for vengeance. I have given such copious details, ia 
chapters 31, io 38, that I need not enter deeply into it here. 

.".4 



£6b THE OLIVE BRANCH 

That it was ample and adequate caus6 of war, no man cantlc' 
ny, who reads the letter IVom commodore Porter, page 210 — 
and the extract from the log book of the Gueniere, page 211— 
whereby it is indisputably established that there were no les<: 
than the enormous number of forty five American impressed sea- 
men on board three British Tessels. 

1 must once moie beg leave to introduce to the reader, James 
Lloyd Esq. When 1 "shelter myself under such authority as 
Messrs. Otis, Pickering, Lloyd, &c. I deem myself imprcgnible. 

Ertract of a letter from the hoii. Jaines Lloyd to the hon. Mr. Perkins. 

" If Great Britain did claim and exercise the rights to impi-ess into her 
service the real, bona fide, native citizens of the United States, an intennina- 
ble war witli her, or witli all the nationa of the earth (if it could not be oth- 
erwise prevented) might be alike just, necessary and conunendable. The 
ocean, for the use of the great family of mankind should own no chartered 
privileges. In a time of neutrality, while abstaining from injuiy to others, 
it should be as free as air, to all who navigate it, and the IMPRESSMENT 
OF A NATIVE AMEIUCAX CITIZEN innocent of crime, and owing else- 
where no primarv' or paramount allegiance, and prosecuting a lawinl com- 
merce, in a vessel of liis own country, is, as it respects the individual, and 
as it regards an infringement of rights, as gross a nolation as if he were 
arrested, TORN AND l' HANS POUTED IN'IO SLAVERY FROM HIS PA- 
TEUNAL ROOF OR DOMESTIC ALTER." Boston Centinel, March 6, 
1813. 

The mine glov.s with animation on reading these noble, thes« 
dignified, tliese manly sentiments, worthy of the most illustri- 
ous heroes of the revolution ! What a wonderful contrast between 
them and the groveling report of the committee of the legislature 
of Massachusetts I This single extract were sufficient to justify 
the w;ir, had there been no other ground than impressment alone. 

From the commencement of the French revolutionary war till 
the declaration of hostilities took place, our vessels were arrest- 
ed wherever met with by British vessels of war — the crews over- 
hauled — the British captains seized and enslaved whom they 
plciised — as they were, in the strong language of Cobbett — "AC- 
CUSERS, WITNESSES, JUDGES, AND CAPTORS." 

England would have made war against all the nations of Eu- 

rope in succession, had they dared to impress her seamen. Ami 

what right had she to claim a religious veneration for her flag, 

when she was in the daily practice of violating ours in the gross- 

st manner? 

I request the reader's attention to this subject. Mr. Lloyd 
unites '' the claini'^ and " the exercise." The former is unim- 
portant in itsell, and does not attect the question. Sup- 
pose England to " claim a right" to all our vessels — to 
our territory — to our person^~it is no cause of wnr, Bu.t 



THE OIJVE BRANCH. 2(Jl 

ihe momeut she attempts " to exercise the right" to seize 
^iiy of them, resistance becomes a duty. 

it thus appears, that the expression*' cluim" is merfe 
verbiage. I do by no means believe it was euiployed to de- 
lude the reader. But I do aver that sucli is its etiect. 

^Zf*' Tlie exercise" then " by Great Britain, of the right 
to impress into her service — the real bona tide native citi- 
zens of the United States — would" by the explicit and 
Tinexceptionable declaration of James Lloyd, " justify an 
interminable war with her," 

The question, reader, is thus reduced within a narrow 
• ompass. It qnly remains to be ascertained whether " she 
exercised,, the execrable " right of impressment" of " real 
bona fide citizens" or not. If she did, the war, according 
to Mr* Lloyd, was just. To prove the fact beyond the pos- 
sibility of ciouht, I call in very high autliority. I will give 
xip for a moment my own calculation of 7000— the secre- 
tary's statement of 6700 — and even lord Castlereagh's ad- 
mission of 1600.* I will rely upon the committee of the 
legislature of Massachusetts, and upon the reverend Mr. 
Taggart, member in congress from that state. 

The latter admits tliere were three hundred impressed 
American seamen on board the British navy on the declara- 
tion of war. And a committee of the house of representa- 
tives of ^Massachusetts, ( '* as far as their enquiries went\ J 
admit that there were eieven impressed natives of the statff 
on board that navy, 

I proceed logically. As " the exercise of the right" of 
impressing the " real bona fide native citizens of the United 
States into the service of Great Britain, would justify an — in- 
terminable war with her or all the nations of the earth." — < 
and as we have clearly established that there were — at all 
events, SOO native citizens of the United States so impress- 
ed — it follows that Mr. Lloyd must justify the late war — 
and will not dare to assert that it was " founded an false- 
hood.'' Q. E. D. 

Before I close tlie subject, I beg leave to intioduce higher 
personages on the stage. 

The prince regent has publicly declared, that, " it is 
known to the world that this country, [Great Britain] was 
not the aggressor in this war." 

And the lords of tli£ admiralty, in their proclamation, 
dated April 1814, (see page 59,) express their regret on the 
subject of ^- the unprovoked aggression of the American go- 



* Lord Castlereagh. in the British padiument, I am assured and con- 
fidently believe, admitted this number. 



26i THE OLIVE BRANCH. 

' ' i 

vernment in declaring war after all the causes of its originak 
complaint had been removed" 

To enter the lists against such formidable antagonists, is, 
really bold and daring. But I venture to assert, and hope 
I have proved, that the war was not " founded in false- 
hood ;" — that Great Britain was notoriously " the aggressor ;'* 
and that none of " the original causes ef complaint had 
be^H removed" previous to the declaration of war. 

Just as this page was going to press, I met with an im- 
portant document, which bears powerfully and unanswera- 
bly on this topic. It is entitled. 

"An abstract of the returns or lists received from General Ljotian of 
American seamen and citizens, who have been impressed and held on 
board his Britannic majesty's ships of war, from the 1st of October. 
1807, till .the 31st of March 1809." 

The whole number of impressed men included in these 
rjBturns, is -- 873 

Of whom were discharged ------ 287 

Applications unanswered - 103 

In ships on foreign stations ----- 48 
Deserted ------------ 32 

British subjects --------- 98 

Having voluntarially entered ----- 34 
Married in England or Ireland - - - - 7 

The remaining 264 were refused to be dischared on va- 
rious grounds, of irregularity of documents, &c. &c. — But 
let it be borne in eternal remembrance, that of the whole 
number 873, there were only 98 who were detained as British 
vsubjects ! 

This single document is of itself abundantly sufficient to 
condemn beyond the power of appeal or justification, the 
odious practice of impressment. Eight hundred and seventy 
three persons, sailing under the American Hag, which oughi 
to ha^ e ensured them full and complete protection, are sei- 
/,ed with every circumstance of outrage, oppression, injury, 
and injustice, as British subjects — are torn from their 
friends and families and country — are compelled to fight the' 
battles of Great Britain, at the risque of being slaughtered 
by her enemies — they are subject to the most ignominiou;; 
punishment, if they dare refuse to serve ; and yet good hea- 
vens I what an abomination ! when tiieir cases are fully in- 
vestigated, it is found that only 98 of them are asserted to 
to he — ihmi<xh then trere. all stolen itvdtr pretence that they 
were — liritisli subjects ! ! / 

1 make a solemn appeal on this subject — not to the Uni- 
ted States — not to the British nation — not to France— but 
•fo th« whole world — and boldly aver, and dare contradic- 



THE OLIVE BRANCH 20a 

ticn, that no nation ever perpetrated such utrocious, such horri - 
ble, sucli lawless violence on anotlier natioii, in a state of preten- 
ded peace and friendship, and that no nation, with ecjual niean? 
of defence and otFence, ever before submitted to such humilia- 
tion, such degradation, as has been heaped on the United Stales. 



CHAPTER XLMI. 

Turbulence of Boston, Boston acts on Massachusetts, Massa- 
chusetts acts on the other eastern states. Jealousies atid dis- 
cord sedulously excited. Hateful picture of the southern states. 
Commercial and anti-commercial states. Enquiry into the 
claims of the eastern states. Fankeeism. Moral and religious 
jieople. 

iJOSTON, the metropolis of Massachusetts, has been, for 
a long period, and more particularly since the close of the reign 
of federalism, the seat of discontent, complaint and turbulence. 
It has been itself restless and uneasy — and has spread restlessness 
and uneasiness in every direction. It has thwarted, harrassed, 
and embarrassed the general government, incomparably more 
than all the rest of the union together. 

Whatever difficulty or distress arose from the extraordinary 
circumstances of the times — and great difficwlty and distress 
■were inevitable — was aggravated and magnified to the highest 
degree, for the purpose of inflaming the public passions. The 
leaders in this business were clamorous, when we were 
at peace in 1793, and in 1806, for war against England 
^ on account of their deprec'ations on their commerce and 
in 180r, on account of the attack on the Chesapeake. They 
were equally clamorous, as we have seen, in 1 803, for war against 
Spain, for the interruption of the rightof deposit at New-Orleans, 
and denounced, in the most virulent stile, the imbecility and 
cowardice of the government. Yet from the moment when war 
was declared, they clamoured for peace, and reprobated tlie war as 
wicked, unjust, and unnecessary, although the causes of war were 
ncoraparably greater in 1812, than in 1793, 1803, 1806, or 1807.* 
They made every possible etVort to raise obstructions and diffi- 
culties, in the prosecution of the war; and |0" yet approbated 
he administration for their imbecility in carrying it on. They 
reduced the government to bankruptcy, as I tiustlshall provej 
and ^CP reproached it for its necessities and embarrassments- 

Scp Chapters 43 and 44, 



{264 'lllE OLIVE BRANCH. 

In a ^vo^(l, all their movements have had and still liavc but one 
object, to enfeeble and distract the government. This object has 
been too successfully attained. 

"With a population of only 33,000 inhabitants, and with a 
commerce quite insignificant, compared with that of New- York, 
Philadelphia, lialtimore or Charleston, Bostx)n has, by manage- 
meat and address, acquired a degree of influence beyond all 
proportion greater than its due share — greater in fact than the 
above four cities combined — a decree of infiuence which has beea 
exercised in such a manner as to become dangerous to publir 
and private prosperity a!id happiness, and to the peace and per- 
tuanence of the union. It brought us to tlie verge of its disso- 
lution, and nearly to the awful consequence— a civil war. 



The movers of this mighty piece of machinery — tiiis lever that 
puts into convulsive motion the whole of our political ftibric, 
are few in number. But they are possessed of inordinate wealth— 
of considerable talents — great energy — and overgrown influence 
They atlbrd a " signal proof now much a few rnen may effect by 
energy and concert, more especially when they are not very scru- 
pulous about the means, provided the ends are accomplished. A 
nortliern confederacy has been their grand object for a number of 
vears. They have repeatedly advocated in the public prints a 
separatlo;i of the states, on account of a pretended discordance 
of views and interests of the different sections. 



This project of separation was formed shortly after the adop- 
tion of the federal constitution. Whether it was ventured be- 
jore the public earlier than 1796, I know not. But of its pro- 
mulgating in that year, there is the most indubitab5e evidence. 
A most elaborate set of papers was then published in the city of 
Hartford, in Connecticut, the joint production of an association of 
men ot the first talents and influence in the state. They appeared 
in the ConnecticutCourant, published by Hudson and Goodwin, 
two eminent printers, of, I believe, considerable revolutionary 
standmt;. There Vricre then none ofthe long catalogue of 2;rievances. 
which, since that period, have been fabricated to justify the re- 
cent attempts to dissolve the union. General Washington was 
piosideni; John Adams, an eastern citi/.en, vice president. 
There was no French iy-Hueace — no Virginia dynasty — no em- 
bargo — no non-intercoursa — no terra[)in policy — no democratic 
madness — nowai. — In fine, every feature in the affairs ofthe 
country was pr*" 'irely according to their fojidest wishes. 



THE OLIVE BRANCU. 26^ 

. These essays umlcr the signature of Pelham, were republlMied 
in Philadelphia, in a paper called the New World, edited by Mr. 
S. H. feinith. 

To sow discord, jealousy, and hostility between the different 
sectioni5 oftho union, was the first and grand step in their career, 
in order to accomplish the favourite object of a separation of 
the states. 

In fact, without this efficient instrument, all their efforts would 
have been utterly unavailing, it would have been impossible, 
had the honest yeomanry of the eastern states continued to re- 
gard their southern fellow-citizens as friends and brethren, hav- 
ing one comuKui interest in tiie promotion of the general war- 
fare, to make them instruments in ihe hands of those who intend- 
ed to employ them to operate the unholy work of destroying the 
noble, the august, tlie splendid iabric of our union and unparal- 
leled form of government. 

For eighteen years, therefore, the most unceasing endeavours 
have been used to poison the minds of the people of the eastern 
states towards, am! to alienate them fi-om, tiieir fellow-citizens 
of the southern. The people of the Jatter section have been pour- 
trayed as demons incarnate, and <lestitute of all the good qual- 
ities that dignify or adorn human nature — that acquire esteenx or 
regard — tliat entitle to respect and veneration. Nothing can ex- 
ceed the virulence of these caricaturies, soine of which would 
have suited the ferocious inhabitants of New-Zealand, rather than 
a civilized or polished nation. 

To illustrate, and remove all doubt on, this subject, I subjoin 
an extract from Peiham's essay, No. I. 



" Ne,^oes are, [n Jl rfespects, except in reg;?.rd to life and death, Uie cat- 
tle of the citizens of the soullicrn states. If th^ were good for food, the 
probability is, that even \he power of destroyint;- tlic lives would be en- 
joyed by their o\v ncrs; as fully as it is over tlie lives of their cuttle. It cannot 
be, that their laws proiiibit the owners from killing- their slaves, because 
those slaves are human beings, or because it is a moral evil to destroy them. 
If that were the case, how can they justify their being treated, in all other 
respects, like brutesi' for it is hi this point of view alone, that negToesin the 
southern stales are considered in iiict as diilerent from cattle. They arc 
boug'ht and sold — they are fed or kept hungry — they are clothed, or re- 
duced to nakedness — they are beaten, turned out to the fury of the ele- 
ments, and torn from their dearest connexions, with as little remorse as if 
they were beasts of the field." 



Never was there a more infamous or unfounded caricature than 
this — never one more disgraceful to its author. It may not be a- 
miss to state, and it greatly enhances the turpitude of the writer, 
that at the period when the above was written, there were many 



^I6i> THE OLIVE BRANCH. 

slaves in Connectiuct, who were subject to all the disadvantages 
tliat attended the southern slaves. 

Its vile character is further greatly aggravated by the consider 
i-ation that a large portion of these very negroes, anfl their an- 
cesters, had been purchased, and rant from their homes and fa 
milies, by citizens of the eastern states, who were actually at 
that moment, and long afterwards, engaged in the Slive Trade 

1 add a few nwrc extracts from Pelham : — 

We have reached a critical period in onr political existence. The question 
must soon be decided, \a hether we will continue a nation, at the expense 
even of our union, or sink with the present mass of difficulty into coniusioa 
and slavery. 

'"' Aiany advantages were supposed to be secured, and many eviis avoided; 
by an union of the states I shall not deny tl at the supposition was well 
founded. But at that time those advantages and those evils were magnified 
*.o a f;u- gi'eater size, than eitlier would be if the question was at tliis momen': 
■J^j he settled. 

"The northern states can subsist as a nation, a republic, without any con- 
, nexion with the southern. It cannot be contested, that if the southern states 
'were possessed of tlie same political ideas, an union would still be more de- 
kirable than a separation. Kut when it becomes a serious question, whether 
'■ve. shall give up our government, or part with the states south of the Poto 
n!uc, ]io man north of that rivei-, whose heart is not tlioroughly democra- 
tic, can hesitate what decision to make. , 

" I shall in the future papers consider some of the great events which will 
lead to a separation of tlie United States; show the importance of retaining 
their present constitution, even at tlie expense of a separation; endeavour 
to prove the impossibility of an union foi-.any long pei'iod in future, botli from 
ihc moral arid pohtical habits of tlie citizens of tlie southern states; and finally 
examine carefully to see whether we have not already approached to the era 
when they must be divided." 

It is impossible for a man of intelligence and candour to read 
these extracts, without feeling a decided conviction that the wri- 
ter and his friends were determined to use all their cndtavours to 
dissolve the union, aud endanger civil war and all its horrors, in 
order to proinol« their personal views. This affords a complete 
, fUie to all the seditious proceedings that have occurred since that 
period — the unceasing efforts to excite the public mind to that 
feverish state of discord, jealousy, and exasperation, which was 
necessary to prepare it for convulsion. The parties interested 
vvould on the stage of a separate confederacy perform the brilliant 
jiarts of kings and princes, generals and generalissimos — whereas 
on the grand stage of a general union, embracing all the states, 
Ihey are obliged to sustain characters of perhaps a second ov 
third rate. " Better to rule in hell, than obey in heaven."" 

The unholy spirit that inspired the writer of the above 
extracts, has been, from that hour to the present, incessant- 
ly employed to excite hostility between the different sectio^ft 



VHJE OLIVE BRANCH. SGf 

?i the union. To such horrible lengths has this spirit been 
carried, thjit many paragraphs iiave occasionally appeared 
in the Boston papers, intended, as well as calculated to ex- 
cite the negroes of the southern states to lise and massacre 
tlieir masters. This vill undoubtedly appear incredible to 
the reader. It is nevertlieless saciedly true. It is a spe- 
cies of turpitude and baseness, of which the world lias pro- 
duced a few examples. 

Thus some progress was made. But it was inconsidera- 
ble. While the yeomanry of the eastern states were en- 
riched by a beneficial commerce with tiie southern, they did 
not feel disposed to quarrel with them for their supposed 
want of a due degree of piety or morality. 

A deeper game was reipiijiite to be played, or all the 
pains taken so far, would have been wholly fruitless. Ami 
this was sedulously undertaken. The press literally groan- 
ed with efforts to prove five points, wholly destitute of foun- 
dation. 

First, That the eastern states were supereminently com- 
mercial. 

Secondly, That the states south of the Susquehaijnah were 
wholly agricultural. 

Thirdly, I'hat there is a natural and inevitable hostility 
between commercial and agricultural states. 
. Fourthly, That this hostility has uniformly pervaded the 
whole southern section of the union. And 

Fifthly, That all measures of congress were dictated by 
this hostility : and were actually intended to ruin the com- 
mercial, meaning the eastern states. 

I do not assert that these miserable, these contemptible, 
these deceptions positions were ever laid down in a regular 
form, as those to argue upon. But I do aver, tliat they 
form the basis of three fourths of all the essays, paragraphs, 
squibs, and crackers, that have appeared in the Boston pa- 
pers against the administration for many years past. " The 
Road to Ruin," ascribed to Jolin Lowell, now before me, is 
remarkable for its virulence, its acrimony, its intetnperance, 
and for the talents of the writer. He undoubtedly places 
his subject in the strongest point of light possible "for such 
a subject. But if you extract from his essays, the assump- 
tion of these positions, all the rest is a mere caiJiit mor- 
tuum — all " sound and fury." On these topics the changes 
rung in endless succession. The same observation will apply, 
and with equal force, to hundreds and thousands of essays and 
parapraphs, written on the same topic. 

Never was the — j^itta non vi, sed satpe cndendo — more 
(Completely verified. These positions, however absurd, liow- 



£68 THE OLIVE BRANCH 

ever extravagant, hovv«ver ridiculous they appear in Kieii 
iiaked form, have, by (.lint of incessant repetition, made, such 
an impression upon 'the minds of a large portion of the peo- 
ple of the eastern states, that they are as thoroughly convinced 
of their tiuth, as of any problem in Euclid, 

Boston having acted upon and inflamed Massachusetts, that 
state acted upon, and put in movement, the rest of the eastern 
stales, more pai ticularly Connecticut and Rhode Island. New- 
Hampshire and Vermont are but partially infected with the tur- 
bulent and Jacobinical spirit tliat predominates in Massachusetts^ 

It thus happens, that a people proverbially orderly, quiet, so- 
ber, and rational, were actually so highlv excited as to be ripe for 
revolution, and ready to overturn the wliole system of social or- 
der. A conspiracy was formed, which, as 1 have stated, and 
as cannot be too often repeated, promised fair to produce a con- 
vulsion — a dissobttion oj the. union — and a civii war, unless the 
seduced people of that section of the union could be recovered 
from the fatal delusion they laboured under, and restored to their 



icason. 



\ 



T shall very brieily, and without much attention to order or re- 
sularity, consider these positions. They are not entitled to a 
/erions retutatitin, but merely as they have been made the instru- 
nients of producing so much mischief. 

Before 1 touch upon the commercial points, I shall off'erafev/ 
observations on tlie high and exalted pretensions of the people of 
the eastern states, to superior morality and religion, over the 
rest ot the union. There has not been, it is true, quite so much 
parade with the exclus/vc claims as on the subject of commerce. 
Perhaps the reason is, that there was no political purpose to be 
answered by them. — But that the peo|)le of that section of the 
union are in general thoroughly persuaded that they very far 
excel the rest of the nation in both religion and morals, no man 
who has been conversant with them can deny. 'Ihis folly of self 
righteousness, of exalting ourselves above others, is too general 
all over the world; but no where more prevalent, or to greater 
extent, than in the eastern states. To pretend to institute a com- 
parison between the religion and morals of the people of Boston 
and thdse ol l^hiladelphia, New-Yoik, or Baltimore, would be 
regarded as equally extravagant and absurd, with a comj>arison 
of the gambols of a cow to the spriglitlv and elegant curvetings of 
;\n Arabian courser. Tljc Rev. Jedldati 3Iorse has in some de- 
gree devoted his geograghy to, and disgraced it by, the perpetu- 
ation of this vile prejudiLC. Almost every page that respects 
lis own section of the union is highly encomiastic. He ro. 



THE OLIVE BRANCH. , 269 

|<jurs with the flattering tints of a partial and enamoured friend. 
But when once he passes the Susqueluinnah, what a hideous re- 
verse! — Vl.nost every thing is there frisjhtful caricature. Society 
is at a low a**'! melancholy ebb, and all the sombre tints are em- 
ployed to elevtte, by the contrast, his favourite Elysium, the eas- 
tern states. He dips his pen in gall when he has to pourtray the 
manners, or habits, or relij;ion, ot Virginia or Maryland, either of 
the Carolinas or Georgia, or the western country. 

I should enter fiir into the consideration of this proceduie of 
Mr. Morse, but t'vit it has been ably discussed by a superior pen. 
The erlifor oi' tiie Port Folio, him-^elf a decided 'federalist repro- 
bates, and pronounces a just and eternal condemnation on the 
iiliijer.ility of making a school, or indeed any other, book, a vehi- 
cle to excite aniinosities between fellow citizens of different por- 
tions of the same nation. 

The character of the eastern states for morality has been vari- 
ous at various times. Not long since it was at a very low ebb 
indeed. It is within the memory of those over whose chins no 
razor has ever mowed a harvest,' that Yankee and sharper were 
regarded as nearly synonimous. And this was not among the 
low and illiberal, the base and vulgar. It pervaded all ranks of 
society, in the middle and southern states traders were univer- 
sally very much on their guard against Yankee tricks v/heu deal- 
ins: with those of the eastern. 

They now arrogate to themselves (and, for party purposes, 
their claims are sometimes admitted by their political friends) to 
be, as I have stated, a superior order to tlicir fellow-citizens. 
They look down upon those of the southward witli as much con- 
tempt, and with as much foundation too, as did the Pharisee of old 
on the despised Publican. 

Both of those views are grossly erroneous. They never, as a 
people, merited the opprobrium under whicli they formerly la- 
boured. There were, it is true, many wortliless miscreants among 
them, who, on their migration to the other states, were guilty of 
base tricks, which, by an illiberality disgraceful to our species, 
but nevertheless very common, were charged to the account of 
the entire people of the eastern states, and brought tliem under a 
most undeserved odium. 

1 feel a pride and pleasure in doing justice to the yeomanry of 
the eastern states. They will not suffer in a comparison with the 
same class of men in any part of the world. They are upright, 
sober, orderly and regular — shrewd, intelligent and well infornv 
ed — and I believe there is not a greater degree of genuine native 
urbanity among the yeomanry cf any country under the canopy 



3r70 -THE OLIVE BRANCH. 

of Heaven. And it is lamentable and unaccountable how they 
have allowed themselves to be so egregiously duped as they have 
been. I liave known them long: and my respect for them has 
gradually increased in proportion as my knowledge of them has 
Extended. But I shall never admit any exclusive or superemment 
claim to the virtues which I know they possess. And I have no 
hesitation in averring, that although Boston, or Hartford, orNeVv- 
haven, may exhibit rather more ftp/;earance of religion and piety, 
than New-York, or Philadelphia, or Baltimore, yet the latter ci- 
ties possess as much of the reality. It would astonish and fright^ 
en many of the pious people in New-York or Philadelphia, to be 
informed — but they may nevertheless rely upon the information 
as indubitably true — that a large portion of the clergy in the town 
of Boston, arc absolute Unitarians; and scout the idea of the di- 
vinity of .Tesus Christ as completely and explicitly as ever Dr. 
Priestly did. This is a digression. I did not intend to introduce 
it. But since it is here, let it remain. And let me add, that the 
present principle of Harvard College was known to be an Unita- 
rian when he was elected. This fact establishes the very great 
extent and prevalence of the doctrine. 



CHAPTER XLATII. 

.Irrogance of the Claims of the Eastern States on the subject of 
Commerce. Statistical Tables. Comjmrison of the Exports of 
several States. 

Jl he high and sounding pretensions of the eastern states on 
the subject of commerce have been almost universally admitted. 
No person has ever thought it worth wliile to examine into the ac- 
tual state of the facts. It has been presumed, that, in a matter 
where falsehood and deception were so easily detected, such con- 
fident assertions would not be hazarded, unless they rested on a 
strong foundation. And in drawing the line of demarcation be- 
tween the eastern states and the rest of tho union, in the minds 
«fthe mass of the community, all to the north and east of the 
line was regarded as devoted exclusively to commerce — all to 
the south and west, chiefly to agriculture. 

Tt is hardly possiI)le to conceive a greater mistake. The read- 
er will bo astonished at the view I shall lay belore him. 1 have 
been inexpressibly surprised myself, and even now can hardly 
credit my own statements. They are nevertheless indisputable. 



THE OLIVE BRANCH, 



271 



TABLE A. 

Tiible of Exports from the United States, of FOREIGJV and 
proJttctioiui and JManufactnres, from 1791 to 1802. Careftdly 
the trccsuvy returns. 

'^fMsachtisftts. .Yeiu-Torl: 
1791 S'3,519,000 2,505,000 
2,888,000 2.535,000 
2,932,000 
5,442,000 



1792 
1793 

1794 
1795 
1796 

1797 
1798 
1799 
1800 
180 J 
1802 



3,755,000 
.5,292,000 
7,117,000 
9,949,000 
7,502,000 
8,639,000 
n, 42/, 000 
11,326,000 



Pennsulvania. 
3,43'6,00U 
3,830,000 
6,958,000 
6,643.000 



10,304,000 11,518,000 
12,208,000 17,513,000 



13,308,000 11,446,000 

14,300.000 8,915.000 

18,719,000 12,431,000 

14,045.000 11,949,000 

1-1,870,000 19.851,000 17,438,000 14,304,000 

13,492,000 13,792,000 12,677,000 10,639,000 



<S'. Carolina. 
2,693,000 
2,428,000 
3,101,000 
3,867,000 
5,998,000 
7,620,000 
6,505,000 
6,994,000 
8.729,000 
10,663,000 



DOMESTIC 

extracted from 

Maryland. 

2,239,000 

2,623,000 

0,665,000 

5,686,000 

5,311,000 

9,201,000 

9,811,000 

12,746,000 

16,299,000 

12,264,000 

12,767,000 

7,914,000 



98,770,000 129,941,000 124,744,000 83,631,000 101,026,000 



1791 
1792 
1793 
1794 
1795 
1796 
1797 
1798 
1799 
1800 
1801 
1802 



Connecticut. 

S71O,O0Q 

879,000 

770,000 

812,000 

819,000 

1,452,000 

814,000 

763,000 

1,143,000 

1,114,000 

1 ,446,000 

1,606,000 

12,328,000 



Rhode Island. 
470,000 
698,00ff 
616,000 
954.000 
1,222,000 
1,589,000 
975,000 
947,000 
1,055,000 
1 ,322,000 
1,832,000 
2,433,000 



Virgin/ a. 
3,131,000 
3,552.000 
2,987,000 
3,321,000 
3,490,000 
5,268,000 
4,908,000 
6,113,000 
6,292,000 
4,430,000 
6,655,000 
3,978,000 



Georgia. 

491,000 

459,000 

520,000 

263,000 

695,000 

950,000 

644,000 

961.000 

1,596,000 

1,174,000 

1.755,000 

1,854,000 



J^/'.-flcunpshire. 
142,000 
181.000 
198,000 
153,000 
229.000 
378,000 
275,000 
361,000 
361,000 
431,000 
555,000 
565.000 



14,113,000 



53,125,000 11,162,000 3,829,000 



Vermont, 



1791 




1792 




1793 




1794 




1795 




1796 




1797 




1798 




1799 


20,000 


1800 


57,000 


1801 


57,000 


1802 


31,000 



165,000 



JV". Carolina. 
524,000 
527,000 
365.000 
321,000 
492,000 
671,000 
540,000 
437,000 
485,000 
769,000 
874,000 
659.000 

6,764,000 



A'evj-./erseT/. 

26,000 

23,000 

54,000 

58,000 

130,000 

59.000 

18 000 

61,000 

9,000 

2,000 

25,000 

26,000 

491,000 



JJelinvarc. 

119,000 
133,000 

93,000 
207,000 
158,000 
201,000 

98,000 
j 83,000 
297,000 
418,000 
662,000 
440,000 



3,009,090 



^2 THE OLIVE BRANCH. 

J\/'. B. In tlie preceding table of exports, the figures below thousand. 
arc uniformly omitted, as not material to the calculaliorv—and afierting 
equally botla sides of the question. 

Comparative, views of the exports from the different states, of, 
foreign and domestic articles, from 1791 to 1802, inclusively. 
See Table A. 

I. Maryland exported eight times as much as Connecticut; 
seven times as much as Rhode Island; two per cent, more than 
" the great commercial state" Massachusetts ; and very nearly 
as much as Massachusetts, Newhampshire and Vermont united. 

Manland 101,026,000 

Massacliusetls .... 98,770.000 

New-Hampshire ----- 3,629,0( 
Vermont .... - 165,000 

102,764,00C 

Connecticut ..,.-- 12,328,00( 

Rhodclsland ----- - 14,113,00C 

II. Maryland exported above three hundred and thirty per. 
cent, more than JSTewhampshire, Vermont, Connecticut, and 
JRhode Island.. 

Maryland 101,026,00( 

New Hampshire . - - - 3,829,000 

Vermont . - - - - 165,000 

Conncctcut 12,328,000 

Khode Island . . - - 14,113,000 

30,435,00( 

III. South Carolina exported nearly six times as much as 
, Rhode Island: nearly seven times as much as Connecticut; a- 

bove twenty times as much as Newhampshire; 500 times as mucl 
as Vermont; and one hnndred and seventy per cent, more thai 
those four stales. 
South Carolina - - - - ^- 83,631,oo« 

New Hampshire .... .",829,ooo 

Connecticut , - - - I2,328,ooo 

Rhode Island .... 14,ll3,ooo 

Vermont - - • - 165,ooo 

30,435,00* 

IV. Virginia exported seventy-three per cent, more than the 
four minor eastern states. 

Virginia . , . . - 53,l24,oo< 

N. Hampshire, Vermont, &c. See No. 2. - - 3o,435,ooc 

V. Virginia and i;»outh Carolina exported eight per cent. mor« 
tlian the live " great commercial eastern states.^' 

Virginia - . • 53, l25,ooo 

South Carolina - - - - 83,t"31,ooo 

129,756.oo» 

Massachusetts .... 98,7ro,ooo 

N, Hamp.shirc, Vermont, &c. See No. 2. 3o,435,ooo 

l29,2o5,oot 

VI. North Carolina exported seventy percent, more than New 
XInmpshire and Vermont. 



TUE OLIVE BliANCH, 



in 



[North Carolina 
New Hampshire 
V'crmout 



3,829,000 
165.000 



5,764,000 



3,994,000 



7 

I Vll. Georgia exported nearly as much as Connecticut. 

Georgia - -^ - - 12,162,000 

Connecticut - , - - 12,3)28,000 

VI II. ^cj°' Tlie jive soutliern states exported nearly twice as 

tiiuch as the five great eastern states' 
Maryland 



lit 



Virginia 
North Carolina 
South Carolina 
Georgia 



101,026,000 

53.125,000 

6,764,000 

83,631,000 

12,162,000 



256,708,300 

Five eastern states = See No 5. 129,205,000 

IX. Pennsylvania exported nearly as much as t he " five great 
commercial eastern states." 
Pennsylvania - - - 124,744,000 



Five eastern states. See No. 5. 



129,205,000 



IWBLK Tl. 
FOREmXFIiOl}UCTIO.\S and MAXUFACVURES exported Jrom the 
United States fmn.lSQS to 1813. CarefuUi) tahcn from the treasitrif returns 



Massachusetts. 
1803 S;',369,000 
10,591,000 
13,738,000 
14.577,000 
13,926,000 
3,619,000 
6,119,000 
7,251,00a 
5,192,000 
2,648.000 
294,000 



1804 
1805 
1809 
1807 
1808 
1809 
1810 
1811 
1812 
ISIS 



JVew-l'ork: Pe\nsijlvania 

3,191,000 3,504;000 

8,580,000 

15,384,000 

13,709,000 

16,400,000 

3,243,000 

4,232,030 



•6,313,000 
3,518,000 
2,358,000 
1,124,000 



6,851,000 

9,397,000 

13.809,000 

12,055,000 

2,946,000 

4,810,000' 

6,241,000 

3,865,000 

1,313,000 

327,000 



S. Carolina. Mciniland. 
947,000 1,371,000 
2,309,000 5.213,000 
3,108,000 7,150,000 
2,946,000 10,919,000 
3,783,000 10.282,000 
260,000 1,956,000 
385,000 4,056,000 



408,000 

210,000 

11,000 

53.000 



2,213,000 
2,820,000 
1,929,000 
1,005,000 



81,324,000 78,052,000 65,118,000 14,420,000 50,214,000 

Virtfinia. 
151,000 
395,000 
660,000 
428,000 
367,000 
18,000 
107,000 
189,000 
23,000 
17,000 





Connecticut. 


Rhode-lslund. 


1803 


S lo,ooo 


611,000 


1804 


29.000 


817,000 


1805 


90,000 


1,506,000 


1806 


193,000 


IH 42,000 


1807 


105,000 


915,000 


1808 


15,000 


102,000 


1809 


1 1 ,000 


626,000 


1810 


5.000 


456,000 


1811 


38,000 


626,000 


1812 




150,000 


181S 


5,000 


2,000 



Georgia. 


A'. Ham{ishire. 


25,000 


51,000 


74,000 


262,000 


43,000 


218,000 




383,000 


34,000 


314,000 




2,000 




85,ooo 


3,000 


9,000 


11.000 


53,000 




9,000 



501jO9O e,9535«oo 2,355,000 190.ooo l,386,ooo 



SLT4 THE OLIVE BRANCH 

Vermont. J^. Caro/hia. J^'erv-Jerscvt Deletvard: 

1803 27,000 26,000 240,000 

1804 55,000 9,000 517,000 

1805 (^7,000 12,000 280,000 

1806 102,000 3,000 7,000 374,000 

1807 55,000 4,000 5,000 151,000 

1808 25,000 8,000 70,uOO 

1809 49,000 50,000 41,000 

1810 26,01j0 2,000 37,000 40,000 

1811 538,000 4,000 

1812 131,000 

1813 1,000 



1,075,000 61,000 107,000 1,718,000 



■^Jomparatire liirn's. of foreign articles, exported from 1803 to 1813, See pre - 

ceding Table B. 

I. Maryland exported above five times as much as the four mi- 
nor eastern states. 

aiaryland - - ... . 50,214.000 

Connecticut f ... 501,000 

Rhode Jsland - ... 6,953,000 

New Hampshire .... 1,386,000 

Vermont - ... 1,075,000 

9,915,00a 

ir. South Carolina exported nearly twice as much as Connec- 
ticut and Ehode Island: above ten times as much as New Hamp- 
shire: and above forty per cent, more than the four minor eastern 
States. 

South Carolina - - . . 1 4,420,000 

Connecticut - - - -501,000 

Rhode Island - - - 6,953,000 



/ 



,454,000 

New Hampshire 1,386,000 

Four minor eastern states. No. 1- 9,913,000 

HI. Maryland and South Carolina exported nearly eighty per 
cent, of the amount exported by Massachusetts. 

Maryland - 50,214,000 

iSouth Carolina - - 14,420,000 

. 64,634,000 

Massachusetts ... 8I,314,00C 

IV. Virginia exported above twenty per cent, move than Con 
necticut and New Hami)shirc. 

Virginia - . _ . 2,355,000 

Connecticut - - 501,000 

New Hampshire - - 1,386,000 

l,8B7,OOD 



THE OLIVE JJRANCH. 



afi 



TABLE C, 
OMESTJC PRODUCTIOJ\/'S and MANUFACTURES 

exhorted from the U. S'ales/rom \S03> to 18i3, carej'ullij ex- 
tracted j'roin the t'canury returns. 





-^fassac/ii;selts. 


Arc-i-Ycr!.: 


■PaiHtii/lvdnni, 


S. Curoli'iu. 


Mai-ijlaiiif. 


1803 


S5,399,ooo 


7,626,000 


4,021,000 


6,863,000 


3,707,000 


1804 


0,303,000 


7,501,000 


4,178,000 


5,142,000 


3938,000 


1805 


^,o97,ooo 


8,098,000 


4,365,000 


5,957,000 


3,408,000 


1806 


D,*J21,ooo 


8 o53,ooo 


3,765,oco 


6,797,000 


3,661,000 


l8o7 


6,185,000 


9,957,000 


4,8o9,ooo 


7,129,000 


4,016 000 


l8o8 


l,oo8,ooo 


2,362,000 


1,066,000 


l,4o4,ooo 


764,000 


l8o9 


6,o22,ooo 


8,3i8,ooo 


4.238,000 


2,861,000 


.2j57o,ooo 


1810 


5,761, ooo 


lo,928,Goo 


4,751,000 


4,881,000 


3,276,000 


1811 


6,o42,ooo 


8,71.7,000 


5,694,000 


4,650jOoo 


5,552,000 


1812 


3,935,000 


6, 603,000 


4,660,000 


2 o24,ooo 


3,956,000 


i813 


lj5 13,000 


6,oGo,ooo 


3,21.9,000 


2,815,000 


2,782,000 



54,986,000 85,283,000 41,796,000 5o,523,ooo 36,63o,ooo 



!803 
1804 
l8o5 
1806 
.i8o7 
I808 
l8o9 
18» 
1811 
1812 
1813 



Connecticut. 

S 1,238,000 

1,486,000 

1,353,000 

1,522,000 

1,519,000 

397,000 

655,000 

762.0CO 

994,000 

720,000 

968,000 



R. Island. 
664,000 
917,000 . 
1,065,00 
l49,ooo 
741,000 
139,000 
658,000 
874,t)oo 
944,000 
6o4,ooo 
234,000 



Virginia. 
5,949,000 
5,39i,ooo 
4,9i5,ooo 
4,626,000 
4.31^3,000 
5o8,ooo 
2,786.000 
4.632*000 
5,798.000 
2,983,000 
1,819,000 



Georgia, 
2,345 000 
2,oo3,ooo 
2,351,000 
82,ooo 
3,710,000 
24, 000 
l,o82,ooo 
2,234,000 
2,557,000 
1,066,000 
l,o94,ooo 



JV. HampsJiire 
443,000 
453,000 
339,000 
419,000 
3'o5,ooo 
122,000 
2o 1,000 
225, 00c 
315,000 
194,000 
29,000 



11,614,000 7,789,000 42,833,000 18,548,000 3,l47,ooo 



1«03 
1804 
l8o5 
I806 
l8o7 
I808 
18o9 
1810 
1811 
I8I2 
1813 



Vermont 
S 180,000 
1 35.000 
lol.ooo 

91.000 
148.O0O 

83.000 
125.000 
406.000 

32.000 
7.000 



,\ : Carolina J\'\ Jersey 
926,000 21.000 



9I9.00O 
767.000 
786.000 
740.000 
11 7.000 



21'. 000 
2o-ooo 
26.000 
36. 000 
12 000 



322.O0O 269.000 
4ol 000 392.000 

793.000 1.000 

489. 000 4.000 
795.000 1 0.000 



Delawu) 

187.000 

I80.000 

77.000 

125.000 

77.000 

38.000 

96.000 

79.000 

76. 000 

29.O0O 

133.000 



•e Orleans 

J.3S2.000 
2.338. 000 
2.357.000 
5. 161. 000 
537.000 
.344.0QO 
1.753.000 
2. Sol. 000 
I.0I2.000 
I.0I3.000 



Columbia. 

1.412.000 

1. 157.000 

1.135.000 

1.091.000 

1.363. 000 

281 .000 

681.000 

984 000 

2.060.000 

L593.000 

1.38r.ooo 



1.217.0OO 7.055.000 815.ooo l.o97,ooo 16.4o8.ooo 13 144o©p 

36 



*76 THE OLIVE BRANCH. 

I 

Comparative views of doinestic articles exported from 1803 ia 
1813. See preceeding Table C. 

I. South Carolina exported within eight per cent, of the whole 
amount exported by Massachusetts; nearly seven times as much 
as Rhode Island; above four times as much as Connecticut; 2nd 
above tuice as much as the four minor eastern states. 

South Carolina ... 5o.523.ooo 

Massaclnisetta - - - 54.985.ooi> 

New llanipsViii-c - - 3.149.ooo 

Vemiont - - . . 1.217 000 

Connecticut - * Il.614.ooo 

Rhode IsLind - 7.767.ooo 

■ — 23.789.000 

II. Virginia and Maryland exported more than all the eastern 
states. 

Virginia • - 42833.ooo 

Maivland - - 36.63o.ooo 

79.463.00T 
iMa.ssachusetts • - - 54.985.ooo 

N. IlatYip. Vei-m. R. Island, and Conn, 23.767.ooo 

^ 78.752.00 

III. North Carolina exported almost seventy-five per cent, 
more than New- Hampshire and Vermont, and nearly as much as 
Rhode-island. 

North Carolina - - - 7,o55,ooo 

New Hampshire - - 3.147.ooo 

Vermont - - . l-Sir.ooo 

4.364.000 
Khode Islr.ad - - 7.789.ooo 

IV. North Carolina and Georgia exported more than the four 
minor 'Pastcr.i states. 

North Ca/'.-lii:a - 7o55.ooo * 

Georgia -, - 18.548 ooo W 

25.6o3.0o<» 
New-Hampshire, 'S'ennont, he. (No. 1.) • 23.767.ooo 

V. Georgia exported nearly twenty per cent, more than Connec- 
ticut, New-Hampshire, and Vermont. 

Georgia - - - ll,548,ooo 

C/Oiirccticiit - - • ll.6l4.ooo 

New T!-'miisliiiT - - 3.147.000 

Vern ■ ' - - 1.2l7.ooo 

15.977.ooo 

VI. The district of Columbia and the state of Georgia exported 
thirty per cent, more than New-Hampshire, Vermont, Connecticut, 
and Rliodt! Island. 

Colynibia - - 13.144.ooo 

Georu^ia - - 18.548.ooo 

^ « 31.692.000 

New-Hninpshire, Vermont, Connecticut, 8iC. (No. 1.) 23.767.ooo 

VII. Virginia, Maryland, and South Carolina, exported above 
sixty i)er cent, more than the five eastern states. 
Virginia - - 42.833.ooo 
Alaryland - - 36.630.ooo 
South Cai-oluia - - 50.523.ooo 

129.986.000 
Five Mstem states (in No 2.) 78,752.ooO' 



THE OLIVE BRANCH. 177 

Ylir. The district of Columbia, of ten miles square, 
•xported more than New Hampshire, Vermont, ami Rhode 
Island. 

Columbia - - 13,U4,00l> 

New Hampshire - - 3,147,000 

Vermont - . - 1,217,000 

Rhode Island - - •- 7,789,000 

12,153,00.0 

IX. The state of . Virginia exported above half as much 
&s the five eastern states. 

"Virginia - - - ■ 42,833,000 

The five eastern states (No. 2.) 787,52,000 

X. Virginia exported nearly as much, and South Carolina 
fourteen per cent, more ilian Pennsylvania. 

Vu-g-inia - - 42,833,000 

South Carolina - - - 50,523,000 

Pennsylvania ^ - . 44,796,000 

XI. Virginia exported five hundred and fifty per cent, 
more than Rhode Island ; — three hundred and fifty per cent, 
more than Connecticut ; and almost a thousand per cent, 
more than New Hamp-ihire and Vermont. 

Yii-glnia - - 42,833,000 

Rhode Island - - _ 7,789,0oo 

Connecticut - - . ll,614,ooo 

Xew Hampshire - - 3,147,ooo 

Vermont - - l,217,ooo 

— - 4,364,000" 

XII. ^CT* The district of Coluiuhia and Vir^^inia exported 
more than Massachusetts J 

Columbia - . 13,144,ooo 

yirglnia - - 42,833,ooo 

-^——~-— 55,977,000 
Massachusetts - - . 54,986,ooo 

XIII. |C7* The^ district of Columbia exported more than 

Connecticut and Vermont. 
Columbia '- - . 13,144,oo» 

Connecticut - . ll,6l4,ooo 

Vermont - . l,271,noo 

— l2,831,oo» 

XIV. ICT* South Carolina and Georgia expmted more 

than Massachusetts, Rhode Island, JVew Hampshire and 

Vermont. 
South Carolina . . 50,223,ooo 

Georgia - 28,548,ooo 

—69,071,000 

Massachusetts . . 54,986,ooo 

Rhode Island - . 7,789,ooo 

New Hampshire ^ - 3,147,ooo 

Vermont | . l,217,ooo 

-67,139,000 



278 THE OLIVE BRANCH. 

XV- South Carolina exported above 450 per cent, more thau 
Connecticut,* above six hundred per cent, more than 
Rhode Island ; and above one hundred and fifty per cent 
more than these two states. 

South Carolina - • . 5o,523,ooo 

Connecticut ... ll,614,ooo 

Hhodc Island - * .. 7,789,ooo 

XVI. Maryland exported aboTC fifty per cent, more than 
•the four minor eastern states. 

Maryland - - • 36,63o,ooq 

Four minor eastern states (^o. 1.) 2o,767,ooo 

XVn. North Carolina and Georgia exported more than 
the four minor eastern states. 

North Carolina - - 7,o55,ooo 

Georgia - - 18,584,ooo 

25,693 000 

Foot minor eastern states (No- 1.) 23.767j00o 

XVIII. South Carolina, Columbia, and New-Orleans, expor- 
ted more thau the five eastern states. 

South Carolina - - 5o,5C3,ooo 

Columbia - - l3,144,ooo 

New Orleans - - l6,4o8,9oo 

8o,o75,ooo 

Five eastern states (No. 2.) - - . 78,752,ooo 

XIX. The five southern states, the district of Columbia, 
and New Orleans, exported above two hundred and thirty 
per cent, more than the fi>e eastern states, and within ten 
per cent, as much as the middle and eastern states. 

Virginia, Maryland, and South Carolina, (No. 7.) 129,986,ooo 
North Carolina - - 7,o55.ooo 

i^eorgia - - 18,548,ooo 

Columbia - - 13,144,ooo ^ 

New Orleans - - lG,4«8,ooo 

185,141,ooa 

Five eastern states (No. 2.) 78,752,ooo 

New-York - - 86,283,ooo 

Pennsylvama - - 44,795,ooo 

2oB,831,o6o 

I am tired of this investigation. 1 sicken for the honour 
of the human species. What idea must the world form of 
the arrogance, of the pretensions on the one side — and, on 
the other, of the foli^' and weakness of the rest of the union, 
to have so long sulicrcd them to pass without exposure and 
detection I 

The naked fact is, that the demagogues in the eastern 
states, not satisfied with deriving all the benefits from the 
southern section of the union, that they would from so many 
wealthy colonies—with making princely fortunes by the 
carriage ar^d exportation of its bulky and valual-le pioduc- 



¥: 



f- 



THE OLIVE BRANCH, Z79. 

tions — and supplying it with their own manutictures, and 
tlie manufactures and productions of Europe, and the East 
and West Indies, to an enormous amount, and at an immense 
profit — have uniformly treated it with outrage, insult and 
injury. And regardless of their vital interests, the eastern 
states were lately courting their own destruction, by allow- 
ing a few restless, turbulent men to lead them blindfolded to 
a sepaiation, which was pregnant with their certain ruin. 
Whenever that event takes place, tliey sink to their native 
insignificance. 

if a separation were desirable to any part of tiie union, it 
would be to the middle and southern states, particularly the 
latter, who have been so long harassed, with tlie complaints, 
the restlessness, the turbulence, and the ingratitude of the 
eastern states, tliat their patience has been taken almost 
beyond endurance. " Jeshuren loaxed fatf and kicked.'" 
And he will be severely punished for his kicking, in the 
event of a dissolution of the union. 

It ought to be observed, that a^ very large portion of the 
exports from the eastern states, consists ia the productions 
of the southern states, first transported to Boston and other 
ports, coastwise. So that even the comparisons I have 
made, which are so mortal to the pretensions of the eastern 
states, place them on far better ground than they really de- 
serve. For example — suppose among the exports of these 
states two millions of dollars' worth of cotton, one million 
of dollars' worth of flour, one mdlion of dollars' worth of 
ncival stores, all drawn from the southern or middle states. 
■ — they appear four millions of dollars stronger on the face 
of the argument, than they are in fact and in truth. And 
(here is no doubt that this is the case to a vast extent 



CHAPTER XL1X„ 

i'ompariion of the exports, foreign and domestic, of the dy\; 
ferent states, from 1791 to 1813. Glance at tonnage. 

To enable the reader to form a fair comparison betweeti 
he commerce of the diftercnt stat,es, I annex a synoptical 
vlev/ of the whnle of our exports fiom the organization ol 
the federal government tUl the close oFl813. • He will see. 
at a single glance, how very erroneous "are the opinions that 
have hitherto prevailed on this subject j aiMl how high even 
the foreign commerce of the southern states s.oarg over that 
cf the boasted " commercial states.'' 



s«o 



THE OLIVE BRANCH. 



Central tutal of exports of Forei^ and Doinestic prodnctiam from t\^ 
.year 1791 till 1813 inclusive. 
Arassacliusetts. New York. Pennsvlvania, S. Carolina. Maryland 
129,941,000 124,744,000 83,6;31,ooo lol,o26,ooo 
78,o52,ooo 65,118,000 14,42o,ooo 5o,214,ooo 
85,28.),ooo, 44,796,000 5o,523,ooo 36,G3o,ooo 



A 
B 

C 



98,77o,ooo 
81,324,000 
54,985,ouo 



S 235,079,000 293,276,ooo 234,658,ooo 148,574,ooo 187,87o,ooo 



A 
B 
C 



Connecticut.. 
12,328,000 
5ol,ooo 
il,614,ooo 



Rhode Island 
14,113,000. 
6,953,000 
7,789,000 



Virg'inia. 
53,125,000 

2,355,000 
42,833,000 



Georgia. N. Hampshire. 

12,162,000 3,829,00.0 

l9o,ooo 1,086,000 

18,548,000 3,147,000 



S 24,443.000 28,855,000 98,3X3,000 3o,9oo,oqo 8,362,ooo 



A 
B 
C 



Vermont. N. Carolina. 
165,000 6,764,000 
l,o75,ooo 61,000 

1,217,000 7,o55,ooo 



N. Jersey Dela\vai-e. Orleans. Columbip 

49l,ooo 3,oo9,ooo 

187,000 1,713,000 
815,000 l,o97,ooo 16,4oS,ooo 13,144,ooo 

S 2,457,000 13,880,000 I,313,boo 5,819ooo, 16,4o8,ooo I3,144,ooo . 

EXPLANATION. 

The iir.st line; A, is taken from the tablcA, paj^e 271, It contains 
the whole amount of tlie exports of foreign aid domestic articles, from 
1791 to 1802. 

The second line, B, is taken from tabl2 B, page 273. It contains 
the whole of the foreign articles, exported from 18o2 to 1813. 

The third line, C, 

tains all the domestic 
Eastern Section. 



Mass. 
N. Ham. 
Vermont 
K. Island 
Connec. 



235,075,000 

8,362,000 

2,467,000 

28,855,000 

24,443,000 



is taken from the table C, page 275. It con- 
articles exported from 18o2 to 1813 

Middle Section. 
N. Jersey l,3l3,ooo 
Dela\vai-e 
N. York 
Penn. 



5,519,000 
233,276,000 
234,658,000 



Southern Section. 
Maryland 187,87o,ooo 



Virgmia 
N. (.'arolina 
S. C:irolina 
Georgia 
Orleans 
Columbia 



S 299,192,000 



534,766,000 



98,313,000 
13,88o,ooc 
184,574,000 
3o,9oo,ooo 
16,408,000 
13,144,000 

5o9,o89,ooo 



[ cannot allow these tables to pass without requesting 
attention to them in the most particular manner.. As they 
tiirow an immence flood of light on a subject most egregiously 
misunilcrstood, and on which the most ruinous errors have 
prevailed, it behoves the reader to test his opinions by 
them and lay aside ilie prejudices and miscunccptiou*, If 
auyy which he may have formed on these topics. 

All the late contusion, the tendency to disorganize the 
country, to overturn tlic government, and to introduce civil 
war, arose from tlie errors prevailing on the subject of com 
merce, of which the eastern states pretended to be, and 
were absurdly and ridiculously believed, the exclusive guar- 
dians and protectors. It h now clearly and indisputably 



THE OLIVE BRANCH, £81 

established, tliat the commerce of the eastern is very far 
indeed inferior to that ot the southern states. It appears, 
beyond the possibililj of doubt or denial, that the five eas- 
tern states, since the formation of the. government, have 
exported of foreign and donicstic articles, IC/^including an 
immense amount ot southern productions, only about. 

299,000,000 dollars, 

of which a vast proportion was of foreign productions. But 
that the southern states have in tlie same period exported 
to foreign countries no less a sum than 

509,000,000 dollars, 

$cy* principallif of tlmir men productions w manufactures, 
exclusive of the prodigious amount of their cotton, tobacco^ 
rice, naval sfores, &c. exported by the eastern states. The 
southern section of the union, wliich* has been so cruelly, so 
wickedly, so unjustly . viliiied and calumniated for its hos- 
tility to commerce, is therefore actually more interested in 
its preservation than the eastern states, in the proportion of 
live to three. There is no instance to be found, of so palpa- 
ble, so gross, so unfounded a calumny, resting on such a 
sandy foundation, so open to detection, and so pregnant with 
most ruinous consequences, having remained so lotig with- 
out investigation. 



From a view of the preceding tables, "it appears that the 
commerce of four of the eastern states is to the last degree 
insignificant compared with that of the southern states, as 
will appear on the following comparisons : — 

I. Virginia since the organization of the government has 
exported " four times as much as Connecticut ; more than 
three times as much as Rhode Island ; twelve times as 
much as New Hampshire : forty times as much as Ver- 
mont ; and above fifty per cent, more than those four states' 

Virginia - ■ - 98,313,ooo 

Connecticut - - 24,443,ooo 

Rhode Island - - 28,855,ooo 

New Hampshire - -> 8,o62,ooo 

Vermont - • - 2.457,ooo 

». 64,117,000 

n. Maryland has exported nearly eight times as much 
as Connecticut ; above six times as much as Rhode Island ; 
twenty three times as much as New Hampshire ; and 
almost three times as much as the four nunor eastern 
States, 



-^82 , THE OLIVE BRANCH, 

Maryland - - - 18r,87o,on» 

Connecticut - - 24,443,ooo 

Rhode Isl.ind - - 28,855,ooo 

New Ifampshire - 8;362,oco 

Vermont - - 2,45r,ooo 

■ ■■ -64)117.000 

■1 

III. North Carolina has exported almost thirty per cent* more 

than New-Hampshire and Vermont. 
Noith Carolina 13,880,000 

Nevv-II;impshii-e - - 8,362,ooo 

Vermont . - - 2,457,000 

'■ 10,819,000 

IV. Geororia has exported more than Connecticut or Rhode- 
Island; and almost three times as much as New-Hampshire and 
Yermont. 

Ceorg-ia _ - ■ " - 36,4oo,ooo 

<:;onnecticut - - ' - 24,443,ooo 

llhutle-Island - . ' - - 28,855,ooo 

New-Hainpshire - - - 8,362,ooo 

Yermont - - • 2,457,ooo 

^ ' ' ■ '- 3 o,89l,oof> 

V. South Carolina has exported above five times as mnch as 
Khodc-lsland; above six times as much as Connecticut; and one 
hundred and fifty per cent, more than the four minor eastern 

States. 

South Carolina • - - l48,574,ooo 

Khoclc-lsland - - ' * 24,855,ooo 

Connecticut . - - - 24,44o,ooo 

Four minor eastern states (See No. 1.) - 64,117,ooo 

VI. New-Orleans and the district of Columbia have exported I 
more of domestic productions in eleven years, than either Connec- | 
ticut or Rhode Island in twenty three, o( foreign and domefitic. " 

New Orleans - - - 16,4o8,ooo 

Columbia - - l3,i44,ooo 

29,552,000 

Conncclir.ut 24,443,ooo 

Rhode Island - - - 28,855,oor 

VII. New-Orleans has exported nearly twice as much inele- 
;/cn years,' as New-Hampshire in twenty three.- 

New-Orleans . - - . 16,4f)8,ooo 

New-Hampshire, - - . 8,362,ooo 

VIII.^::j°* Fir^i'j'nifl, J*/arj/iaM£?,a7irf Columbia^ have exported, 
more than the whole jive eastern siatef. ! ! I ! ! ! 

Marvland - - 187,870;ooo 

\iiginia - - 98,3l3,o6o 

Cohimbia - - 13,144,ooo 

. 299,327,000 ! ' 

Five eastern stitcs - - - ■ 299,l92,ooo ! ! • 

IX. |C7* The southern states hav& exported sevnUi/Jive per • 
cent, mure than the jive eastern.' ' 



1 1 t 



THK OI.IVE BRANCH. a^s 

Southern - - 50y,Ua9,UOO ! !•• 

Eastern - - - 299,iy'-?,UU0 ' ! 

Since the preceding pages were written, I have examined 

•ii interesting work, entitled, '• A geograj>liical and statisti- 

il view of Massachusetts proper, by Ro(h)lphus Dickinson," 

published ai>jiQ. 1813. It greatly elucidates llie subject I 

have been discussing: and places the unsoundness ot the 

high coaunetcial claims of Massachusetts in nearly as strong- 

a point of light as any of the docuiuents I have given. 

" The e?oorts in 1809 from Boston and Charlestown, of American 
jwoductions and nianailicturcs, were 4.009,029 dollars, of v.liich the 
value of rice, cotton, flour, tobacco, staves and naval stores^Xj^being- princiiiaJ- 
ly the produce of the southern states, wasj^" 2,294,109 dollars." 

The writer adds, 

" This it is presumed, bears a relative pioportion in amount, to tlie 
exports of otlier years." Page 78. 

■ It thus appears, that a'lthough Boston has disturbed the 
tranquility of the United States by her impassioned com- 
plaints on the subject o.f commerce, and the injury it has 
sustained by the hostility of the southern states, she is in- 
debted to thoiC states for considerably more than halt ot 
the American articles she exports. She moreover finds an 
invaluable market with them for the chief part of her 
imu^ense foreigii importations, and tor her valuable manu- 
factures. 

It really makes my heart ache with vexation, to tind that 
such mighty, such ruinous errors prevailed on those impor- 
tant topics — errors that generated the most baleful passions, 
which were hourly increased by artificial excitements and 
threatened us with the mijst awful consequences. 

The reader must not be surprised if I often repeat this 
sentiment. For •• out of tlie abundance of the heart the 
mouth speaketli ;"-:-and being convinced this was beyond 
all comparison the most awful danger that threatened us, 
it was not to be wondered at, that it engrossed so large a 
portion of my attention. 

I sliall conclude this topic with one observation, that as 
far as my knowdedge extends, or as far as I am capable ot 
judging, there has rarely occurred an instance of one nation 
so very highly indebted to another as the eastern states are 
to the southern, and yet making such a very miserable and 
ungrateful return. 

I im.agined that in the preceding chapters I had fully ex- 
hausted the comparison ot the commercial importance of 
the several sections of the United States. 1 had at all 
events conviHced every man who?e mind was «>pen to con- 

37 



£84 THE OLIVE BRANCH, 

viction, tliat the arrogant claims on this subject^ of the 
eastern states ^vere utterly unfounded, and that the middl*!; 
and soutliern sections had as much more interest iu the 
protection of commerce than their eastern brethren, as the 
mercliaiit who loads a wagon with 10,000 dollars worth of 
goods, has more interest in the intercourse between the 
seller and thi* consumer, than the owner of the wagon. 

But 1 find I did not do full justice to. the subject, A new 
view of it has been presented to the public by the indefatiga- 
ble editor of the Weekly Register, which far tianscends the 
views I took. But even Mr. Niles has not pursued the ar- 
gument to the full extent of which it is susceptible 

The exports of cotton from the port of Savannah alone, 
from the 2Gth of March till the SOth of June, 1815, a period 
oi three months and ten days, were 

Sea Island, 21,000 bales, each 300 lbs. at 

33 cents, " 2,100,000 

Upland, 55,582 bales, each 300 lbs. at 

20 'cents, - - - 3,334,000 



5,434,000 



<?iippofeii)£, all the other articles to amount 

to - - - 1,066,000 



6,500,000 

ftnd also suj^posing the exports of the remaining eight months 
Ind twenty days to amount to half that sum, it is at the 
rate of nearly 10,000,000 dollars for the year. 

A review of the tables in pa^e 280, will shew that the 
whole of the exports, of every kmd, foreign and domestic, 
from the state of Massachusetts, for twenty three years, 
were only 235,000,000 dollars, which is an average of about 
10,000.000 ',er annum, wheicof considerably more than half 
was foreign. It therefore follows that the "^domestic exports 
of the single port of Savannah this year will equal the 
average of the exports of every kind from the mighty, the 
powerful, the commercial state of Massachusetts, from the 
time of the orjianizatiou of the government till the close of 
Ike year 1813 1 ! I 

Tonnage. 

The eastern states, which maintained such arrogant com- 
mercial claims, on the grountl ol" their exports and imports, 
likewise preferred high pretensions on their transcendent 
superiority in point of shipping. These towering claims 
are untouiidcd, although not in the same degree with the 
others. Let the reader decide. I have before mc, a st*te- 



THE OLIVE BRANCH. 285 

meftt of the tonnage of the United States for two years, from 
Xvhich I make a Yew extracts, in order to inter these pretensions 
in the same grave with the rest. 

To inage of 1809 1810 

l^oston, 133,25^ 149,121 

New-York, 243,533 268,548 

. Philadelphia, 121,443 125,258 

Baltimore, 102,434 103,444 

Portland, 33,007 32,599 

Portsmuutli, 27,719 28,820 

Batlu 23,033 20,344 

Newburyport, 36,574 39,100 

Salem, 43,537 41,462 

Norfolk, 40,940 47,643 

Charleston, 40,819 52,888 

From the above statement it appears that in the year 1810, the 
tonnage of Norfolk as well as Charleston was considerably supe- 
rior to that of any port in the eastern or middle states, except 
Boston, New- York, and Philadelphia; and that the tonnage of Balti- 
more was more than double that of any port in the eastern states 
except Boston. 

Tiie aggregate tonnage of Vermont, New- 
Hanapshire, Rhode Island, and Con- 
necticut, in 18 IJ, was (tons) - 108,000 
The city of Baltimore in the same year - 103,000 
Tchat is, within 5000 tons of the whole amount of the tonnage of 
these four states, which have made such a clamour on the sub- 
ject of coir.merce. The tonnage of the whole district of Mary- 
land for that year was 143,000 tons, being an excess of 35,000 
tons, or nearly one third more than those states ! ! !* 

The clearances from the port of Savannah, ^CF* e.vclusive of 
coasters, for April, May, and June, 1815, were 191, and the en- 
tries, also ^cy exclusive of coasters, were 203. — Whereas the 
foreign entries into the port of Boston for five months, March, A- 
pril, May June, and July, 1815, were only 212 — and the foreign 
clearances only 270. That is, the foreign entries into Savannah, 
in three months, were 203, and into Boston in five months, only 
212! What a developement of the relative commerce of both 
ports! how utterly beyond all expectation or calculation ! 

*^ See Weekly Register, vol. VIII. page 370 from which 1 have extracted 

thage facts. 



2«6 THE OIJVE JJKAiNCH: 

CHAPTER XL 

Jiiiother source of excitement among the citizens of the eastern 
atates. Duties on imports. Statistics. Southern states pay 
very nearly as much as the eastern. Wonderful delusion^ 

M. HOSE men whose unceasing efforts were employed to ex- 
cite the passions of the yeomanry of the eastern states, and pre- 
pare them for insurrection and a dissolution of the union, raised 
a great clamour on the subject of the enormous amount of duties 
paid by those states, and the insignificance of the sums paid by the 
southern section of the nation. They thence inferred the injus- 
tice and the inequality of the union, and its oppressive operation 
upon the former section. 

This item of complaint is, if possible, more fallacious than the 
one discussed in the preceding chapters. The disadvantage is all 
on the other side of the question. The eastern states import 
largely from Europe, and from the East and West Indies, for the 
supply of the southern states. The former, it is triie, have fo 
bond or pay the duties in the first instance. This appears wonr 
derfully to their advantage in the tables of duties. But it can* 
hardly be necessary to inform the reader, that the merchant who 
bonds the duties, is not' the actual payer of tliem. Mr. Edward 
Thomson, of this city, has imported,, during this year, and of 
course will pay duties on, probably above 2,000,000 of dollars. 
I think it likely that his consumption is hardly 2,000. Who can- . 
be so ignorant as to protend, that the gove^nment is beholden 
to him foi- the amount of the duties ! I'hey are paid by the 
farmei-s in Chester, and Bucks, and Lancastei-, and Delaware, 
and Berks counties, .&.c. ike. The duties are added by the mer- 
chant to thefirst cost, with a profit on botli — and the ultimate con- 
sumer is the real payer. 

The 'eastern states thus levy taxes not merely on Maryland, 
Virginia, Nortli and South Carolina, and (leorgirj, but even on- 
Pennsylvania; for strange as it may seem, it is nevertheless true, 
that notwithstanding the immense M'ealth, the ardent entcrprize, 
and the great commercial advantages, of Philidclphia, immode- 
rate quantities of East India and Chinese goods arc sent for sale 
here, from lioston, fSalem, and otlier eastern ports. 

But even, indeprs-dent of the importation of the eastern 
for the southern states, the argument is • unfairly stated. If 
the former actually consumed all the foreign articles they 
import, the duties thf , pav. compared witii tliose paid by 
the .southern states, will not warrant their holding the high 
and arrogant, and insulting tone they have always assumed. 

To enable the reader to form a correct opinion on the subject, 
I annex a set of tables <»f the 

xAf'et amount (f the duties paid by the different States from thi 
year 1791 to 1812 inclusive, taken from the records of the 
treasury department, and submitted to congress by J'jseph 
bourse, register ofthetrensuri/. ' 



THE OLIVE BRANCH. 



msi 





.Ww Ifa»ips>ure. 


Icrmant. 


f'dunecticvt. 


/?. hhVM- 


1791 


S 53,000 




206>ooo 


146.000 


.1792 


41,000 




142,000 


46,000 


179.3 


44,000 




154,000 


133,000 


1794 


38,000 


1,000 


171,000 


89,»ioi* 


1795 


44,000 


# 


155,000 


244,000 


1796 


53,000 


1,000 


141,000 


137^000 


1797 


27,000 




1 1 5,ooo 


276,oou 


1798 


72,000 


1,000 


127,000 


lo4,ooi> 


1799 


99,000 


2,000 


289,000 


26o,ooo 


1800 


142,000 


2,eoo 


169,000 


39j,ooo 


1801 


133,000 




328,000 


2»4,ooo 


1302 


110,000 




262,000 


178,000 


1803 


122,000 


1 ,000 


301,000 


266,000 


1804 


108,000 




348,000 


421,000 


1305 


109,000 




354,000 


349,000 


1806 


117,000 




325,000 


361,000 


1807 


99,000 




3l4,ooo 


123,000 


1808 


19,000 




] 97.000 


270,000 


1809 


39,000 


9,000 


129,000 


35,000 


1810 


53,000 


9,000 


157,000 


435,000 


181] 


62,000 


5,000 


240,000 


318,000 


>812 


122,000 


1 1 6,000 


829,000 


452,000 



•1791 
.1792 
1793 
1794 
1795 
1796' 
1797 
1998 
. ; 99 
■ Soo 

^OOl 

:i So2 
l8o3 
l8o4 

18o5'. 

18o6 

i8o7 

boS 
.:•■;',:) 
J 8 1 o 
1811 
1812- 



1,715,000 

Massachnse/ts. 

8977,000 
678,000 
95o,ooo 
1, 004,000 
1,415,000 
1.334.000 
1.372. 000 
1,168.000 
1 .607.000 • 
1.974.000 
• 2.929.00O 
1.525.000 
2.19o,ooo 
4.630.000 
5. -308.000 
3.524.000 ■ 
3.576.000 
1.184.000 
' I, .384.000 
2.774.000 
1.816.000,' 
2.719.000 



147,000 



5,453,000 



5,4 J.ooa 



1,564,000 
1,169,000 
1,195,000 
1,860,000 
2,000,000 
2.158.000 
2.059.000 
1.743.000 
2.373.000 
2.741 Jooo 
3.810.000 
2.490.000 
3.524.000 
3.872.000 
4.382.000 
4.875.000 
4.925.000 
^64.000 
2.981.000 
.4.419.000 
1.979.000 
2.89o.ooo 



Pennsijh'ania 

1,491,000 

1,096,000 

1,804,000 

1.473,000 

•2,271,000 

2.0 12.000 

1.743.000 

1,029.000 

.1.259.000 

1 .350.000 

2.123.000 

1. 410.000 

1.655.000 

2.6p9.ooo 

• 2.300.000 
3.0I7.000 
3.162.000 
1. 617. 000 
1 .4o5.ooo 
2 539.000 
1 .840.000 
2.o9o'.ooo 



A^ravi'land. 

641,000 

449,000 

■ 869,000 

795,000 

523,000 

761.000 

1,145.000 

885,000 

1.161.000 

623.000 

l.ool.ooo 

634.000 

936.000- 

1.538.000 

1.130.000 

1.446. 000 

1. 033. 000 

588,000 

15.5,000 

928.000 

722,000 

1.782.000 



Virginia. 
851,000 
474,000 
388,000 
389,000 
396^000 
598.000 
606.000 
•629.000 
896,000 
6*4.000 
746, 000 
689i00o 
713,000 
9o2.f»oo 
8o5.ooi) 
620.000 
5o6.oo(» 
110,000 
257,000 
461.000 
1 95.000 
69o,ooo 



41..338,ooo 62,274.000 41,325.ooo 20.545.ooo 12,565.000 



>88 THE OUVE BRANCH. 





-V. Carolina. 


■ S: Carolina, 


Georgia, 


Columbia 


JV. CHleant: 


1791 


& 115,000 


538,000 


91,000 


\ 




1792 


78,000 


36O-,00O 


53'090 






■J 793 


63.000 


359,000 


65,000 






1794 


78,000 


651,000 


87,000 






1795 


99,000 


710,000 


54,000 






179G 


68^00 


56,000 


31,000 






■1797 


105,000 


700,000 


62,000 






1798 


120,000 


239,000 








1799 


154,000 


858,000 








1800 


126,000 


1,159,000 








]8bi 


125,000 


1,002,000 


663.000 


94,000' 




1808 


252,000 


280.000 


211,000 


138,000- 




1803 


159.000 


646,000 


182,000 


143,000 




1804 


186.000 


718.000 


180,000 


12:i,0i0 


279,00u 


1805 


165.000 


&43,000 


95,000 


119,000 


342,000 


1806 


202X00 


871.000 


183,000 


137,000 


361,000 


1807 


196,060 


735,000 


489,000 


li^',000 


480,000 


1808 


16,000 


± •-■ > <•• 


35,000 


20.000 


77,000 


1809 


65,000 


377.000 


6,(00 


■60,000 


134.000 


1810 


58,000 


576,000 


134,000 


■50,000 


244,000 


1811 


44.000 


Sofe,i 00 


■: .S-.-O 


^5-000 


148,000 


1812 


47,000 


4S'^.(X10 2 '■ COO 

* 

12,6<>5,000 2,907,000 


80,000 


137,000 




2,621,000 


1,132,000 


2,202,000 



In these tubies, as < ^ "hose of exports, there is no account taken of any 
54ms below 1000 dollars. This operating equally on both sides, cannot af- 
fect the com|)arison, which is the object in view. *. 

From the foregoing tables, the following results appear. 

I. The southern states have paid nearly as large an amount of 
duties to the government, as the eastern. 

• Maryland - - - - " 20,345,000 

Virginia .... 12,565,000 

North Carolina .... 2,621,000 

South Cai-olina . , . . 12,665,000 

Georgi!^ 2,907,000 

Columbia - . - - 1,132,000 

Orleans .... 2,202,000 

Massachusetts 

New Hampshire 

Vermont 

Connecticut - - - 

Khode Island 



57,083,000 
n. The single state of South CaroUna^j^aid very nearly as much 
Juties as the four minor eastern states. 

South Carolina - . ." . 12,665,000 

Four minor eastern states, (uee No. 1.) "» >.V,735,000 

► HI. New Orleans paid twenty per cent, more in nine years, 
than New Hampshire ;u»d Vermont in twenty -two. 





54,437,0' 
■ 44,338,0'r. 


1,715,000 




147,000 




5,453,000 




5,42000 






12,735,000 





THE OLIVE BRANCH, 



289 



' Orleans 

, New Hampshiic 

^ Vemaont 



1,7J 5,000 
147,000 



2,202,000 



1,86?,000 



IV. Virginia paid nearly as much as the four minor eastern 
states. 



Virg-inla - - 12,665,ooc 

roiir minor eastern states (See No. 1) - 12,735,ooo 

V. New-Y©rk and Pennsylvania paid nearly ninety per cent. 

mors than the five eastern states. 
New York - - 62,274,000 

Pennsylvania - - 4l,3?5,000 

103,599,000 

Five eastern states (see No. i.) - - 57,083,000 



VI. South Carolina paid more than twice the amount of 
duties paid by either Connecticut or Rhode Island ; seven, 
times as much as New Hampshire 
much as Vermont. 

South Carolina 



and ninety times as 



Connecticut 
Rhode Island 
New Hampshire 
Vermont 

Synopsis 
Eastern Section. 



of duties pai4 from 1791 to 1812. 

^Middle Section. Southern Section. 



12,665,000 
5,463,000 
5,420,000 
1,716,«[»00 
147,000 



Mass! 

^. Tlamp. 

Vermont 

Connect. 

^. Island 



44,338,000 

1,715,000 

147,000 

5,463,000 

5,42o,ooo 



N. Jersey 
Delaware 
N. Yorlc 
Pennsyl. 



259,000, 
1,223,000 
62,274,000 
41,325,000 



Maryland 

Virginia 

N. Carolina 

S. Carolina 

Georgia 

Columbia 

Orleans 



S 57,o83,ooo 



g lo5,o81,oob 



2o,345,ooo 
12,565,000 
2,621,000 
12,665,00(1 
2,9o7,ooo 
1,132,000 
2.2o2,ooo 

§ 54,4o7,ooo 



Those who consider the very expensive habits of the planters 
of Virginia and South Carolina, and the immense amount ot fo- 
reign goods received in those states from the eastern ones, as 
Mreil as from New- York, Pennsylvania, and Maryland, and iiow 
very large a proportion of the foreign merchandize imported by 
Massachusetts, is exported to the other states, will probably be 
led to believe, that Virginia and South Carolina actually consume 
each as much of du<iable articles, and of course in fact really pay 
as much duties, as Massachusetts. I acknowledge this is but a 
rough calculation. But a consideration of the great number of 
coasters, which in time of peaee, are constantly plying from tiie 
ports of the eastern and middle to those of the southern states, 
will afford a strong support to this opinion. A very large pro- 
portion of the cargoes of the coasters bound to the southern ports 
consists of imported goods; and the residue generally of articles of 
domestic manufacture. The return cargoes are all of law materi- 
als for these manufactures, or articles of the highest value for 



590 THE OLIVE BRANCH 

eKportation to Europe and elsewhere. It is not easy to conceive 
of a more advantageous commerce for the mother countries, as. 
in this case, the middle and eastern states may be justly staled. 
{ repeat it, and hope the solemn truth will be borne in constant 
remembrance, that the southern states are virtuallj colonies to 
those states whose demagogues have never ceased slandering and 
persecuting them. 

I -dismiss this part of my subject, I hope for ever. I trust 
that the most incorrigible eftVontery will never dare dgain to 
Iiazard an assertion of the commeicial supcrioiity of the eastern 
states. • 



CHAPTER XL. 

Fnliacy of the opinion of any hostilittj in the Southern against 
the Eastern States^ Commercial and Agricultural states mu- 
lually dependent on, and beneficial to each other. 

X 1 AVING completely settled the question on the subject of 
the comparative pretensions of the different sections of the union 
to commercial pre-eminence, I proceed to consider the positions, 
which assert the necessary hostility of an agricultural section of 
a country to a commercial ore — the actual existence of that 
hostility in the southern states — and its baneful influence on the 
measures of congress. 

On these fallacious positions the changes hav". been rung in 
endless succession, not merely by a crowd of anonymous writersj 
but even puDlic bodies whose stations entitle them to respect, 
h:ive disgraced tfiemselves by their dissemination. 1 feel satis- 
fied that tlie lucubrations on this subject, published in Boston alone 
would fill folio volumes. Throughout the whole, strong and con 
iid(Mit and unfounded assertion is substituted in the place of fact, 
leasdn, and argument. 

To enable the reader to form an idea of the errors prevalent 
on this topic, I annex a few extracts. 

« They have seen at first an ill-concealed, but at last an open and un- 
disguised jculousy oftht; wcallli and power of" the conunercial stales, opc' 
rating' in continual efforts to tinbarrass and destroy tliut commerce, which 
is tlieirlile and support." 

This is the language of a report to the legislature of Mas- 
sachusetts, made by a joint committee of both houses, Febru- 
ary 18, 1814, ou which was grounded tlie most inflammniuiy 



THE OLIVL: branch. ^2Ui 

^^p.n\s to rhe citizens of the eastern states. Tliia report a5.scrt- 
fid the propriety and justice and necessity ol" forcible resistance 
to the measures ot" the general government, adding "-^ 

" Tlie questmii ij- not a question of power or right with tUis ki^slaiure^ 
but of tiiDe or oxijejiency." 

The committee proceeded — 

"Tiiere exists in all pints of this commonwealth, a fear, and in many i 
settled belief, that the coursu of foreign and domestic p6licy pursued by the 
government of th e United States for several years past, has its foundation in 
a deliijerate intention to impair, if not to destroy, that free spirit and exer- 
cise of commerce, wiiich, aided by the habits, njanners, and institutions of 
our ancestors, and the blessing;s ot divine providence, have been the princi- 
pal source of the freedom, wealth, and general prosperity of this recently 
happy and Hourisliing people. 

" These oi)inions are not confincvl to the maritime borders of the state, 
whose interests are more immediately affected, and whose inhabitants iiave 
daily before their eyes perishint^ sliips, deserted wai'ehouses, and starving 
iBechanics and labourers; but are loudly responded from the interior, where 
the people generally sympathize in the present disti'css of their brethren on 
the sca-cjast, and wisely foresee in tlicir ruin, their own approaching Wretch- 
edness.*' 

The committee continue — 

"The memoriaHsts see, in this deplorable dissent from national greatness, 
CCj'a determination to harrass and annihilate th^ spirit of commerce which 
has ever been tae handmaid of civil and religious liberty; and iXj" to break 
the free spirit of this people by depriving tliem of tlieir civil emplojinents, 
and thus forcing the sons of commerce to popiUate and em-ich tlie wilder- 
ness, for the benefit of those whose avarice has contributed largely to the 
war now desolating the country." 

This is the strain and style in which tliis miserable, this hack- 
Bijid, this destructive prejudice h.as been a hundred thousand 
times repeated, without even the shadow of foundation. Al- 
though these extracts are abundantly suflicient foi- my purpose, 
yet I judge it not improper to make a short addition from the 
address of the Hartford convention. 

"Events may prove that the causes of our calamities, arc deep and per- 
manent. They may be found to proceed, not merely from the blindness of 
prejudice, pride of opinion, violence of party spirit, or tlie confusion of the 
times ; — but they may be traced to implacable combinations of individuals, 
or States, to monopoUze power and office, AND TO TJJAMPLK ■WITH- 
OUT llEMORSE UPONT THE fflCiHTS AND INTERESTS OF THE 
COMMEUCL\L SECTIONS OF THE UN'ION^ 

"The administration, after a long perseverance in plans to baffle every 
effort of commercial enterprizc, had tatally succeeded in their attempts at 
the epoch of the war." 

The convention enter into an enumeration of the causes which 
have led to the public distres.^;, and close the catalogue, with 

"Lastly and principally, a visionary and superficial theory in regard to 
commerce, (^jP ACCOMPANIED BY A REAL, HATRED, BUT A FEIGN. 
ED REGARD TO ITS INTERESTS, and a ruinous perseverence in efforts 
to render it an inatroment of coercion and war." 

38 



^ys THE OLIVE UliANCH. 

Never since faction first disturbed the peace of mankind, and 
made this earth a suitable abode for demons incarnate, did she. 
employ a more hollow, fallacious, or unfounded pretext, to justi- 
fy her lawless proceedings, than is here to be combated. It is 
not merely untrue. It is the reverse of truth. It has not even 
the shadow of plausibility. 

* 

In all this wretched effort to excite the hostility of fellow cit- 
izens against each other — to prepare the inhabitants of one sec- 
tion of the country to imbrue their hands in the blood of those of 
another — to renew in this holy, this blessed land the horrors of 
the French revolution — to enable American Marats, and Dantons, 
and Legendres, and Robespierras, to rule us with a rod of iron — 
an all-important and overwhelming fact is kept wholly out of 
sight — a fact which destroys the whole of this miserable de- 
clamation as completely as ever the broad glare of tlie torch of 
ti'Uth dispelled the Cimmerian darkness of error and delusion. 
This mighty fact escaped ray attention in all the former editions 
of this book. It is, that all the measures which are assumed as 
full proof of hostility to commerce, and charged to the debit of 
the southern states, have been supported by the powerful com- 
mercial states of Pennsylvania and New York ; steadily and un- 
deviatingly by the former, and by the latter v/ith very few and 
slight exceptions. And further, that a considerable part of 
them have been supported by respectable portions of the repre- 
sentatives in congress, from New Hampshire, Vermont, Rhode 
Island, and even Massachusetts — for the three first states were 
till lately frequently represented almost wliolly b}' democrats, 
who pretty generally advocated the measures herein reprobated. 
And it is further to be remarked, that the great commercial ci- 
ties of the union have b»'en very generally represented by citi- 
zens who have given their full aid and support to the measures 
in question. The majority for and against the adminietration, 
even in Massachusetts, till lately rarely exceeded 2 or 3,000. 
The election for governor in that state in 1812, was contested 
with great ardour. The friends and tlic enemies of the admin- 
istration made the utmost exertions to call forth their whole 
strength — and the vote were for 

Caleb Strong - - - 52,696 
Elbridge Gerry - - - ? 1,326 

and it is well known that Mr. Sullivan and Mr. Gerry, the de- 
mocratic candidates, were elected four or five times within a 
ipace of ten ytars, wjuch embraced nearly the whole of the 
measures thus violently denounced. And I presume no man of 
cfindour will deny that the struggle between the different can 



THE OLIVE BRANCH. 29^3 

didates on these occasions was as fair and unerrinj; a eritericn 
o>' tiie voice of the state on the approval or reprobation of the 
measures of the general p;oveinnient, as if the votes had been tak* 
en for president of the United States. 

Let us for a moment suppose, forsake of argument, that the 
eastern states are, as tliey pretend to be, exclusively commercial 
-^and that the so'ithern'^are exclusively agricultural. This is 
placing the case in the .nost advantageous point of light its friemis 
could desire. Could there be any stronger bond 61 affinity be- 
tween two nations, or two sections of the same nation, than the 
mutual wants which this supposed case implies.'' The agricultu- 
ral portion would liave imperious necessity for the ships, the sea- 
men, and the capital of the commercial portion, for the purchase 
and transportation of her superfluous productions. And the navi- 
gation and capital of the commercial portion would find all the? 
advantages they could require in the transportation and sale ctf 
the productions of the other. 

The agricultural portion, as I have already stated, would be 
merely in the situation of colonies to the commercial. Whdt has 
always l>een the grand advantages of colonics to parent coun= 
tries ? Merely to increase their navigation— to aftbrd an asylum 
for their superabundant population — to furnish raw materials for 
the employment of their artisan? and manufacturers — and to pur- 
chase the productions of the labours of those artisans and mana- 
facturers. 

All these favourable effects have been produced on the eas- 
tern, by their connexion and intercourse witii the western and 
southern states. It therefore irresistibly follows, that the latter 
have literally been but colonies to the middle, and more particu- 
larly to the eastern states. The hardy and enterprising Yankees 
pervade every bay, river, creek, and inlet of the southern statesj 
and for their Jioiions carry oft" the solid coin of the country to 
replenish their cofters. They every where undersell and under- 
mine the established southern storekeepers. Moreover, the cotton^ 
the rice, the flour, the tobacco, and the naval stores of the southern 
states,have enabled the ship-owners of the eastern states, to amass 
those over-grown nabob fortunes, which render them too aspirin^ to 
submit to the equal form of government which we enjoy. Tney 
have literally lived upon the industry of the southern states. 
Without the latter, their section of the union would rank very 
low indeed in the scale of nations. 

This state of things, so eminently advantageous to the 
eastern states, fhas never created faction, or complaint, or 
convulsions, or threats of dissolving the union^ in the soutliern. 



^94 THE OLIVE BRANCH. 

They have cheerfully supported a government whose chief at- 
tention has been directed to the promotion of commerce— and 
which never did and never would have experienced any very 
great difficulty with foreign nations but from the cupidity of the 
mercantile interest. 

It requires little effort to prove, and little capacity to perceive, 
that there is a commercial rivalry between Boston and Provi- 
dence — between Philadelpiiia and New York — between Balti- 
more and Philadelphia. But that a serious, thinking people, 
like those of the eastern states, should have ever been duped to 
believe that there is any real cause of jealousy or hostility between 
the commercial and agricultural sections of tlie country, is a fol- 
ly, of which it is hardly possible to find a parrallel in the history 
of the madness and idiocy of the human species. 

To view the subject once more — although it really does 
not deserve further attention. Suppose, still, the southern states 
wholly agrioidtural, and the middle and eastern wholly commer- 
cial, and that the former have an overwhelming majf ritj"^ in the 
legislature of the union. liovv could it ever enter into tlie mind 
of any rational being to inia;i:ine, that the majority could for a 
hionient be ignoffiint of the plain truth, that every stroke aimed at 
• ommerce was a stroke at their own vital interests .^ 

It is well known, that the representatives of the southern and 
western states are generally gentlemen of the highest grade of tal- 
ents in congioss. From causes which it is neither necessary nor 
proper here to detail, the middle states have rarely made as 
respectable a figure in that body as could have been M-ished. 
The eastern have not been quite so unfortunate. It requires, 
!iowever,but a moderate portion of candour to acknowledge, tliat 
although they are occasionally represented in congress by men of 
considerable talents, they are in the aggregate far below Virgin- 
ia, South Carolina, and Kentucky. And could this plain truth 
escape the Kppeses, the Gileses, the Clays, and the Popes, that it 
was impossible to injure commerce without inflicting an equal in- 
jury OH agriculture.'* 

The agricultural portion of this great nation eould infi- 
nitely better dispense with the commercial, than the latter 
with the former. Never, since commerce first began, did a na- 
tion, having bulky raw materials, to sell, and havmg demands 
for large quantities of merchandize, find any difficul- 
ty in creating a marine, or, amidst naval competitors for 
her trade, in securing the transportation of her connnodi- 
ties, and the purchase, of meroliandize, on fair and advan- 



THE OiaVE BRANCH. 295 

ageoijs terms. But the decay of Portugal, Venice, Genoa, 
he. Hansc Tonns, and otner great commercial states, 
iroves tliat a nation possessed of a considerable marine, 
nay, if it aftront or oflend the nations, on which it de- 
lends, be reduced to its native and intrinsic insignificance. 

The eastern states labour under very great disadvanta- 
es. The sterility of their soil will leave them eternally depon- 
ent upon the southern states ; for their situation imperi- 
usly forces them to have recourse to manufactures and 
jommerce. Their agriculture must always be comparitivcly 
jisignificant. They therefore, I repeat, owe their greatness 
irincipiiUy to the immensely valuable trade they carry on 
:ith those states, wiiich their ungrateful writers and dema- 
ogues are constantly vilifying and abusing, and which aftbrd 
jic principal pabulum fur tl.e commerce of the middle and 
iistern states. Those demagogues are, as I have stated, 
juceasingly exciting animosities between the two sections 
the union, by pretending a rivalry of interest, which 
wholly unfounded. There is let me repeat, real cause 
jealousy betv.een Riiode Island and Massachusetts r 
it none between either of them and Virginia or South 
irolina. The latter are, and will probably forever continue, 
6at agricultural states. Their immense and growing pro- 
ictions will find the most valuable employment for the 
ipping and for the manufactures of the eastern and mid- 
B states. 

[Should a separation take place, which I hope and trust 
the goodness of Heaven is far remote, the eastein states 
11 repent it first and last. They will have reason eter- 
rlly to lament the unhallowed counsels of those restless 
nuagogues, who shall have plunged them into the abyss of 
iin. Their hardy sons, who now migrate to the southward 
■id westward by hundreds, will abandon their native soil 
thousands — and daily add strength to the rival section of 
nation, and equally enfeeble the parent states. The 
Iter will dwindle into the insignificance from which they 
li^e been elevated by the tribute thsy have levied upon 
^•ginia and her southern sisters. 

Che horrors of an immediate CIVIL WAR, and of a 

jistant BORDER WAR, such as formerly existed hetiveen 
\gland and Scotland, are the only considerations that 
ider a separation from JiTassachiisetts a measure to he 
all deprecated. Were we insured from these two evils, 
separation would be an advantage to the rest of the na- 
il 5 for she has harrassed tlie national councils to a mos'; 
l)l6rahle and shameful degvef^. 



^y illE OLIVE BRANCIL 

She has appeared determined, if she could not rule the 
country hersejf, to send it to destruction headlong. She has 
been for years the source of most of the difficulties of th^ 
•union- We slwuld not have had war but for her.* And, 
among the features of the present crisis, the most lamenta- 
ble one is, that she cannot suffer the consequences of hei 
f(>lly, her arrogance, her restlessness, her faction, her joco- 
binism, her anti-Washington ism, without inflicting an equal 
degree of misfortune on her innocent neighbours. Could i 
she suffer alone, it were " a co}is2mimatio7i most devontly to 
be ivished.'^ A. strong navigation act, and discriminating 
duties, would soon bring her to her senses, and convince her 
of the immeasurable folly and madness she has been guilty 
of. They would sink her to her proper level — that level, 
Avnich her ungrateful soil — her insignificance in point of 
population — and the narrow limits of her territory pre- 
scribe — and which, I repeat, nothing but the advantages she 
has derived from her persecuted, insulted, outraged, and 
defamed sister states, could have enabled her to pass. She 
would repent of her infatuation, and most anxiously seek to 
be restored to confederacy, on the major part of which 
she had unceasingly levied heavy contributions, and to 
which she owed all that prosperity, that wealth, and that i 
affluence, which had rendered her dizzy, inflated her with. 
pnVle and arrogance, and brought on her downfall. 



CHAPTER LII. 

sMoiiey the sinews of War. dissociations to prevent the 
success of the Loans. Efforts to bankrupt ihe Govern" 
vient. 

Money has long beeii proverbially styled the sinews ofii 
war. It is no misnomer. Soldiers cannot be raised — nor' 
put in motion— uor arrayed in the field of battle, without 
money to clothe and to feed them. A government at war,- 
and destitute of funds or credit, must succumb to its adver- 
sary — bend the neck to the yoke — make humble submission-— 
and receive the law from the conqueror. To these truths 
history bears ample and uniform testimony. 

• This assertion has been cavilled at by a Boston writer, but not 
refiiteH. Boston, by her Jacobinical opposition to the peaceable mea- 
sures .idopted to obtain from England that redress for which sh^ 
hei-sclf had so loudly insisted on the interference of government.— and 
by htr excitement of a similar opposition tliroughout the eastern states j 
gencnlly, defeated tliose measures, and encouraged England to pro-^ 
ceed in ier outrages — whicli finally led to war. 



a 



THE OLIVE hUAMCIJ. sj^^v 

I (Jniler this impression, shortly alter t!ie declaraiioii of war^ 
, ^here was a combination formed to prevent the succi's.s of the 
; loans authori/.ed by congress. I believe tliat nearly all those whu 
entered into this scheme resided in the eastern states, particularlv 
in Boston, which was the grand focus of the conspiracy. 

No measure, however atrocious, ever was destitute of a plausi- 
ble plea to palliate or justify its enormity. This high-handed 
conspiracy to destroy the government of their country 
which originated among the "moral and religious people" of 
Boston, was predicated upon two positions ; 

. First, that England was, and had always been willing to make 
J, treaty with us on fair, and honourable terms; aud that, so great 
was her magnanimity, she would take no advantage of any em- 
barrassments or difficulties that might arise from the destruction of 
the public credit. 

Secondly, that our administration was so obstinately deter- 
mined to continue the war, that it would make no peace while it 
had the means of carrying on hostilities. 

A corollary front these positions was, that if the conspirators 
prevented the success of the loans, and deprived the government 
of the means of prosecuting the war, we should in conse- 
quence have peace.* 

These extravagant positions must excite the amazement of any . 
calm observer. " But as soon as he should be acquainted with 
" tlie nature and existence of prejudice, passion, obstinacy, wilful' 
^'ness, wickedness, and above all, with the character and influ- 
" ence of party spirit, the mystery would vanish at once: for he 
" would then sae tliat these, and not reason, decide. Ilmsoji askt; 
^^for facts and arguments. Prejudice, passion, and the rest, ask 
'^ for names, sounds, noise and fury. By those they are impelled 
a —.by these they decide.^' \ 

Our government had given four strong and irresistible proofs 
of a disposition to conclude the war, which must carry conviction 
to every candid mind. 

First, on the 27th. of June, 1812, it had offered the British go- 
vernment an armistice on t!ie simple and reasonable conditions 

* This paragraph was written in September last. The result of the negoci- 
ations at Ghent fully establishes ihe fqlly us well as the wickedness of these 
proceedings. The public mind has been since very considerably undeceived 
on these points. I have heai-d gentlemen rejoice at the success of the illus- 
trious hero, Jackson, at New Orleans, as leading to peace, who, one or two 
years since, were so miserably deluded us to believe that the road to a cessa 
tion of war lay through tlie defeat, disgrace, and disaster of the ju-ms o their, 
native country. 

fThe Exinjiincr, by Earent Qanlenier. vol. i. page 5/ 



O0JJ 'J HE OLIVE IIKANCII. 

of suspending, during the negociation, the oulntgeous injury of 
impressment, ;ind surrendering tne American seamen previously 
impressed. JG" 'i'/'e suspension oj impressment at that period 
could nut have occasioned Great Britain any possible disadvantage; 
for h-win-- pearly annihilated all the rival navies of Europe, her 
stock'of sailors could not require to be replenished by impress- 
ment from our vessels. And as she had at all times projessed a 
willinoness to surrender our seamen, there could have been nodif- 
licultv^on the second point. She ought, thcrelore, to have met 
our amiable overtures with frankness. If she were hghting tor 
her evistance, as has been said a thousand tunes: and it it were 
jeopaidized by our hostility; it was the quintessence ot madness 
and icily, not to have withdrawn us from the number ot her ene- 
mies, when she could have eftected that grand object on such easy 
lerirsj without impairing her creditor character. 

Secondly, it had promptly accepted the Russian meditation for 
the termination of hostilities. 

Thirdly, To remove all difficulty on the important subject of 
impressment, an act was pasBedby congress, on the 3d of March, 
1813, niaking such provisions, to commence from the close of the 
war, as to secure Great Britain against the seduction or employ- 
ment of her seamen on board our vessels, public or private.* 

Fourthly, and most particularly, in the appointment of three 
ministers to negociate, Mr. Bayard a decided federalist, Avas cho- 
tien — a gentleman of high, standing with his own party — ot con- 
siderable talents — and strenuously opposed to the administr.ation 
Unless his instructions had been fair and honourable, he would .: >: 
certainly have accepted the appointment. 

In the appointment of ministers in En£,land or elsewhere, I be- 
lieve no similar instance has occurred of the choice of a person 
hostile to the administration who appointed him. It was a vc. y 
great eftort to remove suspicion and jealousy from the puhliV 
mind. Nothing but the incurable follv and madness engenilered 
py taction, could possibly resist the fa'r inference warranted by 
this appointment. But it was wholly unavailinir. Faction is now, 
rver has been, and will be, deaf, and dumb, and blind, to reason 
and common sense. 



These lour facts notwithstanding, tlie persuasion was gen 
eral among the ■< Peace Jfarty,'' that the government was 

• Among die rue mbers who voted against this bill were Messrs. Jos; ai 
Quinccy and John Kandolpb. Thei, motives H>ust have been vciy cstrauv 
>linury. I ci.nnot Uiliom tl.enu ^ 



I 



THE Ui.ivK 15KANC1L i>9!v 

; averse from closing of the war. The talents of tlie federalists 
in the eastern states and elsewhere, were now put in requisition 
to impress this idea on the public mind. The most unceasing; 
efforts were employed on this subject. Thfe leaders of the party 
affected to be, and the others were, inflexible in the opinion; 

In consequence every possible exertion was made, particular- 
ly in Boston, to deter the citizens from subscribing to the loans 
in order to disable the ijovernrn'Mit Irom carrying on the war, and 
of course^ force it to make peace. Associations were entered intw 
rn the most solemn and public manner to this effect. And those 
who could not be induced by miid means, w-ere deterred by de- 
nunciations. A folio volume might be filled with the lucubrations 
that appeared on tliis subject. 

Tlie pulpit, as usual in Boston, came in aid of the press, to 
secure success. Those who' subscribed,, were in direct terms 
declared participators in, and accessaries to, all the " murders^^^ 
as they were termed, that might take place in the "imAo/^, Kn- 
righteous, udcked, abominable, and accursed tear.''* 

To enable us to judge of the v/ickedness of these proceedings, 
jlet us examine what would be the consequence of complete suc- 
cess. No diminution of the guilt of any act arises from its fai- 
lure to produce its usual and intended effect. — The man whc- 
fires a pistol \yith intent to kill, is, in the eye of Heaven, a mur- 
derer equally with him whose ball passes through the brains of his 
victim. 

Had complete success crowned the efforts of the conspirators, 
'hese awful consequences v/ould have taken place. 

First, a national bankruptcy.! The public creditors, and those 
who depended on them, would have been ruined. 

Secondly, with the downfall of the public stock, would have 
Fallen the stocks of banks, insurance-companies, t &c. &c. 

Thirdly, private bankruptcy would have fallen to an enormous' 
I extent: aud wide-spread ruin w ould have pervaded the nation.^ 

Fourth'.y, the national armies must have beeii disbanded, and 
rthe frontiers, exposed to the desolating effects of the hatchet an4 



* See chaptei' LVI. 

I After the above was written, this effect was produced to a certain extenf 
j by this conspiracy. 

t This consequence took place to a most alarming' degree. 
§ Strong traces of the pernicious effects of this conspiracy appear through" 
out tlie union. Some of the conspirators fell unlamented \'ictims to thejr owp 
machinations. 

39 



^f)6 THE OLIVE BRANCH. 



trrnaliawk. The aged matron — the chaste and tender wife-^ 
the blooming maiden— tlie decrepid grandsire— the manly father 
— and the helpless infant— all would have been involved in one 
•vvide. impartial, and undistinguishing destruction! 

Fifthly, our seaport towns would have been exposed to the 
mercy oYCockburns and Gordons. They would have shared the 
fate of Alexandria, of Hampton, of Havre-de-Grace, and of French- 
town. 

And Sixthly, to close the awful catalogue, owr government t 
would be laid at the mercy of Great Britain; — and, deprived off 
khe means of resistance, must have submitted to whatever igno- 
minious lerms she might choose to ini])ose. 

These were the results that must have taken place, had com- 
plete success crowned the horrible project. Never was more un- 
holy purpose attempted. 

It is highly probable that many of the persons, engaged in this 
consjiiracy did not contemplate such extensive results. They 
may have looked no farther forward than to the restoration of 
peace. But the leaders in the scheme were too keen, too shrewd, 
too profound, and too hostile to the government of their country,' 
to allow us to extend to them the same degree of charity. Their 
minds mast have grasped all the stupendous and awful conse- 
quences; and they had reconciled themselves to the wide-spread 
devastation. 

Tlie success in tlie eastern states v/as considerable. Few men 
have the courage to stem the tide of popular delusion when it sets in 
very strong. Tliers were some, however, who subscribed openly, in 
defiance of denunciations and threats. Others, of less firm tex- 
ture, loaned their money by stealth, and as clandestinely as if 
it were treasonable. M hat, alas ! must b? tho awful state of 
society, when a free citizen is afraid of lending his mon^y pub- 
licly, to support the government that protects him — the mildest 
form of government ever vouchsafed by Heaven to man— whose 
mildness enabled its enemies to jeopardize its very existenc^i 
Who, that has a soul to feel — who, that has a spark of patriotisiwl 
or public spirit in his frame, but must be fired with a holy indig- 
nation at such a hideous, such a horrible state of the public mind! 



"Mone) is sucli a dnijj (the surest sign of the foi-mer prosperity, and ])re- 
sent insecurity of trade) Uiat men ae^ainst their consciences, their hojioiir. 
♦ heir duty, tlicir piotesbions^ and PROMISES — are willing to lend it secrell\ 
Losirpjjort the very measure's which are botli intended and culailated for 
Mieir riiin."» 

This paragrajih, the j)roduction of John Lowell, establish- 
i;s the existence of a combination to prevent the success o* 

' ?r»Iloadtenuin,No. 5, 



M 



rilE OLIVE CR.VNCH. 501 

le loan*, who had "^roniisei" each other, or pledgfnl thtiii; 

elves, not to subscribe: some of whom, ncvertiieless, tlid sub- 
scribe — but, to avoid the reproaches and persecution of tlieir as- 

Dciates, did it '^ secretly. ^^ This conclusion irresistibly follows. 
These ^^ promises nut to lend tli'iiv ■moneij,''^ must refer to the 
combination 1 have stated. It can have no other meaning. 
And the fair construction of their lending "secref/y" can be no 
<>ther than that they were liable to ('isgrace witii, or persecution 
from their party, if they were known to lead. 

Of the species of denunciations held out to deter from sub- 
scription, souie idea may be formed from the following parur 
graphs, taken from various Boston papers. 

"Ljt no mail who wishes to conthiue tlie wai- by active means, by vote or 
lending- money, baiif. to phostrait iiimseit at tub altar on thk fast 
BAT; foi- tliey are actually as much jpavtakcrr. in the war, as the soldier 
Who thrists the bayonet; and THE JUDGMENT OF GOD WILL 
AVVAir THEM" 

Money lent by Federalists. 

'•■ Will federalists subscribe to the loan ? will tiiey lend money to our na- 
tional rulers ? It- is impossible. First, because of tlie principle; and second- 
ly, because of principal and interest. If they lend money now, they make 
themselves parlies to the violations of the constitution, the cruelly oppress- 
ive measures in relation to commerce, and to all the crimes which have oc- 
curred in the field and ih the cabinet. To what i)urpose have federahsls 
exerted them=:elves to show the u'ickediicss of this w.ir, to rouse the public 
sentiment against it, and to show tlie authors of it not only to be unworthy 
of public conlidenc.-, but hi';^hly criminal, if riovV thsy contribute the sums of 
money without whicli; these rulers must be compelled to stop; must be com- 
pelled to return to the policy and m<jasures under which this countiy osce 
was at peace, and in sing-nlar prosperity. 

"By the mag-nanimous course pointed out b)- governor Strong, that is, by 
withholding all voluntary aid in prosecuting tlie war, and manfully expressing 
our opinion as to its injustice and ruinous tendency, we have arrested its 
progress: and driven back its authors to abandon their nefiirioas schemes, and^ 
to look anxiously for peace. What then if we now lend them money I They 
will not make lieacc; tliey will still hanker for Canada; they will still assem- 
ble forces, and shed blood on our western fi-onlier. Mere pride, if nothing 
else, would ma!ce them do it. The motives which firs^ brought on tiie war, 
win still continue it, if money can be had. Bat some say — will you let the 
country become bankrupt ! no, the country will never become bankrupt. But 

PRAT DO XOT PREVEVT TiiE ABUSERS OF THEIR TRUST BECOMING BA>"K.RDPT. Uo 

not prevent them from becoming odious to the public, and replaced by bet- 
ter men. Any federalist who lends money to government, must go and hakft 
hands with James MadLson, a^d claim fellowship with Feli.^ <-'v; ■. .j. Let 
him IV) more call hims-lf a federalist and friend to Ills countv V ' 1 i£E' WILL 
BE CALLED BY OTHERS, INFAMOUS !!!!'.! 

" But, secondly, federalists will not lend money, because t .ey will never get, 
k again. How, where, and when, are the government to g-et money to pay 
interest ? And who can tell wiiether future rulers may tiiink the debt c on- 
Itracted under such circumst.mces, and by men M'ho lend money to help out 
measures which they have loudly and constantly condemned, ought to ba 
paid ! On the whole, there are two very strong reason.? why federalists 
^111 not lend money — iirst, because it would be a base aijandonment of po- 
litical and moral principles ; and secondly, because it is pretty certain tliey 
will never be paid again. 



302 THE OLIVE BRANCH. 

« It is very erateful to find that the universal sentiment is, that ANY MAN 
WHO LENDS HIS MONEY TO THE GOVERNMENT, AT THE PRES- 
ENT TIME WILL FORFEIT ALL CLAIAI TO COMMON HONESTY 
AND COMMON COURTESY AMONG ALL IRUE FRIENDS TO THE 
COUNTRY !!!!!! God forbid that any federalist should ever hold up his 
hand to pay federalists for money lent to the present rulei-s: and federalists 
can judge wliether democrats will tax their constituents to pay interest to fed- 
eralists " Boston Gazette, April 14, 1814. 

" The war advocates appear very sore and chagrined at th failure of the 
late loan, and in their ravings ascribe the meagre subscriptions to the truths 
which have appeared in the federal papers on tlie subject." Boston Centi- 
iiel, March 24th. 1813. 

*' Our merchants constitute an honourable, Iiigh-minded, independent, 
and intelUgent class of citizens. Tliey feel the oppression, injury, and 
mockery, with which they are treated by their government. They will lend 
them money to retrace their steps— but none to persevere in dioir pres- 
ent course Let evtry highwayman find his own pistols." — Boston Gazette. 

We have onlv room this evening to say that we trust no true friend to his 
country will be found among the subscribers to the Gallating Joau" New- 
York Evening Post. 

"No peace will ever be made, till the people say there shall be no 
war. If the rich men continue to furnish money, war will continue till 
the mountains are melted vmh blood — til! every field in America is white 
witli the bones of the people." Discourse delivered at 13yfic]d, April 7, 
1814. By Elijah Parish, D. D, 

"Iftliis war is to be supported by loans, paper stock will breed as fast 
and foster than merinos. Their fleeces, ifyou^- pastures are good, will yield, 
the interest; but foryour interest of paper stock, you must yield a fleece of 
loans lunuially from your own pockets. The adnural and the purser have 
informed the crew, thatUiey have but few shot in the locker; they must be 
replenished, or the war laurels must wither. In our old war,whcn pii\atc men' 
■were public creditors, and became somewhat impatient of ])ublic delay, the 
acln inistration would pronise them one bcw dollar for two hundred old ones, 
;uid try their patence again. My brother farmers, if you have money to 
let, let it 'ay. If the war continues, you will purchase your stock at four 
years old, cheaper than you can raise it; so unjust is this oflcniiive war, in 
\vhi';h ourrulers have plunged us, in tlie sober con.sidc ration of millions, tliat 
they cannot conscientiously approach the God ofiu-mies for his blessing upon 
it " Boston Centinel, 13th. Janury, 1813. 

The following advertisements contain volumes. They evinco, 
beyoiid the power ot doubt ordeniat, the horrible state to whirh 
a i'evv factious, violent men, their treasonable practices had redn- 
oed the town ot Boston, when those wlio were disposed to sup- 
port their own government, were obliged to do it as clandestinely 
as if they were engaged in some dangerous conspiracy. 

The A'e-io Loan. 

From the Jioetmi Clironicle,<1j>ril 14, IBM 
From the advice of .sever.'J respected friends, we are induced to announce 
CO the pubhc that sub.scriptions to tlic ne~.v /oa7t will Ijc received hyusaa 
'igent.s 'intil the 25th. inst. from individuals, or incorpoj-ated bodies, in sums 
•>f^J»K);md upwards. Tlie sub.scriptions to conform to the rcgidations an 
Hounced by the sccrebuy oi the treasury, dated 4tli. April. Payments n. y 
he. made in Bo.ston money, or in any other hi the United Statc-s, thesubscril) . 
paying the customary r;itc of discount. Applications will be received fid; 
.%ny persons who wish to receive their interest in Boston, by letters ir 



THE OLIVE BRANCH. jjoa 

paid, or by written applications from individuiils in Boston, AND TIfL 
NAMKSOFALL SUBSCRIBERS SHALL Bt, KNOWN ONLYTOTllK 

tJNnF4!tSUiNElJ, accoitling to the proposals oftlie secretai-y oftlic treasury 
(for inove particulars see his advertisement;) cugIi applicant must numt; thi; 
highest rate he will g'ive : and if the loan is granted lower than his propo 
sal, it will of course be tor his benefit: but on the other hand, if higher, he 
will lose the benefit of being- a subscriber. The certificates, and all the busi-. 
ijess relating to it; will be delivered free of charge. 

GILBERT & DEAN, Brokers. 
" Exchang-e Coffee House, Boston, April 12." 

From the Boston Gazette, April 14, 1814. 
THE LOAN. 
"Subscriptions will be received through the agency of. the subscriber to 
the 25th. inst. inclusive. 

"To avoid ?/i(; inconvenience of personal appearattce to s?<Zisc?'/6e, applica- 
tions in writing will be received from any part of the state. Each applicant 
will name the highest rate he will give; and if the loan shall be granted 
lower than his proposal, he will v^ap the benefit, but if higher than his of. 
fer, he will have no share in it. The amount, i-ate, and NAME OF ANY 
APPLICANT SHALL, AT HIS REQUEST, BE KNOWN ONLY TO THE 
SUBSCRIBER. All the business shall be transacted, and certificates deliv > 
©red to the subscribers without expense." 
' JESSE rUTNA.VI. 

On the above advertisements, and others of a similar cha- 
meter, the following coaiments were published in the same paper. 

" How degraded must our government be, even in their own eyes, when 
they resort to .such tricks to obtain money, which a common Jew broker 
would be ashamed of. They must be well acquainted with the fabric of the 
men Avho are t'> loan them money, when they offer, that if they will have 
the goodness to do it, their names shall not be exposed to the world. Ther 
know right well that the cause is so sneeki.ig and vile, that nobody wou.'d 
be seen in the broad day-light to lend them money. However it is consist- 
ent with the system of deception and double dealing which they have alvay.* 
^yvactised. 

Capitalists may be indviced to subscribe to the loan, because it wjS tend 
to shorten tlie war. But what pledge iiave they when they have pcared aU 
their cash into the lap of the government, that the war will end .? 

"No one doubts of their rancour and ill-will towards England that they 
are willing to fight her as long as they can get money. Well t\en, if they 
oan gull the rich men, and get as many loans as they ask for, »vill they not 
fight till that is gone. i" yea, and until they can negociate new ioans upon the 
same terms } ' • 

" Perhaps monied men may be bribed by the high inte:'«st that is offered. 
But if they withhold their aid, and so force the government into a peace, 
will not tiieir capital be better employed, if engaged ir trade ? will they not 
have better security for its payment, and at their command when thev iisk 
for it .i" 

"On the whole, we tliink it no way to get out of the war, to give nioney to 
government, when' the veiy thing that prevents t'xem from carrying it on, is 
the want of money"' Boston Gazette, April 14. 1814. 

After having intimidated the citizens from lending tiieir nwn- 
ey publicly, by the most inflammatory, and seditious, and threat- 
eninj^ publication?. «>f which the preceding extracts afford a slight 



304 THE OLWK BRANCH. 

gjificimen, these writers revile and abuse the govermneiit, beeaujt 
those who ivish to lend, are invifed hjj the brokers to do it s«- 
cfretly! What transcendent wickedness and injustice! 

Hundreds of similar paragraphs and essays were written witti 
a view to dissuade and iiitiuudate mouied men froni subscribing 
to the loans. Canting hypocrites, who were violating the funda- 
mental laws ot society, encouraging "smuggling," and "perjury," 

« acquiring ill-goUen wealth," at the expense of public 

morals and endeavoring, though a small minority, to trample 
Jown the majority, hali the wickedness to invoke " the judg- 
:mntof God,'^ upon the sapporters of a lawful and mild goyern- 

nient! 

Jn the middle states, the federalists did not enter into the 
project, or to a very limited extent. Many of them were sub- 
scribers — some on a very liberal scale. And tlms the loans, i n 
.spite ofthe press, and the pulpit, and the efforts of the, conspir a- 
tors, succeeileu, to their intim e mortification . New means were 
brought into operation, which were temporarily crowned with suc- 
cess. 



CHAPTER LIU. 



Specie abundant 
ans:nne72is be- 



SiimggUng carried to a great excess in Boston. Sj 

there. Oppressive drafts on JYew York, ./h'l'i 

tween persons in Canada and in Boston. Government Bills. 

Treason in the United States. Jilisprisinn of treason. High 

\lreasonin Great Britain. Hanging, drawing and quartering, 

XlOW strong soever may be the general sense of the infamy 
of siMiggling, it has always prevailed: and will never be wholly 
suppressed, while it holds out such great advantages, and while 
there ar^ men to be found who worship gain a« their God. It is 
not therefore surprising, that the non-importation, the embargo 
&,c. being denounced as oppressive, unjust, and unconstitutional 
and the war as wicked, and unprovoked, and corrupt, smuggling 
should ba canjed on to a most prodigious extent, especially as the 
public papers i(\i Boston repeatedly' invited and urged the citizens 
to set the restrictive system at defiance. These circumstances 
conspired to supp'vv that town with smuggled goods on a very large 
scale. 

Of the extent to yv\ich smuggling, and fraud, and perjury hav^ 
been carried in Boston, some idea may be formed from tlie follow 
ing " j)iecious confession," written by John LoweU. It describes 
a state of society not exceeded bithc most corrupt countries ia 
Euroj»e. 



THE OLIVE BRANCH. 305 

7 Eacouraged and protected tVoni Infamy by the just odium against 
the war (XJ" they engage in lawless speculations — sneer at the restraints 
of conscience — laugli at perjury — mock at legal restrainsls— and — acquire 
an ill gotten wealth at the expense of public morals, and of the more 
5ober, conscientious parts of the community."*^ 

It was wortliy of the most serious reflection of tlie honour- 
able and public spirited federafists of the middle and south- 
ern states, how far they could, without disgrace and dis- 
honour, " follow the. leatV^ of a town where such a state of 
things existed — where no regard was paid to " restraints of 
conscience^ — where '* perjury" was a. subject of " kiughtcr" 
— ^where " legal restraints" were " set at defiance" — and 
where " jmblic morals" were sacrificed to the acquisition of 
," ill gotten wealth''' — What an awful consideration it is, 
that such a description of citizens should have had it in 
their power materially to artbct the destinies of eight mil 
lions of people and their posterity ! for it is a most frightful 
trutl*, that all the violent, lawless, Jacobinical, and wicked 
measures, which were driving this country to perdition, had 
their origin in Boston, where " perjury and smuggling" 
were the roads to fortune — and where "■ conscience atibrded 
no restraint."-!: 

Mr. Lowell, after drawing tliis frightful picture endea- 
vours to make the administration answerable for the whole 
to " a just God,'' who " knoivs how to trace the catiSBS of 
human events." This is most sorry and contemptible cant- 
ins: and can deceive no man bevond the rank of an idiot. 
This hideous derangement oi- morals is solely the production 

* Road to Rmn, No. 6. 

f Air. Lowell denies that the above portraiL was drawn for Boston. He 
says " the remarks were intended to apply to other states than Massachu- 
setts" — but he does not specify which are the states. I have reconsidered 
the subject, and am not disposed to admit his defence. The deprevation 
of morals he describes, is, he says, the result of " smug-ifUng-'''' And this 
is protected from infamy by " the just odimn against the war." Now it is 
well know that there was no part of the United States where smuggling- 
was carried on so largely and so barefacely as in Boston — and none 
■where so much pains were taken to excite the public passions against the 
war, or with so much success. It is therefore not in Mr. Lowell's power 
to remove the fairness of the application. 

I wish here to avoid being inisunderstood This statement respectiug 
Boston . is to be recieved with due qualifications. I have numerous and 
most estimable acquaintances in Boston — equal in point of honour and in- 
tegrity to any citizens in the United States. And sudi I consider them as 
of the inhabitants. But in times of facfous violence, the worst men always 
rise uppermost; gain the a.scendency ; give the tone to public measures ; 
and establish an arbitrary sway. And men who " laugh at perjur}'," and 
** sneer at the restraints of conscience," are precisely those who in such 
times of frenzy bear sway over their fellow citizens, and bear down or force 
■with them the dispassionate and well hiteutioned. At all events, tlie pic 
*ure of Boston is not mine. If it be incorrect, I ajn not answerable. Let 
Ml". Lowell and liis friends settle the a«count between them. 



306 THE OLIVE BRANCH. 



3 



of faction, which consecrates every means, however wicked, 
to answer its vile pairposcs. 

'• Administration hirelings may revile the northern states, and the mer- 
chants generally, for — this monstrous depravation of morals, — this execrable 
sourse of smuggling- and fraud. But there is a just God, who knows how to 
trace the causes of human events : and — he will assuredly visit upon the au- 
thors of this war, all the iniquities of which it has been the occasion. — If tlie 
"■uiltv deserve our scorn or our pity, — the tempters and seducers dcser^■e oui" 
execration."* 

, This is very just and true. TIie guilty deserve our scorn. 
The seducers merit execration. But who, let me ask, were 
the seducers ? Those indubitably, who fer so n any years 
had been employed, by every means, however base or vile^ 
in exciting the people to forcible opposition to the rulers oi 
their choice — '.who had in the public papers, openly invited those, 
vho needed no such invitation, to violate laws fairly and 
Constitutionally enacted, which they falsely denounced as op- 
pressive and " unconstitutional.''^ These were '* the seducers.^'-' 
Th.cse were • the men on whom heaven in its righteous de- 
crees, would " visit all the inirfiities" to which their am- 
bition, their turbulence, and their factious spirit had given 
occasion. 

ISiany vahiable British prizes were sent into Boston, 
which greatly added to the stock of goods introduced there 
by smuggling. The middle and southern states, which re- 
frained from this pestiferous practice, derived nearly all their 
supplies of foreign merchandize from that town. This 
course of events filled the vaults of the banks in Boston 
with incomparably more specie than they ever held before 
• — and raised very heavy balances against the banks in New 
York, 'Ihe Philadelphia banks were indebted to New York ; 
those in Baltimore to Philadelphia ; and so on more to the 
southwaid. 

It may not be unamusing to the reader to explain this 
process a liUle more in detail. New York purchaced geods 
largely in Boston, partly for bank notes and partly on credit. 
For the latter portion promissory notes were given, which 
were transmitted fiom Boston to the New York banks for 
collection. Very large purchases were likewise made in 
Boston by citizens of Philadelphia, Baltimore Richmond, 
Petersburg, &c. Payments were made in bank notes, of 
the middle and southern state, and in promissory notes. 
Both were acnt on to New York, the first for transmission 
to the banks whence they were issued — and the second for 
collection. 

This state of things suggested the stupendous idea, at 
which the reader will stand aghast, of wieldmg the finan':i«i 

* Road to Ru4n, Nor 6'^ 



THE OLIVE BR AJSCM 30> 

iaiivantagcs t!ien enjoyed by Boston, to produc-e the tftect wliicli 
the press and the pulpit had failed to acctmiplish — ^that is, to 
stop the wheels of government by draining the banks in the mid- 
dle and southern state* of their specie, a) id thus producing an 
litter disabiittg to Jill the loans! IJ ! This scheme was projected 
in the winter of. 1813-14 — and iumiediate arrangements were 
mnde to carry it into execution. It ncldy earned for the projec- 
tors the lieavy curses of the widows, and orphans, and other 
.persons on whom it entailed so much distress and rain. 

Accordingly the"New-York, Philadelphia, and southern bank 
notes lieid by the Boston banks, were transmitted with demands 
for their amount in specie — and drafts were likewise drawn on 
the New-York banks for tlie balances on the l^ice of the books, 
to enormous amounts, I am credibly informed tliat the sum 
thus drawn was seven or eight millions* of dollars from the time 
of commencing the-e operations till the 31st of August, 1814, 
a space ol about eight months. To relieve themselves from tiiis 
pressure, the New-York banks drew as largely as the state of 
the accounts would admit, on those in Philadelphia — the latter 
on those in Baltimore — and those in the latter city on Washin^j;- 
ton, Alexandria, Richmond, &c. 

A fearful alarm spread ' tiirou^h the community. The issue 
was looked for with terror. Wagons were loading with specie 
at the doors of our banks almost every week. There have been 
three at onetime loading in Philadelphia. The banks through- 
out the middle states were obliged to curtail their discounts. 
Bankruptcies took place to a considerable extent. Even weaU 
thy men, who were wiiolly unprepared for a sudi a crisis, suf- 
fered great inconvenience. Some who had subscribed to the 
loans, were unable to comply with their engagements: and others 
"were withheld from subscribing, by the general pressure for mo- 
ney. In consequence, the loan, then pending, partially failed, 
to the very great embarrassments of the government, and distress 
of the public. This tvas the nefarious object in vie lo. 

I have before me " A true abstract of the statements of the se- 
i Veral bank corporations of Massachusetts, rendered January, 1814 



• When I wrote this passat^e, I greatly unden-ated the amount thus wiUi- 
drawn from the middle and southern states, whicl\ I csliniated at only four 
millions of dollars. Subsequent enquiries have satisfied me that it was pro- 
bauly double tliat amount. The banks from Xew-York to Xorfolk inclusive- 
ly, as well as most of those of the westward, were literally drained of tlieir 
specie, and nearly reduced to bankruptcy. Two millions of dollars and 
more, have tVeqitently been exported from Philadelphia tor the East lnfii#5 
ill single seasons, without prodycing any sensible eii'ect. 

.40 



308 



THE OLIVE BRANCE 



and published bv the secretary of that commonwealth, from 
which 1 extract tlie amount of specie in their vaults, and of their 
notes in circulation. 



Mas9achu?etts Bank, 

Union, - 

Boston, 

State, 

New-EnQ,lai\d,' 

Mechanics, 



Specie. 


JVotes in circulation. 


§2,114464 


S682,708 


6.57,795 


233,225 


1,182,572 


369,903 


659,066 


509,000 


284,456 


161,170 


47,391 


44,595 


S4 ,945,444 


2,000,601 



Of course there could not be the least pretext of want of specie 
to answer the utmost demand that could be reasonably calcula- 
ted on. They jjossessed, for every hundred dollars of their, 
notes in circulation, nearly 250 dollars hi specie — a state ot things 
probably unparalloled in the history of banking, from the days of 
the Loinbards to the present time. 



I 



No man can pretend, that with the above enormous amount 
of specie, and the moderate amount of notes in circulation these 
banks would lra.ve deemed it either advisable or necessary to make 
such very unusual and immoderate drafts, particularly at the 
season of the year when this project was connnonced, unless there J 
was some extraordinary object to be accomplished. 

Notwitlistanding the enormous sums of specie, drawn into 
the town of Boston, from New-York, Philadelphia, &c. so great 
was tlie drain away to Canada and Nova iScotia, to pay >for 
governmont bills and for smuggled goods, that but a very mo- 
Uerate sum remained at the beginning of the present year, (1815. )1 
I annex a statement of tlie amount in the vaults of the diftercnt' 
banks, at two periods, subsequent to the preceding date, iionu 
which an idea may be formed of the pernicious extent to wliichf 
these proceedings were carried. 



Massachusetts Bank, 

Union, 

Boston, 

State, 

New-Euijland, 



July \ St. 1814. 

SI, 959,405 

639.789 

1,270,731 

1,114,421 

484,258 

S5,468,604 



Jan. 1st. 1815. 

S763,682 

202,786 

691,729 

88,339 

252,832 

g 1,999,368 



Thu 



s, it appears, that m aix months the amount ot speci? 



[. 



TUE OUVE BRANCH. 309 

Had bern reduced the enormous sum of neaji'l y three millions and 
A half of dollars, not\vitlistandin;i>; the continual supplies from 
New York till ihe 31st. August, 1814. 

Attempts have been made to justify the extravagant drafts 
/ibove stated, as merely the result of the bahxnce of trade 
ill favor of Boston. It has been asserted, that it was no 
more than right and proper for the banks of that town to require 
the balances due them; and that the case daily occurs, of banks 
drawing on each other in a similar mode, when balances accrue. 

Tliese palliatives.will not stand tlie test of sober examination. 
A lan:;e portion of the heaviest drafts, indeed those that first exci- 
ted alariij, were uiade during the winter, whea the freight was 20, 
25, or 30 per cent, higlier, in consequence of tlie wretched state 
01 the roads, than it would have been, had they awaited a few 
weeks. This is a conclusive circumstance, taken in conjunction 
■with the fiict, that there was a superabundance of specie in the 
Boston banks, and likewise with the laborious, and unceasing, and 
profligate eftbrts that had been so long made, to destroy the pub- 
lic credit. 

It is well known to every person in the slightest degree ac- 
quainted with banking, that when two banks in different cities car- 
ry on a large intercourse with each «)t!ier, balances will arise in 
favourof one and against the other, often to a very large amount; 
which balances remain unclaimed, sometimes for months together, 
tinless the specie be actually wanted. Tiie banks do not choose 
unnecessarily to incur the expense of transportation — and wait 
vin expectation pf the balance being reduced by the .regular ope- 
Irations ot trade. I think lam safe in saying that at least two 
millions of dollars are constantly thus circumstanced, between 
New, York, Philadelphia, Baltimore, Washington and Richmond. 
New York OAves largely at times to Philadelpliia — Philadelphia at 
^'other times to New York — and so of banks in other places. 

To render the stroke at public credit more unerring — and to 
place the result wholly out of the reach of contingency, f/iere ivas 
an arrangement made by some persons at present unknown^ ivith 
agents at the government of Loivcr Canada, tvkerehif an immense 
amount of British government bills,* drawn in Quebec, were iraiis- 

* These bills were openly advertised for sale in the Boston papers. an- 
- ijex an advertisement taken 

From the Boston Daily Jtdvei'liser, Dec. 16, 1614. 

1 Billl for - - - - 800^ British government bills for sale 

1 ditto - - - " - 250 f. by CHARLES W. GR?:EX, 

1 ditto - - - - 203 3 ^'o« 14, India Wharf. 

1,253 
' Let the reader after having considered the above ostentatious mode of ma» 



olO THE OLIVE BUANCU. 

mitted for sale to JVeK' Fork Philadelphia, and Baliimon,^ 
(Did disposed of to vionied meny on such advantageous terms 
as induced them to make lar^e purchases. And thus was 
absorded a very large portion of the capital of these three cities. 

These bills were forwarded through trusty persons in Boston; 
and the proceeds being placed to their credit, added immensely 
to the command the Boston banks had acquired, by the extent of 
ihe smuggling trade, over those in the middle and southern states. 

Let us here make a solenui pause. Let its strip these facts of 
the thin veil thrown over them. Let us consider them in all 
their nakedoess,ia all their deformity. 

My heart sickens at the investigation. I turn wirti dis- 
gust, with honor, with affright. Boston, the cradle of the 
ievolution, which claims so high a degree of pre-eminenct 
for her "morality and religion," after having failed in help 



naging the intercourse with the enemy, compare the spirit which dictated 
it wit li the sp'rit of the revolutionary war, as displayed in the following ve- 
solutions and ordiiiances taken from anuniJjerof a similar chai'acter. , 

June 2, 1775. Itesolved that no bill of exchange, draft, or order, of any ,| 
ofiiccrin the army o,- navy, then- agents or cojitractors, be received or ne- ' 
gociated, c" any money may be supplied to them by any person in America.'^ 
Jovrnals of CoJigresis. Vol. I, p(tg& 105. 

March 27, 1781. " It is hereby ordained that the citizens and inhabitants 
of these United States be, and they are strictly enjoined and required to ab- 
stain from all intercoiu-se, correspondence, or dealings whatsoever with the 
subjects of the King of Great Britain, while at open war with these United 
States, as theysliail answer the same at their peril. And the executives ct 
the several states are hereby called upon to take tiic most vigilant and elfec- 
tual nif-asures for detecting such intercourse, con-espondence, or dealnigs, 
and br nging the authors thereof, or those concerned therein, to condign 
punishment." Jdexn, Vol. 7, page 60. 

♦' June 21, 1782. " Whereas some of the inhaljitants of the United States ^ 
prompted either by a sordid attachment to gain, or by a secret conspiracy! 
with the enemies of their covmtiy, are wickedly engaged in canning on ai^ 
Illicit trufic vvi;h their enemies, wherebv a market is i)r,jvidcd for merchan-i| 
dize, IllECIIKULATrNG SPECIE IS EXPOUTEl) I'ROM THE UNI-1 
T.'J) STXTES, the payment of taxes rendered more difticult and bm-den- 
some to the people at large and great discouragement occasioned to honesti 
and lawful commerce : 

" Resolved, tliat it be and hereby is recommended to the legislatures oil 
tlift several states, to adojit the most efficacious measures for suppressing aiq 
f laffic and ilUcit intcrcoui-se between their respective citizens and the encfl 
■my. 

" Kcsolvcd that the Icgi.slatures, or, in their recess, the executives of thel 
several slates, be earnestly requesteci to impress, by every means in theirj 
pnwer, on their respective citizens at laj-ge, the baneful consequences :ip- 
prehciided by congn .ss fram A CONTINUANCE OF 'i'l US ILLICIT AND 
r\I \MOUS THAFl'lC, and the necessity of their co-operating with the pubj 
he nioasiiicti by ^uch united, patriotic and vigiluut exertions, as will detecC 
and b! ing to legid punishment those who shaini) any manner have been con- 
ctrncd tht rein. Idem, page 301. 



THE OLIVE BRANC li . u l 

endeavours to prevent the success of tlie loans, draws awuy 
tlie specie from the middle and southern states, to bankrupt 
the government, re}>;ardless of the universal ruin in whicli it 
would involve indiscriminately, friends of war — friends of 
peace — federalists — democrats — ^young and old — men, women, 
and children ! And, to add a deeper dye to the tranmctiony 
the apicie is transmitted to Canada, and enables the euemif 
to dispatch his red allies to swim in blood on the defevcelesA 
j'yo}itiers of their own country /* Tliis is the work of 
faction, the heaviest scoui-ge that ever issupd from Pando- 
ra's box ! 

The consequence of these vile operations are still severe- 
ly felt. Many estimable individuals hav^ been absolutely 
ruined. Bank paper became an object of brokerage, anil 
was sold at various rates from thiee to ten p(;r cent, dis- 
count. A general sta2;nation was produced. The loss fell 
most heavily on the poor, as is usual ii> all such cases. The 
rich were enabled to make most extravagant profits ; and 
many of them were literally preying upon the middle and 
poorer classes of society. The entire profits of business were 
swallowed up by the extravagant discounts paid on bank pa- 
per a case hitlierto unknown in tliis part of the country. 
And thus, in a season of distress and difficulty, the embar- 
fasisment of the citizens were doubled or trebled. And what 
ifi the most daring ajid profligate part of tlie business, the 
men who 

•' Have jilayed these pranks before high Heaven,''^ 

were impudent enough to charge the whole of the distress, 
^o the account of the administration ! 

" The offence is rank — it smells to Heaven.'- 

To render the aftair more shocking, more gross, niort; 
hideous, those who perpetrated this wickedness, hypocritical- 
!ly refused to rejoice in the victories of their country — as 

unbecoming a moral and religious people ! ! !" 
„ There is no country in the world, but ^he United States, 
Iwherein such a crime could be perpetrated with impunitjj 
JEven by our mildest of all mild constitutions, it is treason. 
r Treason against the United States, shall consist oniv ic. 
|'< levying -war against them, or in adhering to their enemies^ 

* Mr. Lowell has attempted to deny t'.ie existence of tliis aiTangement. 

lit it stands on too strong' emind to admit of being- disi)ro\'ed. That these 

JHs, to an immoderate amount, were transmitted from Quebec ; that tliey 

pJPere drawn for the support of the armies employed in hostilities ag-ainst this 

Itountry ; that they were paid for in specie, devoted to the support of those 

Isinnies ; are facts too stubborn to be set a-sidc. I liereby publicly dare him 

ior any other pei-son in the union to disprove any of them. They are abus- 

'antly sufficient to establish the iiuquity of the case. 



312 THE OLIVE BRANCH. 

i^ GIVING THEM AID AND COMFORT." If suppl;y'iiig an 
enemy with specie to enable him to carry on the war against 
tlieir native country, be not giving liim " aid and cnmfurt^''' and 
that of the most substantial kind, 1 know not what arc" aid and ' 
comfort.^^ 

Every man concerned in the business of furnishing these aids 
to the enemy. i« ipso facto a traitor— 'his life has been forfeited. 
That he has' not expia.ted his crime by paying the forfeit, he 
owes to the ill-requited lenity of an insulted government. Eve- 
ry person who knew of the commission of the crime, and did not 
reveal it, was guilty of misprison of treason. 

Compare this offence with the rebellion in Massachusetts un- 
der Shays: with the whiskey insurrection, in the neighbourhood 
of P)ttsburgr or with that of the poor, deluded, ignoiant Fries! 
You may as well compare the Andes to Mount Pleasant! 

This crime in England would subject the perpetrator either to 
be hung and gibbetted, or to be hung, drawn, and quartered. 
In the tormer case, his carcase would be exposed to be devour- 
ed by obscene birds of prey. In the latter, his head would be 
elevated as an ornament on the tower of London, to deter other 
traitors from the perpetration of Similar crimes. 

Let us once more, though the sight turns us aghast, examine 
this hideou> scene — which sinks the perpetrators and connivers 
into the lowest abyss of infamy. 

Men in the "moral and religious'" town of Boston arc li:j^ ob- 
Used to Ipnd their money to their own ffovGrnment by stealth. 
But in the face of day, within the knowledge of a whole commu- 
nity, ^O"^ they send specie to the common enemy to support him a- 
f^ainst their own country .' Can human nature sink lower.^ They 
are JT/"" too moral and too religious- ■ to r,'joice at the victories 
of their fellow-citizens — but ^d^they are neither "too moral nor 
too religious" to aid the enemy to victo}y .' An age of penitence 
in sackcloth and ashes would not efface this foul blot from tlie 
escutchon of Boston. 

It is hardly possible to add a shade to the enormity of this 
crime. But one circumstance greatly enhances its atrocity. It 
was perpetrated while negociations for peace were pending, the 
succe!«s whereof it had so direct a tendency to defeat, by placing 
the liritish in a situation to rise in their demands: although the 
guilty persons professed to belong to the <• peace party,'' 



illk: OLIVE JJUANCH. 313 

CUAFTER LIV. 

Subject continued. Brief statement (if Fads. 

The immencc magnitude of tlie subject of the conspiracy, 

j stated in the preceding chapters, induces me to dwell a little 

I Vmger on it. And as 1 may have beon led aatray by the in- 

i futuation and delusion which is felt by almost every man 

I: who forms au hypothesis, I shall tlierfore state anew the 

i naked facts of the case, unaccoinpauied by my comments. 

ij Let the reader duly weigh the cviuence, and acquit or con- 

'i demn the accused town, as he may juclge proper. 

I I. Engagements were entered into in Boston by individu- 

1 als pledging themselves not to subscribe to tlie government 

loans. 

H. When some of them afterwards did subscribe, they found 
it necessary to do it - seo'etiy,^' to avoid the odium and tUe 
persecution excited against all who lent their money to the o-ov- 
ernment. 

Ill- The utmost iniliUMiL*^ of tliat powerful instrument, the 
press, and likewise of the pulpit, was employed to discourage 
and denounce subscribers to the loans. They were proscribed 
as <• iifamous,^^ in the public papers most extensively patron- 
ised ; and declared, in those papers, anil i'vom the pulpit to 
h^ absolute " muvderers.'' 

J IV. During the winter, when the roads were in wretched 
order, and when carriage was of course from 20 to 30 per 
cent, dearer than the common freight, Icj" the Boston banks 
made immoderate, continned^ oppreasive, unprecedented, and 
hostile drafts for specie on the .STew Fork banlcs.^j::^^ 
■ V. At this period the former banks had in theii- vaults an un- 
jparalleled quantity ot specie — one Imndred and fiftij per cent, 
♦ttoj'fi than their notes in circulation. 

VI. These drafts werp/contlnut;d through the spring and sum- 
mer, and obliged tiie banks in the middle and soutliern states 
80 far to curtail their accommodations, as to bring the commer- 
cial world to the verge of bankruptcy. Large and ruinous 
bankruptcies did take place; twenty and upwards occuired in 
New York in one tlay. 

VII. These drafts were carried to such a great extent, that 
j»n the 26th of Augxist the banks in Baltimore — on the SQtK 
nose in Philadelphia — and on the Slst those in New York, 
Sfere reduced to tlie painful necessity of suspending the pay- 
ment of specie. 

VIIL Contemporaneously with these immoderate drafts, a 
Wry large amount of bills drawn by the government of Lower 



314 THE OLIVE BRANCH, 

Canada, were through the medium of agents in Boston, dis- 
tributed iu New York, i'hiiauelphia, and Baltimore. 

IX. These bills prodigiously increased the balances against 
the Southern banks, and the power of drawing possessed by 
those in Boston. 

X. .The sjiecie received for these bills from JS''ew Fork, was 
forivarded to the agents of the government of Canada. 

XI. When subscriptions for loans \vere opened, large quan- 
tities of public stock were sent from Boston, to the markets 
in New York, and Philadelphia, and Baltimore, and sold at 
reduced rates, to tempt the monied people to invest their 
money therein, and thus to impede the success of the pen-) 
ding loans. 

i 

1 submit all these strong facts to the reader. Let hi..: 
examine them, and decide lor hiniself. If he bean upright, 
candid, honourable man — if he have a spark of public spirit 
ill his composition — if he have not renounced all pretensions 
to tlie tiamc of a Wasliingtonian— he will pronounce sentence 
of infamy against this transaction, all its agents, its emissa- 
ries, its accomplices, and against all who connived at it. 
if thi,s be '^federalism of tl\e Boston stamp, '^ I trust the high 
minded and honest federalists of the middle and southern 
states, will renounce the odious connection, and disclaim 
all participation in such nefarious, such treasonable practices^ 

ISlr. Oakley, a member of the house of representatives of 
the United States, in a violent and declamatory speech, al-*^ 
Icged the strongest charges of gross mismanagement and in-'| 
capacity against the administration, for disadvantageous con-i 
tracts made for some of the loans, whereby millions of dol-l 
lars were lost to the nation. All these losses and disadvan-J 
tagps are fairly chargeable to this conspiracy. ^ 

A few ambitious d^'magogues in Boston have been the' 
guide of federalists througliout the union. They have led 
them a devious course from the paths prescribed by Wash- 
ington. They have allured them to the brink of insurrec- 
tion, rebellion, civil war, and horrible devastation, which 
are all synonimnus with a dissolution of the union. Whether 
the latter will have magnanimity and fortitude enough io 
lejtain the honourable paths from which they have been 
seduced, remains to be seen. Their cotemporaneous 
fame—- their character with posterity — their peace, their 
happiness, their prosperity— the fate of their wives and 
children — the destiny of their country — the question wheth- 
'n- we shall be united as a band of brothers, or iuvolvcd i<i 



THE OLIVE BRANCH. 



313 



civil war, \ntli its train of horrors — are all at stake. The stake 
is immciib'e. Jfray Heaven they may form a just and enlightened 
decision. 



CHAPTER LV. 

tMusnttchusetts compared ivith Tennessee, 
blind. Frufits of trade fj'Uj i^er cent.! 



The blind leading the 
Road to Ruin. 



N. 



EVER did faction more completely degrade and sink u 
people, tlian she has done in Massachusetts. That once high- 
minded state was attacked by the British with a small force. 
They were allowed, without an effort, to dismember it. They 
established a regular government in their conquests. As nt> ef- 

ifort was made by this state, whose population amounts to a^jove 
rOO,000 free people, to prevent the conquest, so none was made 
to expel the enemy. Enslaved by faction, she whined, and 
scolded, and murmured, and winced, and threatened, and cursed 

I the administration for not defending her, although she had made 
every possible exertion to enfeeble the government, and render 

I it incapable of defence. 

To sum up -the whole. Massachusetts was energetic, firm, 
Ibold, daring, find decisive in a con test "^with the general govern- 
Ittient. .She would not abate an inch. She dared it to a conflict. 
IShe seized it by the throat, determined to strangle it ! She was 
funtameable as a lion, or a tiger, or a panther. But she was 
llong-suftering, and mild, and patient, and harmless, and inoffen- 
sive, and gentle, and meek, as a lamb, or a turtle-dove, wiien 
she came in contact with the enemy ! 

There is some mystery hangs about this affair, which time a- 
jlpne can develope. That the British should attack Massachu- 
setts, where they have so many friends, and spare Pennsylvania, 
?here the great majority are hostile to them, is so contrary to 
II the rules of true policy, as to be alm^>st inexplicable. I dare 
lot trust myself to hazard a conjecture on the subject. The 
ime acquiescence of such a powerful state, in so degrading a 
ituation, must have some extraordinary motive. None occurs 
my mind that I would choose to commit to paper. 

But mark the contrast ! — what a contrast ! Tennessee, with a 
rge territory of 43,000 square miles — a white population of 
I ly 217,727, and a black one of 44,536, to guard against, is 
lissailed by the jiiost powerful combination of Indians, and thosB 

42 



■ ■♦ 



316 THE OLIVE BRANCH. 

of the bravest cl)aractcr,that ever existed since the first settlojiu'-ac 
of this country. She neither winced-norwhiued-nor cursedthegov- 
ernnieut-nor shrunk iVomdanger-nor threatened a separation, :^!lii 
arose in her strength. Slic girded on lier armour. She called her 
sons from the coimterand the plou;;h-from the anvil and the loom, 
from tl^e bencli and the bar— from the senate house and the 
council chamber — and with a very small degree of assistance^ 
from Georgia, she vanquished the hardy warriors whom a false* 
reliance on British aid had allured to their ruin. Every succes- 
sive effort on the part of the deluded assailants was equally 
pregnant with destruction. Completely vanquished, they bent 
thefr necks to the yoke. They cursed that seduction which 
tempted them from ease, and comfort, and happiness; and on 
the forehead of their nation imprinted the broad seal ol perdition. 

Since the above was written, Tennessee has earned tenfold 
fame by the* heroism and public spirit her hardy sons have dis- 
played at New-Orleans, where they acquii-ed not merely fci 
themselves— and their ofwn state — but for the entire nation, a 
wreath of imperishable glory. In this grand achievement Ken- 
tucky partook largely. Both these noble states poured forth 
thr-irsons by thousands, some of them f.om a distance of nearly 
eight hundred miles, to repel the invaders of their native coun- 
try. With what effect they performed this patriotic service, 
history will convey to posterity, countless ages hence. It will 
be a subject of laudable pride to belong to a nation, whose law- 
yers, and doctors — whose farmers and shopkeepers — whose clerks 
and mechanics, hastily collected together, signally defeated an 
army of veterans, as formidable as any equal number ever ar- 
rayed in arms. 

The genius of Columbia hides her face with shame, aiid sor- 
row, and anguish, when she regards the ancient state of Massa- 
chusetts, degenerated from, and a disgrace to, her hardy ance*;- 
tors. But she looks down with pride, and pleasure, and exul- 
tation, on the youthful, high-spirited, patriotic, and heroic Ten- 
nessee and Georgia. 

It is hardly possible to find a stronger contrast — more di- 
gracri'ul on the one side — more honourable on the other. 



The blind leading the hliml 



There is no man whose /.eal in inflaming the public mind, 
has e«|ualled that of the writer of tiie Road to Ruin. He 
has published as many difterent sets of papers io excite the 
abhorreuee and detestation of the eastwn states against the 



THE OLIVE BRANCH. 5i7 

iidmlniatration, as woukl fill two or three large volumes. He is, 
in politic?, as very an enras^e as ever lived. So violent are W\^ 
passions on this topic, that they lead him eternaUy astray. He 
commit? himself by the most extravagant positions, which nothing 
but the epidemical madness of the times v.'ould have ever sutter- 
ed to escape the keenest ridicule. 

Tn " the Road to Ruin," he most pathetically deplores the des- 
truction of commerce, and the introduction of manufactures, both 
(-f which lie regards as equal subjects of lamentation. And to 
make the stronger appeal to the passions of his readers — to en- 
hance the misfortune of the loss of comuierce — he very grave- 
ly states its proflts at *• fifty per cent ! I .'" It is even so, rea- 
der. '• Fifty per cent I ! P' It is hard to conceive a higlier grade 
of extravagance and folly. Tlie average profits of successful 
commerce are not twelve per cent. And if the whole of the com- 
mercial capital employed in this country, during the last twenty 
years, be taken into view, including that of the merchant! who 
have become bankrupts, it is probable that the profits do not ex- 
ceed ei^ht percent. The failures among that class are very nu- 
merous, and out of all proportion greater than among any other. 
Qf the merchants in New-York and Philadelphia who were in 
eminence ten years ago, 1 think I am warranted in saying, that 
nearly two-thirds have been utterly ruined. It is well known, 
that the West India trade has been almost always a losing one. 
In fact, of tiie few fortunate merchants who escape ship-wreck, it; 
may be fairly said, 

•• Apparent rari naiites in gurgite vxisto.'^ 



This writer is either a deceiver — or he. has deceived himself, 
in either case he is '• « blind Leader of the biiiid:^' And it can 
never be sutficiently deplored, that a man in this situation should 
have had so very pernicious an iniluence ou the. destinies of eight 
millions af people and their posterity. He has chosen a most 
felicitous title — ^" The Road to Ruin'''' — and verily he has so long 
been leading his deluded followers on" the road to ruin,^^ that 
he has brought them lo the very verge of the precipice. 

Lest the reader should suppose that I have done him injustice, 

I submit his own words. If I have tortured his meaning, on my 

-head be all the censure I have so freely bestowed upon him — 



' « We take from trade a capital which produced FIFTY PEU CENT, and 
\He invest it in manufactures, PRECARIOUS IN THEIR NATURE, wlUcIi^ 
may never produce twenty, and whick may prove our ruin."* 

*See in the Examiner, vol. i, page 141, the Road to ruin, No. VIIR. 



348 THE OLIVE BRANCH. 

This short paragraph is as fallacious as any equal number of 
lines ever published. Every position it laysdoun is deceptious. 
When the writer emphatically states, that manufactures are"j;re- 
carious in their nature,''^ he must mean, by way of contradis- 
tinction, that commerce is blest with absolute security. Both are i 
arrant errors. Commerce is proverbially insecure. No degree ; 
of prudence affords full security in that department. Manufac- 
tures, prudently managed, have as much certainty as any other 
human undertakings wliatever. 

One word more. What dependence can be placed upon the ; 
assertions, the insinuations, the allegations, on subjects abstruse 
or difficult to decide upon, of a man who makes such an aggre- 
gious, such a momentous error in a case where detection treads 
so closely on his heels.''* 



CHAPIER LVI. 

Pulpit politics. Prostitution of the sacred functions. Massa- 
cre on board the Ocean. Jin anthology of sedition. Success 
of the war. 

«' Politics and the pulpit are terms that have little agreement. QC^ J\^ 
SA^md ought to be heard in the chvrch but the voice of hfaling cfiaritii.^* [What 
a divine idea !] " The cause of civil liberty and civil government gains as 
little as that of religion, by this confusion of duties. Those who quit their 
proper character, to assume what does not belong to them, are, for the 
greater part, ignorant both of the character they leave, and of the character 
they assume. Wholly unacquainted with the world, in which they are so fond 
of medling, and inexperienced hi all its atTairs, on which they pronounce 
with so much confidence they know notbing of jjoliucs but the passions tliey 
excite. Surely the church is a i>l\ce where one day's truce ought to be al- 
lowed to the dissention and animosities of mankind." JJtu-kc. 

Of all the abominations that disgrace and dishonour this coun- 
try in these portentous times, I know nothing more deserving 
of reprobation than the prostitution of the pulpit for party or 
political purposes. No man of correct mind can seriously re- 
flect upon it without shudc'ering with horror. 

A clergyman, whose functions pre-eminently require him to 
jireach " peace and good ivill among mev,'^ ascends the 
pulpit among a congregation assembled to unite in praising 
ana adoring their Omnipotent Creator. He holds hi his 
hands the Testament of Jesns Christ, which breathes nothing 

* I here make a puhlic apology for ha^ ing erroneously ascribed these sedi- 
tious and ii flimmatory publ. cations to 11 c late amiable judge Lowell. .My dis- 
tance from the place of their publication will, I trust, apologize, as well as ' 
account for the crcor- 



THE OLIVE BIIANCII. 319 

biit peace — he pronounces, and has fur a te.vt, the words of Jesuft 
Christ, or of Ills apostles, of the most pacijic tendenoj: and as a 
suitable accompaniment, t'oran hour I01155 he employs all his /.eal, 
all his talents, all his inlluence, for the anti-cliristiai», the iiilui- 
inan \)\xvposii oi' enkindling among his hearers the most baleful, 
the most furious passions — of preparing them for insurrection and 
revolution— for all the horrors of civil ivarf 



"Tlie alternative then is, that if you 4o Rot wish to become the slaves t<? 
those wlio own slaves, and wlio are themselves the slaves of Frencii slaves, 
you must either in the language of tlie day, Jj^ CUT TJIK CONNEXIO-V] 
or so far alter the national compact, as to insure youi'selves a due share in the 
governmenL" 



This elegant and sublime morceati, which breathes so much of 
the spirit of St. Paul, let ever ij soul be subject to tlie higher pow- 
ers,'' is taken from a sermon preached in Boston, by the Rev. Mr. 
Gardiner, July 23, 1812. The christian injunction of ICT*" cut- 
ting the connexion," that is, pZI' rebelling against their owngov- 
erntueni, wonderfully accords with the tieclaration of the text, 
^vhich, gentle reader, is ^^ lam for peace." Fsa.hn 120, v. 7. Ne- 
ver was there a more wonderful association — •• Cut the connex- 
ion'" — and " I am for peace V From such apostles of peace, good 
Lord deliver us! 

It is impossible much to aggravate the hideousnoss of this pro- 
cedure. But when the preacher commits himself by lalsehood, 
even undesignedly, as sometimes happens, it caps the odious cli- 
max. On the eve of a general election a few years since in Mas- 
sachusetts, to answer the purposes of party, a fabulous story was 
[ circulated, that the French had massacred the crew of a vessel 
called the Ocean. It was one of the thnusaud falsehoods in- 
vented to answer nvomentary purposes of the same kind. A cler- 
gyman, whose name I spare, seized the story with avidity — 
wove it into his sermon — and invoke I tiie vengeance of heaven 
I on the murderers. But mark the end of it. The holy zeal of 
; the auditory had not time to cool, when, to cover the preacher 
with confusion^ a resurrection of the murdered crew took place. 
They returned home, safe and sound, from the stilettos antl 
daggers of the blood thirsty French — andlield out a strong meiuon- 
te the preacher against a repetition of such an anti-christiaa 
procedure. 



The practice of preaching political sermons is utterly impro- 
pet', even when a congregation are all united — all of one senti- 
ment, if such a case ever occurred. But when they are di- 
vided, as must necessarily almost always happen, what a view 
does it present ? That portion of tlte congregation differing 



ti-ou THE OLIYE BnANClL 

from thi; politics of the preacher, are reduced fo the alternative 
of either absenting themselves from divine worship, or sitting 
patiently silent under the undeserved reproaches, and abu^c, 
and maledictions of a man who flies in the face of all his duties^ 
Hud to whom tliey cannot ofl'er a reply. 

To enable the reader to form a correct estimate of the abom- 
ination which I have here denounced, ;md of the justice of the 
denunciation itself, 1 p.esent him with an anthology selected 
from the sermons of three clergymen, the Rev. Messrs. Parish, 
Osgood, and Gaidinf'iS to whom nu small portion of the sced^i 
of insurrection, rebellion, and civil war, so plentifully sown in 
the eastern states, is justly chargeable. Never, since the first 
establishment of the clerical function?, were tliey more misera- 
bly employed — more contrary to the divine injunctions of the 
meek and mild Jesus, whose disciples these reverend gentle- 
men profess to be — whose doctrines they profess to teach — and 
whose example they profess to follow, and to hold out for iiui- 
Ration, 

From the. Rev. J. S. J. Gardiner, Jl. M, rector of Triniti; 

Church, Boston, 

"The British, after all, save for us bv their convovs, infinitely more pro. 
pcitv than they deprive us of. OCJWMIU?!': TllEY TAKF. ONE SHIP, 
'I'HEY PROTECT '1\\ ENTY. Where ihey commit one outi-age, they do 
many acts of kindness." Discourse delivered April 9, 1812, page 15. 

"England is willing' to sacrifice every thing to coiiciliute us, except her 
honour and independence." Idem, page 10. 

>' Jt is u war vncxamplecl in tHe history of ihr. world; wantonly proclaimed 
outb&most frivolous and groviuJIi'ns pretences, A^inst a nation from whose 
friendship we might dei-ivc the most signul advantages, and from whose 
iiustililv we have reason to dread the most tremendous losses '■* Discourse 
delivered July 23, 1812, page 3. 

"So f;irfrom there being Bi-itish partizans in this country, it is difiictdt 
CO tind an individual candid enough to do tiiat jiation comniim justice "^ 
h!em, page 10- 

■' Every provociition has been offered to Great Britain on our part, and 
our resentment has risen in proportion as she has shewn a conciliating spirit," 
Idtin, page 117. 

" "Wluit consequence is it to you if they be repealed or not, if yon arc ' 
sold to Napoleon, as you have iea.son to believe, by the slaves who have 
abused your contidence • !" Idem, page 11. 

" I-ct no considerations whatever, my brethren, deter you at all times, 
iind ill nil placcsjfroni execratingthe present war. It is a war unjust, fool- 
i,-,h, and ruinous. It is unju.st, because (;KEATHU1TA1N HAS OFEKKEIi 
US EAEliV CONCESSION SHORT OF WHAT SUE C0NUE1\ES. 
WOLU) 1;E HEU IWl'S.' idem, p^igc 15 

" A.s .Mr. ISIadlsoi) has declared war, let Mr. Madison carry it on. Idem;^ 
page 17. 

"THE UNION lIASfREEN LONG SINCE VIRTUAELY DISSOEVKH^ 
AND IT IS ELl-L TIME rHAT THIS I'AIIT OF THE DlSliMlEn 
ST.VrEi>SUOULi> TAK.ECAHE OEITSEL.F" Iflcm, pajje 19. 



Tli£ OLIVE BRANCH. 321 

j^rom, the Rev. David O^igoocl, D. D. imstor of the chutch at 

♦' The strong prepossessions of so ivri^t a proportion of my fellow citizen? 
in fuvoiir of a race (^f dcmoi'.s, ;iikI against « nation ofmoic religion, virtue, 
good tailli, generosity, and beneticioiice, than.any that m^w ip,or e\ er luLS^bccii 
Upon the face of the earth, vring my soul with anguish, and fill my heait. 
with apprehension and lenor (if the judgments of heaven upon this siiiiul 
people. ' Discourse delivered April 6, 1810, page 40. 

" If at the command of weak or wicked rnlej-s, they undertake an unjust 
war, each man who ^Dhmteers his services in such a cause, or loans Iiis money 
fi>r its support, or by his conversatiin, his writings, or any other mode of 
jurtuence, oncoiu'ages its prosecution, tliat man is an accomplice in the 
wickedncs.s, {^ loads his conscience with the blackest crimes, — brings the 
guilt of blood upon his soul, and— IN THli SK.HT OF (JOD AND HIS 
LVW IS A ML liDEKKR." Discourse delivered June 27, 1812, page 9. 

« Since the period of their pretended repra!, SCORES, IF NOT HUX- 
DliEDSofour vessels had been seized in French ports, or burnt at sea by 
French cruisers, while many of their unoflL-ndiiig crews were — manacled 
like slaves, confined in French prisons, or forced on board French ships td 
fight against England."' Idem, page 11. 

" Our government, with a hardihood and efTrontery — at which demons 
. might have blushed, persisted in asserting the repeal." Ibid. 

« My mind has been in a constant agony, not so much at tlie inevitable 
loss of our temporal prosperity and happiness, and the complicated mlserier. 
of war, as at its guilt, its outrage against iu-aven, against all truth, honesty, 
justice, goodness — against all the principles of social happiness" Idem, 
page 12. 

u Were not the authors of this war in character nearly akin to the deists 
and atheists of France ; were they not men of hardened hearts^ seared 
consciences, reprobate minds, and desperate wickedness, it seems utterly 
inconceivable that they should have made the declaration." Idem, page lo. 

« One hope only remains, that Uiis stroke of perridy may open the eyes 
of a besotted people : that they mav awake, like a giant from his .shimber.'i, 
and WKEAK TllEUl \ ENtiEANCE OX THEHl HETllAYEKS, bv driving 
them from their stations, ahd placing at the helm more skilfyl and faithful 
hands." Idem, page 17. 

" If at the present moment, nosymfoms of civil war appear, — they cer- 
tainly will soon— unless the courage' of tlie war party should f;iil them ! ! !"' 
Idem, page 14.* 

" A civil war becomes as certain as the events th.at happen according i^- 
the known laws and established coui'se of nature ! ! !" Idem, naee 15,* 
From the llev. Elijah Parish, D. 1>." " 

" The Israelites i)ecame weary of yielding the fruit of their labour to pam- 
per their splendid tyrants. Thev left their political woes TH^ Y SFP \UA 
TED. (p-WHEUE IS OUR MOSKS ! ! ! ^Vbere is the rod of his miracks ! ! 



Where is our Aaron ! ! ! Alas ! no voice from the b.Virnlng bush has direct- 
ed them here." Discourse delivered at B> field, April 7, 1814, page 18. 

" There is a point— there is an hour— beyond which you will not bear ! ! !" 
"em, page l2. 

" Such is the temper of American republicans, so called. A new language 



* These sentences are already quoted in a former part of this book- 
Th?y are ncvcrtit^eless repeated here, as peculiarly appropriate. 



5^,2 TllK UL.lVJfc. ISUAiNUll. 

must be "mventcd before we attempt to express tlic baseness of theu' conduct, 
9r describe the roteiinc^s of their hearts."* Idem, page 21. 

»■< New England, if invaded, woLdd be obliged to defend herself. Do you 
not then owe it to your chikh-en, and owe it to your God, to make peace for 
yourselves?" Ideni,.page 23. 

" Vou may as well expect tlie cataract of Niagara to turnitscurr^'nttotlie 
head of Superior, as a wicked congress to make a pause in the work of destroy- 
iinr their country, while tlie ]icople will fiu-nish the nieans." Idem, page 8. 

♦'Alas! 03= ^V^■ IIAVK NO .MOSES TO STRETCH HIS ROD OVEK 
THE SEA!!! — No Lebunon, nor Carmel, nor Zion invites us across the 
deep !" Idem, page 14. 

»« The republics of Rome, and Venice, and perhaps another, which alone 
exist.s, liave been as oppressi\e as the despotism of Turkey, of Persia, or Ja- 
pan." Idem, page o. 

Of the law of Pharaoli, which condemned to death the first born 
of the Israelites, this reverend geiiileniaii says — " J thousand 
times CIS many sons of America have jirobahly fallen victims of 
this 2tngodlii li-ar, as perished in Israel by the edict of Pharaoh. 
iStill the war is only begiutiig. If ten thousand have fallen, ten 
thomaud times ten thousand may fall. ^^ Idem, page 7 

Those who take tiie trouble of multiplying, will find that ten 
thousand times ten thousand make 100,000,000, \vho are to per- 
ish out of a population of 8,000,000 1 1 ! 

" Should the English now be at liberty to send all their armies and all their 
ships to America, and in one day burn every city from INIainc to Georgia, your 
i-imdescending rulers wo^M play on their harps, while they gazedat the tre- 
mendous contlagTation." '»Idem, page 8. 

" T\ rants aie die same on the banks of the Nile and the Potomae-»-at 
Memj/iiis and at Washinglon— in a monarchy and a republic." Idem, page 0. 

"Like the worshi[)pcrs of Moloch, the supporters of a vile administration 
f^acrifice their children and tamilics on the altar of democracy. Like the 
widows of I lindostan, they consume themselves, like the frantic yotaries of 
Juggernaut, they throw themselves under the car of their political idol. 
They arc crushed' by itsploody wheels." Idem, page 11. 

*' The full vials of despotism ai-e poured on your heads. And yet you may 
rhallenge the- bloddlng Israelite, the stujnd African, the feeble Chinesse, 
the uioway Turk, or the frozen exile of Siberia, to equal you in tarae subniis- 
bion to the powers that be." Idem, page 12. 

" Here we must trample on the mandates of despotism ! ! ! or here we 
must remain slaves tiir ever." Idem, page 13. 

" Ytni ma}' eirvv the privilege of Israel, and mourn that no land of Canaan 
has been prouiiscd to youl* ancestors. Youcaimot separate from that mass of 
torruption, which would poison the atmosphere of paradise. You must in 
oljstinatc despair bow down _\ our necks to the joke, and with youi- African 



* After the reader has peitiscd this uncharitable effusion of prejudice and 
-.irulcnce, let him compare it with the following declaration, made by this 
rcven nd gentleman, in a sermon preivchcd at Cambridge, April 8, 1810 :— » 

" God is my witness that 1 would not upon any consideration, willingly or 
\inneccssarily wound tlie feelings of, or give oflence to, im i«di)idual ifi this 
attsemblj'." 



TliE OLIVE BRANCH. 3S3 

brethren drag the chains of Virpfinia clcspolism, unless you discover soiWfe 
v'hcrmode of escape." Idem, pag-e 15 

"Has not New Engl;uid as inucli to apprehend as the sons of Jacob had ? 
t?iit no cliild had been taken from tlic river to lead us tluough tlie sea." 
Alcm, page 20, 

" If jiuli^-nients are coming on the nation — if tlie sea does not open thee a 
path, where, how, in vhal manner will you seek relief? Ibid 

'• liod will bring good from every evil. The iurnaces of Egypt lighted Ie- 
.'.icl to the land of Canaan." Idem 22. 

" Which sooty slave, in all the ancient lominions, he more obsequiously 
I Autclied the eye of his maste:-, or flow to the indulgences of his desires more 
r servilely, than tlie same masters have waited and watched, and obeyed the or- 
, : ders of 'the great Napoleon ?" Discourse delivered utByficld, April 8, 1813. 

[i oiig'-' ^1- 

" Let every man who sc.nctionb this war by his suffrage or influence, re- 
[ member that he is labouring to cover himself antl his countrv with blood. 
' (T/THE BLOOD OF THE SLAIN WILL CRY FROM TtiE GROUND 
AGAINST HIM.-' Idem page 23. 

" How V. ill the supporters of <^f this anti-christian warfare endure their 
■Sentence — endure their own reflections — endure the fire that forever burna 
—the worm which never dies — tiie liosannas of heave.i — WHILE 'I'HE 
SMOKE OF THEIR TORMENTS ASCENDS FOREVER AND EVER.'" 
Idem, page 24. 

*' To raise army after army to be sacrificed, when the English do all which 
is possible, to soften the rigours of captivity, by kindness to the prisoner.^ 
which they have taken by thousands and thousands, restoring them to their 
families without a ravsom, ak» without their REiiUEsr; to carry on such H 
war, after its onl}' avowed cause has been removed, is it not the lawless at- 
tacks of Goths and Vandals, the daring pillage of wild Arabs, a lilicetous out- 
rage on all the principles of Christianity, an impious abandonment of divinfc 
protection," Idem page 5. 

" The legislatoi-s who yielded to this war, when assailed by the manifesto 
Strf" their angiy chief, established iniquity and murder by lau'." Idem, page 5. 

" In the first onset [of the wai-] moral principle was at defiance. The laws 
of God, and hopes of man were utterly disdained. Vice threw off her veil, 
and crimes were decked with highest honoui'S. This war not only tolerates 
crimes, but calls for them, demands them. Crimes are the food'of its Jjfe, 
the arms of its strength. This war is a monster, which every hour gor- 
'mandizes a thousand crimes, and yet cries, " give — give." In its birth, it de- 
manded the violation of all good faith, perjury of office, the sacrifice of neu- 
tral impartiahty. The first moment in which the dragon moved, piracy and 
murder were legalized. Havoc, death and conflagration were tlie viands of 
'her first repast." Idem, page 11. 

"Those western states which have been violent for this abominable war 
of murder — those states which have thirsted for blood, God htvs given them 
blood to drink. Their lamentations are deep and loud." Idem page 16. 

"Our government, if they may be called the government, and not thcde*. 
trovers of tlie country, bear all these things as patiently as a colony of con- 
"icts sail into Botany Bay." Idem page 5. 

I had begun to write some comments on these extracts. But 
^ have changed mjp- purpose. I leave them to the jutigment of tJie 
reader, I shall simply say, if the preachers believed all they as* 

43 



J94 THE OLIVE BRANCH. 

serted, M-hat transcendent infatuation! If they did not, whit- 
transcendent turpitude! In either case, what transcendent pro- 
jfiniation of the clerical functions! — and of a religion breathing 
peace and good will among men ! May the Lord of his infinite 
mercy grant that no American congregation may ever hear such 
fc'crmons a<rain ! 



Success of the War. 
The enemies of the administration were lavish of their reproach- 
es, in the early stages of the war, on its ill success, which to many 
of them was a subject of as much triumph, as if they belonged to 
a hostile nation— as if whatever dishonour and disgrace might 
arise from it, were to attach themselves wholly to the ad ministra- 
tion. The blindness and perversity of many of our citizens on 
this topic, were utterly astonishing. Whatever of glory was ac- 
quired, or of disgrace sustained in the war, its friends and ene- 
mies partook equally in the eyes of the world.* 

Tt is hkewise made a subject of reproach to the administration, 
and of rejoicing to some deluded people Avhom party passions 
have led astray, and blinded to the interest and honour of tiieir 
country, that the government has abandoned its ground on tlie 
subject of impressment ! A most nielancholy subject of rejoicing I 
Alas ! it was not the power of England, nor the downfall of lio- 
naparte, that produced this abandonxnent of the claims of the 
})oor, suffering, nautical hero ! No. Internal discord, more fatal 
than tens of thousands of embattled enemies, has riveted the chains 
of impressment on countless numbers of future Hulls, Perries, 
Porters, Laurences, and M'Donoughs. 

But had the war been really unsuccessful, it would not be sur- 
prising. It would have Hiore completely covered the nation with 
the proudest laurels, had Boston observed an impartial neutrality. 
But she persecuted the government with as much virulence, and 
malignity, and violence, as if it were administered by demonsi 
carnate. She involved in the vortex of disalfection no small poi 
tion of the population of her own and sister states, and did E\ 
land mort effective service, than all her armies.^ 

* This all-important idea is placed in the strongest and most striking point 
nf light by the Editor of the Analytical Review, in tljc life of comniodorc 
Pcrr>- — of which most elegant performance, may be said with perfect tiiith, 
tiie hero was worthy of such a Biographer, and the Biograj^her was worthy of 
such an illustrious hero. There i$ not extant a production of which 1 should 
• be more gratified to be the author. 

t Of the style and manner in which the government hn a been assailed on<i 
the subject of the loans, tiie reader will find in the 52dand 56th chapter*,*' 
few ppecinae/i*. ZMany of tlie parajjraphs on this and other topics display 




THE OLIVE BRANCH. 2£5 

The war, to the mortification of the enemies of the country, 
has crowned the United States with naval glory. We have 
more iipparcd the naval standing of Great Britain, than all the 
Enemies si\c has had for a century : and our Scotts, and our 
Browns, and our Ripleys, and our Galneses, and our Macouibs, 
and our Coffees, and our Carrols, and our Jacksons, have 
aequired by land, honour and glory equal to what has been 
acquired on the water by our Hulls, Decaturs, BainbridgeSj 
Perries, Porters, Joneses, and M'Donoughs. 

Let those infiituated men who caught the government by 
the throat and almost strangled it by tlie destruction of its 
credit and by shackling all its effort, only reflect for a few 
minutes calmly on the effect of their conduct. They desired 
peace but they really prolonged the war. If notwithstand- 
ing the immense disadvantages under which it was carried 
on, through the disaff'ection of such a large body of our cit- 
izens, we so harassed and crippled the trade of the enemy, 
■what would have been the result, had the united energies 
of the nation been employed to avenge the national wrongs — 
had all the ports of the eastern states contributed their por- 
tion towards the common cause ? Great Britain would in 
that case have been weary of the war in twelve months. 
She would have given us an early and honourable peace. 
Millions of debts and taxes would have been saved — thousands 
of lives on both sides preserved — the destruction of pub^ 
lie and private credit prevented — and the two nations would 
have been early restored to the relations of commerce and 
friendship. This is an awful view of the labours of th«i 
■^' peace pavty.''^ 



CHAPTER LVII. 

Parties change name and character. Jacobins. Definition^ 
Unholy struggle for power, the ca^se of all onr difficulties,,^ 
Candid confession. 

X ARTIES sorae times change their names, though they 
retain their principles. But they more frequently change 

degi-ee of malice, and virulence, and ribaldry, that can only be equalled 
by tlie writers of the Courier and the Times. Adhesion to the enemy 15 
visible in the elaborate defences of his conduct that so frequently appear in 
a larg'e proportion of the papers published to the eastward. And, strange 
to tell, there was a most laboured set of essays published in Boston vmder 
the sig-nature of Pacihcus, defending the monstrous claim to 165,000,000 ot 
acres of our temtory, as a liine-qna-iion condition of peace. These essays 
were renubhshed in most of the federjul papers throughout tlie union, without 
CDmi»ent or censure. 



336 THE OLIVE BRANCH, 

their character, and conduct, and principles, still retaining ineu 
names. On many occasions in England, whig administrations 
have enforced tory measures. And some of the most whig- 
gish measure have been adopted by tory administrations. A ve- 
ry large number of the democrats ia 1793> particularly in the 
western parts of Pennsylvania, were rank jacobins and disor- 
ganizers. They offered violence to the government, and raised 
an insurrection, to free themselves from a paltry excise on 
whiskey, one of the most rational and salutary taxes ever de- 
vised. Most of those men who then violated the laws in this 
respect, are now strenuous supporters of the government. 

On the other hand, the federalists of 1793, 4, 5, 6, 7, and 8, 
were zealous "/n'ejzrfs of order and good government^ This- 
was with them a sort of v/atch-word. lliey were ardent suppor- 
ters of the honour of tlie constituted authorities, which they 
identified with their own. A very large portion of them still 
adhere to the good old faith and practice. But there are too 
many who are asaiTant jacobins and disorganizers, and as ripe 
for tumult and commotion, as the most violent of the 
democrats in 1793. They nvay murmur and may curse me 
for this declaration as much as they please. 1 care nut. 
They may exhaust Ernulphus' whole collection of male- 
dictions on my devoted head. Bat were these maledictions tea 
times told over, they would not etlace from their escutcheon the 
foul blot of jacobinism. A jacobin is a man of violent politics— 
an enemy to legal government — and ripe for revolution. This 
definition is substantially correct. And therefore every man 
is a jacpbin who was in favour of sending to Elba, the Fvesident 
of the United States, chosen by tlie unbiassed votes of a free 
nation. Every man is a rank jacobin, who was for putting 
down the administration by force. Every man is a rank jacobin^ 
who with Mr. King of Masssachusetts, regardless of decency, 
decorum, propriety, or dignity of character, threatened the presi- 
dent in aninuendo with a halter.* Evert/ man iff a rank jacobin 
who,with Mr. Coleman, editor ofthe New York Evening Post,pre- 
ferred ivar with all its horrors, all its devastations, to a contin- 
uance of tlie present administration. Every man is a rank, furi- 
ous, envenomed;^ and dangerous jacobin, who, with Mr. Blake, a 
qiiandam democrat, seized the advantage of a disuessing war, to 
organize one portion of this nation against the rest.f 



* To the disgrace and dihlionoiir ofthe house o rcpresentxitives of the 
U. States, tliis vile cflusToji of iiiliingsi-ate was lUJowed to pass without a 
call to order. 



f Rfr. Blake is likely to be a consiiiciioiis character. Neither Marat. 
Danton, nor Kobesnierra began their career with, more violence than he has 



THE OLIVE BRANCa 3a7 

In fine, every man who wishes the minority to trample tlown 
and rule the majority — wliohimsfiropposos, or who excites opiio- 
sition to, the laws — who seeks to dissolve the union under ;iny nic- 
text whatever — who defends the enemies of his country, ri'i^ht or 
wrong, and slanders and degrades his own j^overument, is an en 
rage — a disorganizer — ajucohin. 



Struggle for Office. 

It is in vain to disguise the truth. Would to God, tliat 1 had 
a voice of thunder to proclaim it througli the nation! The con- 
vulsions and dangers of our country have arisen from the lust of 
office and power. The safety, the welfare, the hapjnness of eight 
millions of people and their posterity were jeopardized and ex- 
posed to ruin, in the unholy struggle. To embarrass, disgrace, 
and render odious and unpopular the men possessed of power, 
for the purpose of displacing them, and vaulting into the vacant 
seats, is a procedure, as ancient as government itself. And thai 
it has been almost univei-sally prevalent here, is incontrovertible. 
It is not wontlerful that those whose grand and sole objects are 
•power and the emoluments of oflue. should puisue "this plan. 
The depravity of human nature sufficiently accounts for it. But 
that a large portion of the co-jimunity who neither have nor hope 
.for place of honour or profit, should lend themselves to such a, 
scheme — should allow themselves to be made instruments to be 
i wielded for the purpose — that they should, as the history of this 
young country has often verified, shut their eyes to the vital inter- 
ests of the nation, in order to promote the aggrandizement of ;i 
few men, is really astonishing. 



The following paragraph from tlie New York Evening Post, is 
las candid a confession of a most sinister object as ever was 



already displayed. J\'tmo repenia iurftUsivms. He will improve as he rcc^ 
*\ on. 1 stake my existence, tliat should a civil war liave tukcn place (as would 
I Iiave been the case, had Mr. Blake's councils prevailed) and should his par- 
ity not have been crushed in the conflict, as tliey probably woul^— ifhc had 
tthe aacendency, there would have been as summai-v process •.\-iih the demo- 
crats otthat quarter as there was with tlic i-oyalist.s ufuier the guillotine fO- 
vei-nment of Pans-— Men are monsters all the world over, when iinrestfuln 
.ed ijy law and constitution. I h.-pe in the tender mercy of God, we shall not 
1^ tlie experiment. But if in the vengeance of heaven, we are destined to do 
I It, we shall add ouj- example to that of France in proof of this theory. Mr. 
IBiake transcends his friend Mr. Otisfhr. The Litter eentleman is s»rely vio- 
riejjt enou-h— but he is obliged to curb and restrain the converted ilemocrat. 
1,1 erhaps this is a n/^e «/tf .f^erre—perhaps the outrageous violence ot Mr. 
■Blake IS intended to forma contrystwith the mildness of the project of Mr. 
lOUs \yho IS tiiereby to !ra:n the populur title of a « modere.-» Old Lord 
TBurleigh or Machiavel himself, could not ar.range the matter better «ut rea- 
der Imerelyg-uessat these thing.?. 1 aca too far remote* ftom tlie ches& 
board, to ludge o* tiie state '.if the p-am-^ 



§28 THE OLIVE BKANCU. 

made. Wluie we were exposed to all tlie horrors of war — dii" 
cities and towns liable to Copenhagenism — our wives and our 
daughters to violation — it was ingenuously avowed, that all these 
frightful evils were of no account compared ivith the exclusion of 
Jilr. Coleman'^s friends from office I ! I It is impossible to mistake 
the idea. It is capable of no other than this interpretation. 
However we reprobate its want of public spirit, its candour com 
mands applause. 

<• What woald be the value of a peace, if not ul tended with .1 rlmnqre ot 
those rulers who ai-e driving- the couiitrv headlong' to ruin ? A PEACE, if 
buch be its effects, WOULD BE THE HE iVlEST OF CURSES.— There is 
no event that cc^ild happen — no possible condition of things that could be 
imagined, wlueh ought not to be deplored, and avoided, as the HEAVIEST 
OFCALAMniES, if its tendency is to perpetuate power in the profligate 
hands that for sixteen years have governed this unhappy countiy." 

The man v.-ho can read these declarations without shuddering 
with horror, must have his moral feelings destroyed, or at leasti 
blunted to an extreme degree. These sentiments have appeared: 
in other papers besjdes the New York Evening Post. 

This paragraph affords a complete clue to all the convulsive 
struggles in congress— all the efforts to prevent the success otji 
every measure calculated to meet the recent emergency. The"! 
possession of po we** on the one hand, or the perdition oithe coun- 
W on the other, were the alternative. The parties had nob' 
taiion about forcing the choi.ce on their ill-starred country. 



CHAPTER LVIIl. 

illiherality of prejudices against foreigners. Ungrateful 
the pari of America. Irishmen and Frenchmen peculiar ob^ 
jrcts of dislike. Pennsylvania line. Extreme suffering?^ 
Tempting alhirenients. Unshaken mrtue and heroism, ^r- 
nold. Silas Deane. Refugees. 

"The real cause of tlie war must be traced to * * * * * the influence of 
worthless foreijincrs over the press, and the deliberations of the government 
in all its branches." Reply of the house of representatives of Massachusetts 
to tlie speech of governor Strong, June 1814. 

"■ Thou shak neither ve.x a stranger, nor oppress him; for ye 

'icere stravi^t'rs in the land of Egypt. Kxodus, xxii. 21. 

I have . long desired a fair opportunity of handling this 

topic. I have long felt indignant at the indiscriminate abuse 

hurled on forfngpers in general — and more particularly ?P 



THE OLIVE BRAiXeH. 329 

ihe Irish, on whose ilevoteil l)ea(l9 '' the vials of iuratJi„ arc 
incessantW •' poured out.'*'' 

Tliere is tio country that owes mofe to — there is no 
country has more need of — foreigners. Tliere is no country 
in whicli tliey are more the objects of invective, ot re^- 
proaclies, of envy anil jealousy. 

Jealousv of foreigners prevails in Engfand. But it is 
confined to tlie canaille, who trundling their barrows — 
sweeping the streets — or pursuing their genteel offices of 
chimney sweeps and night men — hate and despise the ha<^ 
and tail parl<°yvoo — the blundering Irishman — the simple 
sawney Scotchhian — the leek eating Welchinan. In fact, 
every man who wears a coat different from their own, or 
who displays any indication that proves him not to be a 
•' true born Englishmen,'' is an object of contempt to an 
English scaven.;;cr. 

But it is not tluis in high life in that country. A foreign- 
er of genteel manners — decent address— and good charac- 
ter, is treated with the attention and politeness he deserves. 

With a degree of magnanimity, deserving of praise, and 
worthy of being made an example, England, who possesses 
abundance of artists of high standing, and sterling merits, 
appointed the American West, as president of her royal 
acndemy. France, with a constellation of native tallents 
never exceeded, entrusted her armies to a Berwick, to a 
Saxe. At a more recent period, a Swiss banker presided 
over her financial concerns. Russia has frequently pla- 
ced over her fleets Scotch naval heroes. In fact go through 
Christendom, and you will find there is no country so sa- 
vage, 90 uncultivated, or so highly polished and refined, 
which does not cheerfully avail itself of the proffered 
talents of the foreigner who makes his permanent domicii 
there. . 

But in this " vwst enlightened'^ of all the enlightened na- 
tions of the earth, party spirit has excited a peculiar degree 
of malevolence against tiie Irish and the French — and for 
the same reason, because England is hostile to both. The 
urbanity, the mildness, the equanimity, the refinement, and 
the politeness of the Frenchmen, avail him nothing. He i? 
an object of jealousy and ill will, in spite of all his own good 
and endearing qualities, and in spite too of the services his 
nation " in the fiery hour of triaV^ rendered the United 
States. The poor presecuted, proscribed, and oppressed 
Irishman, hunted out of his own country, and knowing the 
value of liberty here, from the privation of it there, find>« 
the antipathies of his lords and masters transferred to many 
Qf those whose fellow citizen he inteniis to become. To 



§S0 THE OLIVE BRANCH. 

eome of these narrow, infatuated, bigoted, and illiberal 
men, a Hottentot, or a Calliariau, or a Japanese, would be 
:nore acceptable than an Irisliman. 

One circumstance— were there no other on record — ouglit 
to endear to Americans, the name, the country of an Irish- 
^nan. It has a, high claim, not cancelled, on the pen of the 
historian. It has not yet had justice done it. Let me grace 
my book with the narrative. 

During the American revolution, a band of Irishmen 
were embodied to avenge in the country of their adoption 
ihe injuries of the country of their birth. They formed the 
major part of the celebrated Pennsylvania line. They 
fought and tliey bled for the United States. Many of them seal- 
ed th(ir attachment with their lives. Their adopted country 
was shamofnlly ungrateful. The wealthy, the independent, 
and the luxurious, for whom they fought, were rioting in all 
the comforts and superlhiitics of life. Their defenders were 
literally half starved, and half naked. Their shoeless feet 
marked with blood theit- tracts on the highway. They long 
bore their grievances patiently. They at length murmured* 
They remonstrated. They imploreil a supply of the neces-' 
saries of life. But in vain. A deaf ear was turned to their 
complaints. They felt indignant at the cold neglect — at the 
ingratitude— of that country for which so many of their com- 
panions in arms had expired on the crimsoned field of bat- 
tle. They held arms in their hands. They had reached 
the boundary line, beyond which forbearance and submission 
becoir.c meanness and pusillanimity. As all appeals to the 
gratitude, the justice, tlie generosity of the country had 
proved unavailing, they determined to try another course. 
They appealed to its fears. They mutinied. They demanded 
with energy that redress for which they had before suppli- 
raled. It was a noble deed. I hope in all similar cases 
similar measures will be pursued. 

[Let me digress for a moment. I cannot resist the temp- 
"tatmn to bear my testimony against conduct con-iderably 
analagous to what I have here reprobated. Philadelphia 
•>vas lately struck with fear of an invading foe. Thousands 
of citizens, many of them hundreds of miles remote from 
MS volunteered their services in our defence. They left 
their homes, their fire sides, their parents, their wives, 
their children, their business, and all their domestic enjoy- 
ments, to protect us. We made them a base return. They 
pined and lanquished in the hardships of a camp, neglected 
— ^^grossly, shamefully neglected, by those for whom they 
vere prepared to risk their precious lives. Contributions 



THE OLIVE BR.INCH. 331 

were requested by the committee of defence for the comfort of 
the soldiers, and for the aupport of their wives and children. 
It is painful to state, but it must be stated, that in a city where 
there are probably one hundreil persons worth above g250,00O 
thirty or forty worth 3 or 400,000 — and several supposed to be 
worth millions — the whole contribution did not exceed S5,000 
a sum which half a dozen individuals ought to have contributed 
themselves. The ingratitude and want of liberality of the citi- 
zens of Philadelphia, and the poverty of the government, which 
was unable to pay the militia their hard-earned dues, ^lO^" for- 
ced many of them to depend on charity for the meana of reaching 
their distant homes .' I .' Could the immortal Penn, the founder 
of the City of Brotherly Love, look down from the regions of 
bliss, where he is at rest, he must have sighed over the disgrace- 
ful scene. 



" The quality of mercy is not strained -. 
" It droppeth as the gentle dew Irom Heaven 
" Upon the place beneath. It is twice bless'd. 
" It blesseth lum tliat g'ivcs, and him that takes." 



The sun has not shone on more despicable conduct.] 

To return to the Pennsylvania line. The intelligence was. 
canied to the British camp. It there spread joy and gladness. 
Lord Houe hoped that a. period had arrived to the " rebelUon^^' 
as it would have been termed. There was a glorious oppor- 
tunity of crushing the half formed embryo of the republic. He 
counted largely on the indignation, and on the resentment of 
the nhiives oi*'^ the emerald isle.^^ He knew the irascibility of 
their tempers. He calculated on the diminution ot the strength 
of''f/ie rebels," and the accession of the numbers of the royal 
army. Messengers were despatched to the mutineers. They 
had carte blanche. They were to alluiethe poor Mibern.ans to 
return, like prodigal children, from feednig on husks, to the plen- 
tiful fold of their royal master. Liberality herself presided over 
his oflfers. Abundant supplies of provisions — comfortable clothing 
Tto their hearts desire — all arrears of pay — bounties — and par- 
don for past offences, were oftered. There was, however, no 
hesitation among these poor, neglected warriors. They refused 
to renounce poverty, nakedness, suflering, and ingratitude. The 
I splendid temptations were held out in vain. There was no 
fjudas, no Arnold there. They seized the tempters. They tram- 
pled on their shhiing ore. They sent them to their general's tent. 
The miserable wretches paid their forfeit lives for attempting to 
fseduce a band of ragged, forlorn, and deserted, but illustrious 
I heroes. Wc prate about Roman, about Grecian patriotism. 

44 



63^ THE OLIVE BRANell. 

One lialf of it is false. In the other half, there is nothing tha 
excels this noble frait, which is worthy the pencil of a West or 
Trumbull. 

Let me reverse the scene. Let me introduce some charac- 
ters of a different stamp. Who is that miscreant yonder— dark, | 
designing, hag;gard — treachery on his countenance-a dagger in his 
hand? Is'itnot Arnold.? It is." Was he an L-ishman? No. He wasij 
not of the despised cast, the foreigners. He was an American. 
Neither Irish nor French blood ilowed in his veins. 

Behold, there is another. Who is he, that, Judas like, is pock- 
eting the wages of corruption, for which he has sold his country.'*] 
Is he an Irishman? No. He is a native American. His name iaj 
Silas Deane. 

But surely that numerous band of ruffians, and plunderers, 
and murderers, who are marauding and robbing — who are shoot- 
ing down poor farmers, and their wives, and their children, are'j 
'•^ foreigners.'^ It is impossible they can be natives. No native* 
American would perpetrate such barbarities on his unoftending 
felloA^'-citizens. It is an error. They are refugees and tories— 
all native born. 

I am an Irishman. With the canaille in superfine cloths and 
silks, as well as with the canaille in rags and tatters, this is a 
aubject of reproach. For every man, woman, or child, base 
enough to attach disgrace to any person on account of bis coun- 
try, I feel a most sovereign, an ineffable contempt. Let them 
move in what sphere they may, whether in coffee-houses- or ball- 
rooms, or palaces — in hovels, or garrets, or cellars — they are 

groveling, sordid, and contemptible. To express the whole 

in two words — pity there were not words more forcible — they arej 
MEllI. CANAILLE. 

I glory, I feel a pride in the name of an Irishman. There 
is not under the canopy of Heaven, another nation, which, ground 
to the earth as Ireland has been, for six hundred years, un- 
der so vile a proconsular government — almost every vicerey 
a Verres — a government whose fundamental maxim is " divide 
an»' destroy*' — whose existence depends on fomenting the hos-' 
tilitv of the Protestant against the Presbyterian and Catholic,, 
and '..at of the Catholic against the Protestant and Presbyterian- 
there is not, 1 say, another nation, which, under such circum- 
stances, would have preserved the slightest ray of respectability 
of character. 

A book now lies before me, which, in a few line?;, with great 
naivete, dcvi.iopes the horrible system pursued by England 
in the government of Ireland, of exciting the jealousy of one 
part of the natiyu against the other. A schemer of the name- 



I 



THE OLIVE BRANCH. 335 

af Wood, liftil influence enough to procure a patent for supply- 
ins; Irelaiul with copper coin in the year 172.4, by means whereof 
he wouUl have amassed an immense fortune by tleecing tlie na- 
tion of its gold and silver in return for his base copper. Dean 
Swift exposed tlie intended fraud with such zeal and ibility, that 
he aroused the public indignation at the uttempt, and tlius the 
projector was fairly defeated, and his patent revoked. Primate 
Boulter, who was at that period prime minister of Irelanil, in a 
letter to the Duk'; of Newcastle, deplores the coivsequences of 
this fraud'i'eiit atve.npt, in uniting the parties, who, tiU then, had 
been e'.n'»lttered enemies. This grand dignitary of tiie church 
rei-arded a cessation of discord and hostility among the op- 
pressed Irish as a most alarming event ! pregnant with danger to 
tlie authority of England 1 But, reader, I will let him speak tor 
himself: 



" The people of evciy religion, country, and party here, are alike set a- 
i^ainst Woods' half-pence: and, gj^ their agreement in tliishas had A VERY 
UNHAPPY INFLUENCE ON TflE AFFAIRS OF THE NATION, 614 

briiiying- on intimacies between Papists, uvd Jacobites, and the tvliigs, ivht bt- 
fore" had no eirre?po'ulence tviih them" ! ! ! See Boulter's letters, Vol. I> 
page 7. Dublin Edition, 1770. 



Notwithstanding all the grinding, the debasing circumstances 
that militate against Ireland and Irishmen, there is no country in 
Christendom, which has not witnessed the heroism, the generosity, 
the liberality of Irishmen — none, where, notwithstanding tlie 
atrocious calumnies propagated against them by their oppressors, 
they have not forced their way through the thorny and briery paths 
of prejudice and jealousy, to honour, to esteem, torespectc 

Ik has been said, that tliey arc in this country turbulent, and 
refractory, and disorderly, and factious. This charge is as base 
as those by whom it is advanced. There is more turbulence, 
more faction, more disaft'ection in Boston, whose, population, is on- 
ly 33.000, and which has as few foreigners as perhaps any town 
in the world, than there is in the two states ot Pennsylvania and 
New-York, with a population of 1,700.000 and which contain pro- 
bably two-tliirds of all the native Irishmen in this country. While 
native born citizens, some of whom pride themselves on Indian 
blood flowing in their veins, and others who boast of a holy des- 
cent from those '• sainted j^ils^i'i^i^^^ whom British persecution 
drove t-o the howling wilderness, were sacrelegiously and wick- 
• edly attempting to destroy the glorious (would to Heaven I 
could say the immortal) fabric of our almost divine form of govern- 
ment; of the Irishmen in this country, high and low, ninety ^ninc 
of every hundred were strenuously labouring to ward off t^f- 
strpke. 



534 THE OLIVE BRANCH. 

I said there is no country that owes more to foreigners than the 
United States. I owe it to myself and to my reader, not to let 
a point of such importance rest on mere assertion. Of the men 
who acquired distinction in the. cabinet, or in the field, during 
the revolutionary war, a yery large proportion were foreigners. 
In "the times that tried men's souls," their services were ac- 
ceptable — they wer.^ gladly received, and courteously treated. 
But now, like the squeezed orango, they are to be thrown aside, 
and trodden under foot. '\ 

The illustrious La Fayette, Gen. Lee, Gen. Gates, Gen. Stew- 
art, the inestimable Gen. Montgomery. Gen. Pulaski, Gen. 
Kosciusko, Baron Steuben, Baron De Kalb, Gen. M'Pherson, 
Gen. St. Clair, Gen. Hamilton, Robert Morris, the amiable 
Charles Thompson, Judge Wilson, Baron De Glaubec, Thomas 
Paine, Thomas Fitzsimons, William Findley, and hundreds of 
others, eminent during the revolution, were foreigners. Many of 
them were not excelled for services, and merits, by any native 
American, whether the dingy blood of a Pocahontas crawled 
through his veins, or whether be descended in a right line from 
any of "the pilgrims" that waged war against the potent Mas- 
sasoit. 

Since the preceding pages were written, I have met with a 
pamphlet of infinite merit, written by one of the authors of 
" Salmagundi," from which I quote the following statement with 
pleasure — as affording an able vindication of the Irish, and a fair 
sketch of the oppressions and wrongs they have endured. In 
the name of the nation I thank the writer lor this generous effu- 
sion, of which the value is greatly enhanced, by the extreme rarity 
of such liberality towards Ireland or Irishmen on this side of the 
Atlantic. The work has, moreover, the merit of being an excel- 
lent defence of this country against the abuse of P»ritish critics. 
I earnestly recommend it to the perusal of every American who 
feels for the honour of his country. 



«' The history of Ireland's unhappy connexion with Lnffland, exhibits, from 
firetto last, a detail of the most persevering-, palliii.c, {fi-indln"-, insulting, and 
systematic oppression, to be fonnd any where (;;;y- except amon^ the hdotsof 
Sparta. There is not a national feelinj;- that lias not been inmilted and trod- 
den undc- foot; a national right that has not been withheld, until feai 
lorccd it th)m the grasp of England ; or a dear, or ancient prejudice, that - 
has not been violated in tliat abused country. As Christians, tlie people of' 
Ireland have been denied, \inder penalties and disqualifications, tlie exercise 
of the rite-i of the Catholic, religion, vener.iMe for its antiquity ; admirable 
for its unity; and consecrated by the belief of some of the best men that ever 
breathed. As men they have been deprived of the common rights of Brit- 
ish subjects, under the pretext that they were incapable of enjoying them: 
which pretext h:id no other foundation than their resistance of oppression, 
only the more severe by being sanctioned by the laws. ENGLAND 

IliST DEMEU TU£M THE MEANS OF I.Ml'UOVEMENT ; AN!) 



THE OLIVE BRANCH. 335 

T IIBN XXSULTED TIIEM WITH THE IMPUTATION 01" BAKIUtt- 
ISM."* 

While on the point of closing this page, I have been fur- 
nished with a noble effusion on this subject, from very high :iu- 
thorifcy. Its sterling merits, and its justice towards tht nation I 
have dared to vindicate, will warrant its insertion, and amply com- 
pensate the perusal. 

********** "A dependency of Great Britain, (Cj'Ireland has long lan- 
ruished under oppressions reprobated by humanity, and discountenanced by 
just policy. It would Jirgue pentuy of human feeling-, and ignorance of hu- 
man rights, to submit patiently to tlicfe oppressions. Centuries have wit- 
nessed the struggles of Ireland — but with only partial succiss. Ucbellions 
and insurrections have continued with but short intervals of tranquility. 
America has opened her arms to the oppressed of all nations. No people 
have availed themselves of the asylum Avith more alacrity, or in greater num- 
bers than the Irish. HIGH IS THE MEED OF PUAl'SE, lilGlI I'ilF.UE- 
WARD, WHICH IRISHMEN HAVE MERITED FROM THE GRAT- 
itrUE OF AMKRICA. AS HEROES AND STATESMEN, THEY HON- 
OUR IHEIR ADOPTED COUNTRY." 

The above sublime and correct tribute of praise, is extracted 
from the Federal Re publ lean, of June 22, 1812, and forms part of 
an unanimous address agreed toby tlw federal members of the 
Legislature of Maryland, published in consequence of the Balti- 
more riots. 

I have been highly and very unexpectedly gratified to find ano- 
ther advocate and defender of the Irish nation, since the publica- 
tion of my former edition. Mr. Coleman, the editor of the .\'eir 
York Evening' Posf, bears this .stron>r testimony in favour of tliat 
nation, iniiis paper of the Tth. of March, 1815 : — 

" No character is more estimable and respectable than that of the real Iris-h 
gentleman: and those v,ho have come to reside among us, are distinguished 
by the urbanity of their manners and the liberality of their minds." 



CHAPTER LIX. 

Address to the federalists of the United States.] 
Oentlemen, 

An attentive perusal of the preceding pages, can, I ho])e,hardiv 
have failed to place me beyond the suspicion of the despicanle 
vice, llattery — and must give to my commendation at least tlif 
' merit of sincerity. 

* See pamphlet entiled "The United States and England," page 99. 
i Written, let it be observed, in Nov. 1814. 1 could not alter this chap- 
. ter so as to suit it to existing circumstances. 1 therefore let it remain as a 
■'■'^'imony of tht state of the nation last :in:um:i 



336 THE OLIVE BRANCH. 

After t'liese introductory remarks, I make no scruple to declare 
rny decided conviction, tliat in private lite, I know of no party, in 
ancient or modern history, more entitled to respect, to esteem, 
to reurard, than the American federalists in general— in all the so- 
cial relations, of husbands, parents, brothers. children and friends. 
There are exceptions. But they are as few as apply to anybody, 
equally numerous. Political prejudice, or the widest difterence 
of opinions, has never so far obscured my visual ray, as to pre- 
vent me from discernini^, or my reasoning faculty from acknowl- 
edging, this strong, this honourable truth — tiie more decisive in 
its nature, from being pronounced by a political opponent. 

But fellow-citizens, after this frank declaration in your praise 
as to private life, and for private virtue, let me freely discuss your 
public conduct. Believe me I mean not to offend. 1 trust I shall 
not. I address you the words of truth. The crisis forbids the 
use of ceremony. I hope you will give the subject a serious con- 
sideration — and receive with indulgence what emjinatesfrom can- 
dour and friendship. 

I believe there is not to be found/in the widest range of histo- 
ry, another instance of a party so enlightened, so intelligent, so 
respectable, and in private life so virhious, yielding themselves 
np so blindly, so submissively, and with so complete an abandon- 
ment of the plainest dictates of reason and common sense, into 
the hands of leaders so undeserving of their confidence. Tn and 
after the days of Washington, you stood on a proud eminence— 
on high and commanding ground. You were the friends of order 
and good government. You were tremblingly alive to the honour, 
of your country. You identified it with your own. But it is dif- 
ficult to find a more lamentable change in the conduct ot any 
body of n)en than has taken place with your leaders. The mind 
can hardly conceive a greater contrast than between a genuine 
Washingtoniar federalist of 1790, 1, 2, 3, 4, 5, and 6, and the 
]'.ostonian, who, covered with the pretended mantle of ^yashing- 
von federalism, destroys the credit of his own government — and 
collects the metalic medium of the nation to foster the armies 
preparing to attack and lay it waste. Never \vere holy terms so 
])rosiiiuted. Washington from Heaven looks down with iiKli"-na- 
tion at ouch a vile perversion of the authority of his name. 

I.ct me request your attention to a few facts— and to reflections* 
and queries resulting from them — 

I. Your proceedings and your views are eulogized in Mon- 
treal, Quebec, Ha'ifax, London, ami Liverpool. The Cou- 
ner, and the Times, and the Morning Chronicle, and the 
Ledger, auJ \if London Evening Post, and all the govern- 



THE Otl\E BRANCH. 557 

meid papers, are loud and uniform in your praise. — |C7» This is 
an aivfid fact, and ought to make you pause in yoor career. 

II IG^" ronr parti/ rifies as your coiwtry siuks. ^CT It sinks 
as your country rises-, This is another awful fact. It cannot 
fail to rend the heart of every public spirited man among you. 
.For the love of the God of i'oace— by the shade of Washing- 
ton — by that country vliich contains all you hold dear, 1 adjure 
you to weigh vvtdl tlds sentence — giC7=" yoxi sink as your coun- 
try rises. Ws, it is indubitably so. It is a terrific and appall- 
ing truth. And you rise as that desponding; lacerated, j)erisfiin^i 
betrayed connti-j sinks. '• I would rather be a dog and bay the 
moon," than siand in this odious predicament. 

III. Had there been t\vo or three surrenders like Gen. Hull's 
had Copenhagenism befallen New-York, or Philadelphia, or 
Baltimore, or Charleston— (;r had our Constitutions, and United 
States, and Presidents, and Constellations, been sunk or carried 
into Halifax, and our Porters, and Decaturs, and Bainbriilges, 
and Perrys, and Hulls, been killed or taken prisoners, your lea- 
ders would have been crowned with complete success. They 
would have been wafted on a spring tide to that power which is 
*' the God of their idolatry." Every event that sheds lustre on 
the arms of America is to them a defeat. It removes to a dis- 
tance the prize to which their eyes and etibrts are directed. 
But every circumstance that entails disgrace or distress on the 
country, whether it be bankruptcy, defeat, treachery, or coward- 
ice, is auspicious to their views. 

IV. Nev6r has the sun, in his glorious course, beheld so es- 
timable, so respectable, so enlightened a party as you are, in 
the frightful situation, in which the ambition of your leaders/ 
and your own tame, tlioughtless, inexplicable acquiescence, have 
placed you. 

V. By fulminations from tiie pulpit — by denunciations from 
fhe press — by a profuse use of British governinent bills— -by unu- 
sual, unnecessary, hostile and oppressive drafts for specie on the 
New-York banks — and by various other unholy, treasonable, and 
wicked means, the leaders of your party in Boston have redu- 
ced the government to temporary bankruptcy — have produced the 
same effect on our banks — have depreciated the stocks and almost 
every species of property from 10 to 30 per cent. 

VI. These treasonable operations have served the cause of 
England more effectually, than Lord Wellington could have doae 
with 30,000 of his bravest troops. Th«y have produced incalcu- 
lable, and to many rer^idiless distress. 



jZjJ 



THE OLIVE BRANCH. 



VH. .9fter having thus treasonably destroyed the credit of thk 
«;overnment, one of their strongest accusations against it, is its 
hankrjiptcy.* 

Vni. A man who ties another neck and heels, and gags him, 
might, with equal justice, blow out his brains for not singing 
Yankee-doodle, or dancing a saraband, as those who produce 
bankruptcy inculpate the bankrupt with his forlorn and desperate 
circumstances. 

IX. There is no other country in the world, where these pro- 
ceedings would not be punished severely — in many capitally. 
Their guilt is enormous, clear, and indisputable. They strike 
at the safety, and even the existence, of society. 

X. By the sedition law,t enacted by gome of these very men, 
and their followers, heavy fines, and tedious imprisonment, were 
avrarded against offences incompatibly inferior. 

XI. While you submit to leaders whose career is so iniquitous 
were you in private life as pure as archangels, you partake 
largely of the guilt of those whom you uphold; whose power of 
liestruction depends on your support; and who would sink into 
insignificance, but for your countenance. 

Xn. If the pretext, or even the strong belief, on the part of 
the minority, that a war, or any other measure is unjust, can 
warrant such a Jacobinical, seditious, and treasonable opposition 
as the present war has experienced, no government can exist. 
The minority in all countries, uniformly denounce all 1 he mea- 
sures they have opposed, as unjust, wicked, unholy, or uncon- 
stiiutional — or all united. 

XIII. The most unerring characteristic of a desperate faction, 
is an uniform opposition to all the measures proposed by its op 
ponents, whether good or bad, and witliout offering substitutes, 
The more dangerous tlie crisis, and the more necessary the raea 
«ures, tlitt more infallible the criterion. 

XIV. Tins characteristic exactly and most indisputably ap- 
olies to your leaders. The country is on the brink of per- 
dilion. Yet they have opposed and defeated every mea- 
sure devised for our salvation. They appear determined to de- 
liver us tied hand and loot into the power of the enemy, unless 
iliey can seize the reins of governaient. 



• It is hnpobbible for languajjc to convey the contempt and abhorrence 
that arc clue to the canthig-, whining' speeches delivered in congress on the 
bankruptcy of the government by men who were deeply guilty of produ- 
cing it — whose treasonable eiforts have been crowned with success — who 
have largely contributed to blast the most cheering prospects that heaven 
ever vouciisafed to accord to any of the human race. The teaj-s thus shed, 
are exactly typified by tliosc tliatso plentitully fall from the voracious croco- 
uile over the prey he is going to devour. 



t See chapter 3. 



THE OLIVE BRANCH. 339 

5^V, You profess to be disciples of Washington. The title is 
a glorious one. Let us test the practice of your leaders, by the 
holy maxims of Washington. He raised his voice against — war- 
ned you to shun— and pronounced the strongest condemnation 
'pon 

1. All obstructions of what kind soever, to the execution of 
the laws : 

2. All combinations to direct, controul, or awe the constituted 
authorities : 

3. AH insidious efforts to Id?* excite ho'^tility between the dif- 
ferent sections of the union : 

4. And, in the most cmphatical manner, ^CT nil attemiitsto 
dissolve the union. 

» 
XVL But the leaders of your party, particularly in Boston, 
likve 

1. Openly obstrucled the execution of the laws : 

2. Combined to controul the constituted authorities : 

3. Actually excited as dire hostility against the southern 
states, in the breasts of those under their influence in the eastern, 
as exists between France and England : and 

4. Been constantly endeavouring, by a scries of the most in- 
flammatory and violent publications, to fCJ^ 2^repnre the ea$terp 
people for a, dissolution of the union. 

XVir. Inline, all tlie steps they take, and their whole course 
of proceeding, are in direct hostility with the creed, the advice, 
and the practice of Washington. 

XVIII. While you follow snch leaders, you may profess to be 
disciples of Washington, but an impartial world will reject your 
claim. 

XIX. Suppose your leaders at Washington succeeded in driv- 
ing Mr. Madison and the other public functionaries fiom office, 
and seize the reins of government themselves, what a melancho- 
ly, disgraceful triumph would it not be, to raise your party on 
the ruins of your form of government } 

XX. Such an usurpation could not fail to produce civil war. 

XXI. If your party set the example of such atrocious violence, 
can you persuade yourselves that the ^-poisoned chalice'* will not, 
at no very distant period, be " returned to your own lips ?" 

XX IL You profess to desire peace. I firmly believe you do. 
But are divisions, and distractions, and envenomed tactions, and 
threatened insurrections, the seed to sow for a harvest of peace ? 

XXIII. All the seditious and treasonable measures adopted in 
Boston and elsewhere, to harrass, cripple, and embarrass your 
government, have, previous to the war, nad an inevitable tenden- 

45 



340 THE OLIVE BRANCH. 

cy to enable Great Britain to regulate, controul, and restrict 
your commerce — and to set at defiance all the attempts to pro- 
cure redrebS — and since the war, their tendency has been to pro- 
long its ravages. . . 

XXIV. Are you prepared — can you reconcile yourselves to in- 
cur all the risk— to suft'er all the ruin that a revolution M-iU in- 
fallibly produce, to enable Rufus King, Timothy Pickering, 
Christopher Gore, Cyrus King, and Daniel Webster, to seize the 
reins of government, and exile "fo Elba^^ — or execute with 
Cyrus King's celebrated •• halter'^ your venerable first magis- 
trate ? Suppose they succeed, what will be the advantage to you 
individually? 



I plead not, fellow citizens, for democracy — I plead not for 
federalism. • Their differences hav sunk into utter" insignificance. 
Were the contest between them, I should not have soiled a sin- 
gle sheet of paper. 1 plead against jacobinism — I plead against 
faction — 1 pl'oad against attempts to •' overawe and controul the 
constituted authorities." I plead the cause of order — of gov- 
ernment — of civil and religious liberty. I plead for the best 
constitution the world ever saw — 1 plead for your own honour as. 
a party, whicii is in the utmost jeopardy. I plead for your bleeding 
country, which lies prostrate and defenceless, pierced with a 
thousand wounds — I plead for your aged parents, for your tender 
children, for your beloved wives, for your posterity, whose fate de- 
pends upon your conduct at this momentous crisis. I plead for 
your estates which arc going to ruin. All, all. loudly implore . 
70U to withdraw your support from those who are leagued for 
their destruction, and who make you instruments to accomplish, 
their unholy purposes. You are on the verge of a gaping vortex, 
ready to swallow up yourselves and your devoted country. To 
advance a sini^le step may be inevitable perdition. To the right 
about, it is the path to honour, to safety, to glory. Aid iii ex- 
tracating your country from danger. And then if you select 
cahn, and dispassionate, and moderate candidates tor public 
ollke, there can be no doubt of your success. lam firmly pei'- 
suadcd that nothing but the intemperate and unholy violence of 
your Iraders has prevented you from having that share of influ- 
ence in the councils of the nation to which your wealth, your 
numbers, your talents, and your virtues, give you so fair a claim. 

The constitution may be iinperfecf. Every tiling human par- 
takes of human infirmity and human error. It has provided a 
proper mode of aiiHiuluRnt. As soon as peace is restored, and 
the fermcntaticm of ])ublic passions has subsided, let the real or 
suj)poscd defects be brought fanly forward and submitted to the le- 
gislaturesjor to a convention, as may be judged proper. But while 



THE OLIVE BRANCH. 341 

the vessel of state is on rocks and quick3and3, lot us not madly 
spend the time, which ought to be devoted lo stcure \\vr and oar 
salvation, in the absurd and ill-timed attempt to amend — in other 
words to destroy — the charter party under which she sails. 

May the Almighty Disposer of events inflame your hearts— 
enligiiten your understanduig— and direct you to the proper 
course to steer at this momentous crisis ! And may he extend to 
our common country that gracious blessing which brought her 
safely through one revolution, without entailing on us tlie fright- 
ful curses inseparable from another ! 



POSTSCRIPT. 

January 9, 1815. 
As the apprehensions on the subject of the dissolution of the 
anion, which are repeatedly expressed in this book, and whicli 
have led to its publication, are treated by many as chimerical— 
and as the result of the Hartford convention, just published, ap- 
pears t(i countenance the idea that the danger is overrated, the 
writer, in justification of his fears, simply states, that even ad- 
mitting that the leading men to the eastward do not contem- 
plate a dissolution of the union^ it does not by any means follov/ 
that we are safe from such an event, while the public passions 
are so constantly excited, and kept in such a high state of fer- 
mentation. It is an easy process to I'aise commoiions, and pro- 
voke seditions. But to allay them is always arduous — often im- 
possible. Ten men may create an insurrection— which one hun- 
dred, of equal talents and inftuence, may be utterly unable to 
suppress. The weapon of popular discontent, ea'-ily wielded at 
the outset, becomes, after it has arrived at maturity, too potent 
for the feeble grasp of the agents by whom it has been called into 
existence. It hurls them and those against whom it was first em- 
ployed, into the same profound abyss of misery and destruction. 
VVhoever requires illustration of this theory, has only to open any 
page of the history of France from the era of the national con- 
vention till the commencement of the reign of Boriaparte. If. 
he be not convinced by the perusal, " he would not be convinced, 
though one were to rise from the dead." 



^1^ 



APl^ENDIX. 

THE favourable reception this ^w^k has experienced, 
indures me to make a few additions to it, which I respect- 
fully submit to my fellow citizens. 
They embrace topics mostly untouched^ or at least slight. 
j ']y handled in the original work. Some of them are of vi- 
tal importance to the dearest interests of the nation. 

In this portion of the publication, as well as in what pre- 

I cedes it, I have endeavoured to divest mjself of any undue 

} bias. I have pursued truth undeviatingly, and regardless 

j of consequences. How far I have succeeded, the reader 

must judge. 

. I request a candid and fair examination of the various 
I subjects—and that my errors, whatever they be, may be ascribed 
to any other cause than an intentiop to mislead, of which 
J feel myself utterly incapable. 

M. C. 
March 31^ 1815 



APPENDIX ^s 



CHAPTER LX. 

Orders in Council. Restrictive system. Impolicy of the. 
British mitiistry. Abstract from the examinations before 
the House of Commons. Jlidnviis effects of the policif of 
Great Britain on the vital interests of that nation. 

1 HAT the violation of the rights of the United States hj 
the orders in council, required to be resisted by our govern- 
ment, will not be denied, by the most strenuous oppoger df 
the administration. And that every peaceable means of ob- 
taining redress, ought to be fully tried before a recourse \q> 
war, will be admitted. 

Appeals to the honour and justice of the British govern" 
ment had been repeatedly made. Onr ministers had present 
^ed various remojistrances on the subject. They had beei 
in vain. No redress had been vouchsafed. Our injuries hai 
increased in violence. Other means were necessary. Perhaps 
no nation but our own, wliose policy is eminently pacific, 
would have hesitated on the subject. War, horrible, destruc- 
tive war, would early have been the resort. But with £ 
most laudable regard for human life, and human happiness — ' 
with a view to prevent the carnage, the demoralization of 
war, our government had recourse to various pacific measures 
to enforce redress. 

Great Britain is a manufacturing and commercial nation. 
Upon her manufiictures depends in a great degree her com- 
merce. Both are indispensable not merely towards her pros- 
perity, but lier security, jier very existence. We ask but simple 
justice. It was believed, and on the strongest ground of 
reason and policy, that it could be rendered her interest 
to cease her gross violations of our rights. The eftbrt was 
most meritorious. It is worthy' of future imitation. 

The American market \vas far the best in the world for 
Great Britain. Our imports from that country had risen 
to the enormous sum of above 50,000,000 of dollars* in a year. 
it had been 'steadily improving. The punctuality of our im- 

. • By report of Alexander Ffamilton, Esq. secretary of the treasury, dated 
December 2:^, 1793, it appeai-s tlmt at this very early period, in tlie infancy 
of our government, we imported from the liritish dominions the preceding 
year S 15,285,428 

Whereas our exports were only - - 9,J63,416 

Leaving in favour of Great Britain a hidmcc of - S 5,922,012 



m THE OLIVE BRANCH. 

noiters had excelled that of any of the other customers of Eng-^ 
iand. A considerable part of the trade had for some time 
been transacted for ready money. 

As a large portion of the continent of Europe had been as it 
uerc hermetically sealed to British trade, it was rationally pre- 
sumed, that if the alternative wore held out to Great Britain, 
i'itbci- to cease her violation of our rights, or to forfeit our 
trade, she. would certainly select the former- Fatuity of the 
blindest character alone could have hesitated in the choice. 

1 have strong doubts whether any administration of any 
flce, ever displayed a higher degree of outrageous folly and 
ji^iiry to the vital interests of its own country. Every mo- 
tive of prudence and policy, dictated to England, as an im- 
perious and paramount duty, to treat the United States with 
kindness, liberality, and attention. Every fair means ought 
to have been employed to conciliate our citizens, and to in- 
dice them to bury annimosities of the revolution in utter ob- 
li^'ion. iSuch a liberal course of proceeding would have been 
productive of immense advantages to her dearest interests. 

The trade of tliis eountry was the main buttress that 
propped up the tottering fabric of British paper credit, and 
fnrnished means to replenish the veins of the body commer- 
cial and financial, which had been so ruinously phlebotomiz- 
ed by the lanret of subsidies to foreign powers, and suffered 
sft much bj" the starvation of the continental sysitem. 

It requires but a cursory examination of the whole •^"• 
of (lie conduct of England towards this country, to be sdii. 
ficd that it has been steadily and uniformly the reverse of 
what a vise statesman would have adopted. The predatory 
arid lawless orders in council, so clandestinely issued against 
ilnierican commerce, " preying upon the unprotected jjto- 
jipyfij of a friendly power,''-* — the wa-nton, cruel, barbarous 
and unprecedented seizures of our ciiizens on the high seas — 
lhc ■ counteniinced, the flagitious forgery of our ships" 
pnpersj advertised in their Gazettes, 'and defended in 
parliament — the blockade of our ports, and capture oif 



Our exports <o the French dominions for the same yeat 

^^<■■l■e - - - " § 4,698,735 

And llic imports only - - 2,0^8,348 



J crning' ,1 balance in fa^oll^ of the United States of 2,610,38" 



•See Poston memorial signe«l by James Lloyd, jun. David Green, Arnold 
■\\ cllcb, lavid Scars, .lobn ( cftln .(ones, George Cabot, and Thomas H. Per- 
kins, for and in behalf of the whole body ofthe mercantile citizens of that 
•own. 



APPENDIX. ^4r 

vessels bound in ami out — t!ie shameful vft)l;itioiis of our rij'-hts 
of sovereignty witlun the limits declared sacred hy the law of 
nations — the murder of Fearce iu one of our harbours — and lli« 
total neglect of all our apijlications for redress of these grievan- 
ces,! were as utterly iinpoliuc iis they were unjust and flajritiuus. 
It is impossible to conceive of a course of conduct more complete- 
ly marked by an utter destitution of reason, counnon sen^, jus- 
tice, regard to the law ot nations, or a sound wnd enlarged view 
of the true and vital interests of the British nation. It re- 
quires no sagacity to foresee the sentence histofy will pronounce 
an this miserable, this harrassing system. Unqualihed repro- 
bation awaits it, as well as its authors and abettors. It was cal- 
culated to sour and alienate the friends of England, and to in- 
crease the hostility of her enemies — to treble the influence of the 
latter, and proportionabiy to diminish that of the fcrmer. 

The conduct of France had bcon in many points so utterly in- 
defensible, so great a violation of our rights, and of the plainest 
dictates of justice, that had (ireat Biitain conducted towards us 
with even a moderate share of decency or propriety, sl>e might 
have readily arrayed this nation in hostility against her grand 
enemy seven years ago. The sole reason that prevented an ear- 
lier declaration of war against one or the other of the belligerents 
was, that it would have been madness to attack both, and each 
had so atrociously outraged and injured us, that, in the strong, 
clear, amd just langurtge of Governor Griswold, '• such had 
been the character of both, tliat TiO c/rc?/(us;rtHce could Justify c 
preference to either.''^ This important and irresistible declara 
tion was, as I have already stated, made to the legislature ot Con- 
necticut, on the Iflth of May, 1812. 

The annals ot commerce do not, I believe, furnish an instance 
of one nation enjoying so lucrative a trade with another, as Eng- 
land maintained with this country, as well for extent, as for im- 
mensity of advantage. \Ve furnished her with the most valua- 
ble raw materials for her manufactures, and received in return for 
these materials the manufactured articles, wrougiit upoften at 10, 
20 30 or 40 fold advance of value. It is hardly possible to conceive 
a more gainful commerce. A Sully, or a Colbort, or a Ximenes, 
or a Chatham, would have cherished such a trade as " the appic 
of his eye*^ — and shunned with horror every thing in the least 
calculated to impair or destroy it. 



t Redress of griA'ances was nat only never afforded— but in almost every 
instance, the officers who perpetrated ^iegrreateat oui3fa|;c«k >»ve abjolutely 
promoted 

45 



348 THE OLIYE BRANCH. 

For every valuable purpose, we were litefiilly colonies of Great 
Britain. That is to say, she derived from us tl\e advantages thai 
any nation has ever derived frorti colonies, without the expense 
of "fleets or armies for our protection. And so strong has been 
and is the partiality of large proportions . of our citizens for 
English habits, and English manners, and English fashions; and 
such is the devotion of a large number of our presses and our lite- 
rary men, and our pulpits, to the defence and justification of 
Enoland, that it required but little care to have maintained her 
influence here wholly unimpaired. If, notwithstanding such an 
irritating, and insulting, and predatory system as she pursued, 
she still retained so many warm, zealous, and influential parti- 
zans here, what might she not have done, had she pursued a sys- 
tem of kindness and conciliation! 

Her ministers abandoned the noble, lawful, immense, and rici'i 
trade with this country, for a miserable trade of smuggling, not 
one-tenth in amount or value, and resting upon the pestiferous 
and hateful basis of forcg«ry and perjury! Alas! that the af- 
fairs of mighty nations should fall into such hands ! 

I cannot resist ilie temptation of enriching this page, of em- 
balming it with tlie glowing and sublime eloquence of Henry 
Brougham, Esqr, M. P. on this unexhaustible topic. 

" Good God ' the mcurable perversencss of human folly ! ahvays striving 
nftcr things that arc beyond their reach, of doubtful worth, and discrediti- 
ble pursuit, and neglecting objects of immense value, because, in addition 
10 their own importance, they have orte recommendation which would make 
jncaner thhigd" desirablc-that thry can be easily obtained and honestly as well as 
iustl> enjoved ! It is this miserable, shifting, doubtful, hateful traffic, that' 
we prefer, to the mire, regular, increasing honest gaivs of American commercei 
to a trade which is placed beyond the enemy's reach, winch besides 'encir- 
cJinp- ourselves: in peace nnd honor, only benefits those who are our natu- 
ral friends, over whom lie has no controul," * ♦ • "which supports at 
once all th;it remains of lil)erty beyond the seas, and gives life and vigorar 
to its main {/lUar witliin the realm, the manufactures and commerce oi 
England."* 

" 1 have been drawn aside from the course of my statement respecting 
the importance of the commerce which we are sacrificing to those mere 
whimsies, I call tliem nothing else, respecting our al)Stract rights. 'I'hat com- 
m6rce is the whole American market, a branch of trade in compai ison of 
7ofiich, -whether i/oit regard its ^extent its certainty, or iis progressive increase,^ 
every other sinks into insignificance. It is a market which in ordinary times 
mav take ofl' about ////rftrnj/i/Wojis -worth of our 7na7ivfactyrcs; andf in steadi- 
ness and reguhirity it is unrivaled.^ 

" The returns indeed arc as sure, and the bad debts as few, as they used 
;o be even in the trade to Holland. These returns are also grown much 
jrtorc speedy. Of this you have ample proof before you, from the witne'se.' 
who have been examined, who have all said that the payment was now 
as quick as in any other hne— ami that the Americans often preferred mak- 
ing ready money bargaiiis tor sake of the discount."^ 

' Speech in parliament, Jiine 16, 1812, Pliiladelphia edition, page 39. 

I Nearly sixty miUions of dollars. 

k k^m, page 3i. 5 Idem, page 35 



I 



iU'PENDIX, 349 



To return to the course pursued here. I'Ijc intercourse be- 
tween England and tins country was prohibited by an act p;i»si'ii 
on the 1st of March, 1809, commonly called the non-intercuura* 
law, for the vital clauses 0/ whicli 1 refer the reader to page Uid. 
A repeal, or modification of the orders in council, so as to cease 
violating the rights of the United States, was to authori/.e tltp 
president to restore the intercourse. 

This mild and excellent njode of procuring redress, which en- 
titles its authors to the most unqualified approbation of their 
feUow-citi/.ens and of posterity — and to which history will do 
the justice that ungrateful coteuipnraries have denied, was treat- 
ed with ridicule and contempt in this country, as futile, and im- 
becile, and utterly ineffectual in its operation upon England. 

With a blindness and folly, and madness, of which there are 
not many pai-allels, the British ministry persevered in their un- 
just system towards this country, notwithstanding its destructive 
effects on the vital interests of their own. Their most valuable 
and important manufactures were paralized — their manufacturers 
reduced to beggary and ruin — a regular trade amounting to 
50,000,000 of dollars annually, cut off — aiul the sources dried up, 
from whence they principally derived the means of subsidizing 
foreign powers to fight the;r battles. 

Jn vaiii did the wisest and best of the people of England en- 
ter their moat solemn protes^t against the orders in council — that 
miserable system, on which egregious folly and rampant injustice 
were stamped in the most legible characteiS. Ill vain did the starv- 
ing workmen — the impoverished manufacturers implore the ad- 
ministration for relief. They were deaf as the adder, whose 
ears are closed to the voice of the charmer, charm he never so 
.wisely. 

At length, in tl^ spring of 1812, the public sufferings had so 
I- increased.— and the clamour for redress was so universal, that 
.<i British ministry were impetuously driven to submit to insti- 
vjte an inquiry in parliament into the opeiation and effects ot 
liie orders in council This measure was adopted with an ilU 
grace, and not until the most serious and alarming riots and in- 
surrections had occurred in several parts of England. 

The examination was begun on the 59th of April, 1812, and 
continued till the 13th of the following June. Witnesses were 
^ examined from most perts of England. The evidence uniformly 
and undeviatingly coiucurred to prove how transcendently impor- 
tant was the American trade to the manufacturers of Great Brit- 
ain — howawiuUy cftlamit^is the cessation of that trade had bcf^c 



350 THJ(fi OLIVE BRANCH! 

— and the miserable policy of an adherence to the orders in couii- 
cil. Ml this was apparent and undeniable from the very first 
day of the examination^ could there have been any previous 
doubt on the subject. 

The minutes of the examination, as published by order of par- 
liament, form a ponderous folio volume of nearly 700 pages, and 
exhibit a frightful picture of the results of the sinister and absurd 
policy which dictated the Orders in council. 

To the United States this is a subject of immense importance. 
Our form of government — our dearest interests— the habits, and 
inclinations, and manners of our people, lead us to pursue a pa- 
dfic policy. And if there be an effectual instrument whereby, 
without war, %ve can extort justice from nations which violate 
our rights, or offer us outrage, it affords additional and invaluable 
security for the permanence of the blessed state of peace.*' While 
wc can make it pre-e«iinently the interest of those iiations with 
which we have intercourse, to reciprocate kindness and justice^ 
we may reasonably calculate upon their pursuing that desirable 
course. 

To evince, therefore, the efficacy of the so-much-abused res- 
trictive system, I submit to tlie reader a few extracts from the 
evidence given before the house of commons, of its effects on the 
dearest interests of Great Britain. 

April SO, 181i^. 

Mr. THOIVIAS POTTS, merchant, cif Blrmiv^ha.ii.—'Froin 20^000 to 
^5,000 men in Birmingham, who 03* have now only hulf work. General 
slate of the town extremely depressed, and the di;tv<;,■^3 universal. Manu- 
frtcturers have been keeping their men employed in creating- stock nearly to 
tlic e.xtcnt of their capital, and many of them are in.consf'qiicnce in extreme 
difiiculties. If no favourable change takes place, the maiudacturers will be 
oblic^ed witliin two months to dismiss two-thirds of their hands, and some 
of them the whole. Large quantities of Birmingh;im goods have been ly- 
ing in Liverpool, waiting for shipment for 12 to 15 monthf^ past. o3"The 
vVmcrican market, a stead)* and increasing oik, and tbo payments, which 
have bren regularly improving, now very good. Since the prohibition in 
America, goods have been sent to Canada; but they Lave been sold there 
for less than their cost in the manufacturing towni.. Has tried the South A- 
merican market with very indiftcrent success ; and has concluded never to, 
make another shipment to that country, as he believes those shipments have 
iiot yielded 25 per cent. Manufactures in America have made an alarming 
progress within two years; but thinks that if the intercourse was speedily 
thrown open, they would be effectually checked. Would ship his goods to 
Aincrirji the moment the orders in council we.re re.scindtu, h;iving positive 
and specific instructions from his correBpoiw'.jnts to tliat eflf'ect. Knows 
houses in Blmiingham, who have goods ready to ship to America, which 
cost tl) em 70,000^ 50,000/. 45,00 W. %5,(mi. 20ioOO/. and workmen have em- 
igrated from Birmingham to America. Has no doubt that if the American 
trade was opened, the distress In Birmingham would instantly ce.ise. 

Mr. William BLAKEWAY, Lamp manufacturer, of Birmingham.— Goods 
principally sent to America. Trade so much dimiiiislicd that he would have 



APPENDIX 351 

stopped his business altoi^ethcr, lm<l it not Ijcca for rcj^anl toi- his work 
Hieii, by whom he has been guininp money tor twenty years. Slock so miicU 
accumiilated that nearly the whole othis capital is aljsorbed by it. Unleai 
the Amencmt itiivket is opened, cannot keep on his hands at all. Hus hitherto 
borne the suffering's of his workmen himselt, but will be compelled to dis- 
charge them, howev4r reluctant to do so. Has sout^ht, but not found rtdicf 
in any other market. Recollects the scarcity in 1800 and 1801; but the dis- 
tress'was not at allcqual to the present, because there was plentv of work. 

Mr. JA.MES RYLAND, of Birmingham, manufacturer of jduted coach har- 
ness and saddle furniture.— -Principal part of kis manufacture exjiorted to 
the United States- Previous to 1808 the export was very C'Jn^ideral)lc and 
■increasing, the returns prompt, and payment .sure. Workmen who former- 
ly earned 30 to 409. per week; now g-et about 20.s. and those who used to 
get 20s. now earn about 11 or 12. Shelves loaded v.'ith stock, and the 
greater part of his capital absorbed in it. Two-thirds of the workmen em- 
ployed in this business, must be disoharped, if no favourable change takes 
place. Since the falling off' of the Amencan market, has opeued a house in 
London, but has found so many persons flocking to tlie same market that 
he has been able to carry it on with very little success. Previous to tlie 
orders in council, the trade was in a very fioiirishing state: they were full 
of orders, and their men full of work. Has received no relief from the 
South American market; and knows no market equal totliatof tlic U. States, 
for the sale cf this manufacture. ' '•: 

Mav4, 1812. 

Mr. JEREMIAH RIDOUT, merchant, of Birmingham.— Has goods to the 
value of 20,000/. prepared for tiie American market, which he would in- 
stantly ship if the orders in council were removed, being so advised by his 
partner in America. Tlie workmen very much di.strc.ssed: " I have seen 
people shed tears; I have confined myself behind the door for fear of see- 
ing those people, lest they should importune me to give them orders; they 
have told me they did not know what to do. One man said, wliat can I do? 
if I go to the magistrnte he will tell me to go for a soldier; I am a married 
man, and God knows what I must do unless I steal, and then I shall go to 
Botany Bay." I do not like to hear such words, I cannot iiear it. 

Mr.' GEORGE ROOM, Japaimer, of Birmingham, has manufactured princi- 
pally for America, wliich is the best market he ever knew, after trying eve- 
ry one. Workmen in gcnenl have not more th;in half work. H.>s tried the 
home trade; but the competi'.ion is so great and prices so much reduced that 
it was not worth going after. Has found very little niief from the trade 
to Sicily and Portugal, which is the only foreign Eurojiean trade they liave 
had, and which does not bear any thing like a comparison to the .American 
• -Mde. From 600 to 1000 hands employed in this business in Bir:ningham 
alone: and there ai"e great manufactories in Bilston and Wolverhanipton. 

Mr. ROBERT FIDDIAN, manufacturer of brass candlesticks, &c. at Bir- 
rauigham, chiefly for home consumption. Trade much diminished within 
the last 12 months, and earnings of workmen reduced one fourtli. Jfada 
conversation with some of his nien oa tlie subject of dismission; they en- 
treated him not to dismiss them, .saying, "you know wc cannot get employ- 
ment elsewhere," and begged that he would apportion the work among 
them, and let each bear a share of the burden. Stock very mucli incrcai.- 
ing, and will be obliged to dismiss a number of his men, unless an alteration 
takes place speedily. Has no doubt that his trade would be put into its for- 
mer profitable situation, if the American trade was again opened. 

Mr. JOSEPH WEBSTER, wire manufacturer, of Birmingham. Half his 
manufacture for the American market, and half for the home trade. The 
demand very much diminished, so that althoujjh his manufacture is reduced, 
his stock is much increased. Has orders from America which would ex- 
haust all his great stock on hand, If the ordejfc in council were repealed. If 
no favourable change takes pl.icf, be clrsll f;ell.:r.ise!f compelled to discharge 
£ great number of !'/» ir.cii. 



35^ 



THE OLIVE BRANCH. 



Mayo, 1812. 
Mr. JOSHUA SCIIOLFIELD, American merdiant; Birmingham.— Trade 
first began to fall oH'in 1808, In 1809, rather better, but still very limited 
In 18 lU, verv larfjc shipments for one season. The gocrds for ISil now ly- 
ing in Liverpool. Has orders from America to sliip as soon as the orders 
jn council are removed, a3 goon as the trade is opened. Has had frequent 
ridviccs from his agent resident in America, that manufactures are very fast 
increasine; tliere, and has reason to know it from particular circumstances. 
Ojic particular article now in great demand is card wire, for the manufac- 
Ture of cotton and wool cards, which is v.anted for tlieij* machinery. Has had 
the article of nails countermanded on the gTound that tliey can be manufac- 
tured cheaper in America than they can be imported. Has had many painful 
opportunities of witnessing the distress which prevails among the lower or- 
ders of the people in Bij-mingham-, Q^j' believes it to be e.xtreme. Has a 
warehouse m Wolverlxampton: the lower orders in quite as great distress there; 
their goods may be bought at any price; there are many small manulac. 
turers there, wh» are selling some of their stock at, he believes, a lower rate 
than it cost them. Attributes the distresses of the trade and manufactures 
'trincipally to tlie orders in council, believing them to be the cause of the 
non-intercourse with America Has tlie most painful forebodings that the 
>;ontinuance of the restriction upon the American trade will gi\ e great en- 
couragement to the increase of manufactures in America. 

Mr. JOHN BAILEY, merchant, ot'ShefTield. — The manufactures of Shet 
rield, for the supply of the market of the United States, employ 6,000, \)(ir- 
sons, besides others dependent on that trade. (J^The export to America 
is about one-third of ttie whole manufactures of Sheffield. About one-tenth 
of the usual spring shipment was made in 1811, and none since. Stock of 
P«ods has been increasing in Sheffield to a considerable extent; but there 
are orders for shipment to .\merica, innnediateiy on the rescinding of the 
orders in council. Information from a large man v.facturer, that 03' he now 
pays one-sixth part of the wages which he did vhe^i the American trade 
was open: and that one-half of what he has manufactured for the last fif- 
teen months, is now dead stock. Another of the principal manufacturers 
informed liim, that he now employs only half of his us.ial numb^ir of men, 
whom he employs only four days in a week; that he retains them from a.}:>rm- 
ciple of humanity, as they have grown old in liis service, and that he still holds 
in stock all his goods made in the Ia.st eighteen months. Believes tliis to be 
a fair specim.en of the general state cf manufactures in SiicffieJd. His orders 
for shipment, on the removal of the orders in council, amount to the wliole 
twelve montiis' shipments. The amount of Shefliekl goods ready for ship- 
raent to America 4oo,ooo?. and orders on hand to the same amo\mt. Poor 
rates of Sheffield, year ending 18o7, ll,oooZ. ; riow 18,ooo/. ^\orknien's 
wages not reduced, but- they are now only employe^ about three days in the 
week. Every man fully employed before the loss of the American trade, 
ijj' [..ower classes never so much distressed as at present. Some articles 
wliich were formerly exported from Sheffield, are now manufactured in Ame- 
rica. 

May 13, 1812. 
Mr. WILLIAM MTDGLEY, woollen manufacturer, of Rochd;ile, Lancashirf^ 
The parish contains about 36,aoo inhabitants, of which about one half are em- 
ployed in this manufacture He formerly employed ;»b out 600 hands, now 4oo 
Began to turn off" his hands whyn his stocks became very larj^e, about six 
)nont!is ago. Stock is still increasing, and larger tlian it was before: and 
tliehome traic has fallen off very much indeed. Has in a considerable 
degree exhausted his capital in trade, •' and if there be not an opening, it is 
"impossible to Lep on my work people audi am distressed about the 
"poor people, for tlicy have not many of them, half victuals now." Iftlic 
market continues as it is now, must turn off 2eo of his hands, and \i' they arc 
tuiued ofiidocs not see where they can get. work uny where else. ILis lived 



in RochtVale most of his life time, and been \h Iniiinoss tliiHy years, but 
never knew the distress so gi-cat us at present. "The distress is to he seen 
•' in the people's counfchanccs, every week g-elting tliinner ;ind looking worse; 
" tiiose that had u little money have had to take to it, and they are utmost run 
'* out of it : they have sijent whiit little fhey had to l)uy bread" About two 
fifths of this manufacture for thi& l-nited States of America, and none for 
foreign Europe. Has very large orders for America, vliich shoukl have pone 
ofi' more than 1? months ago. IhiS found that market, a steady, sure, and 
increasing one. Workmen's wages reduced. Price of oatmeal t\\ eh e 
months ago 2(1. per paund, now '3tl. If the trade to America was opened, 
there would be fair emi)loyment for the ftianufacturers of Rochdale. 

Mr. THOMAS SHOUTJ maiufacturer of hosier}-, at Hinckley, in l,eice.iter- 
shire. — Tlie total number of persons employed in the manufarture at Hinck- 
ley, and the adjoining village^ nearly 3,000. About one tliird to one fourth 
of the manufacture is for the American market, and the value about 30,000/, 
per annum. In good times employs upwards of 200 hands,' now employs 
about two tliirdsofthe number. In consequence of the los'- of the Ameri- 
cTm market, the manufacturers generally stutc they must turn ofl'onc half 
of their hands, if the demand is not greater tlian at pre;,ent. Twelve to fovn-- 
teen hundred persons now unemployed. The heme trade is much injured 
by the competitlcn of parsons formerly in the forign trade : and it now af- 
fords no profit. 

May 14, 1812. 

Mr. William THOMPSO^T, woollen mftnufaclurer, of Uawden, near 
Leeds. Has been in business 30 years. In 1810 employed 65G hands, and 
manufactured 6,000 pieces of goods for the American market. In the last 
year made 4,000 pieces, and has dismissed 200 hands. His stock of goods 
worth upwards of 90,000^. Being much greater tlian at any former period. 
The remaining hands have not more th;m one third work. — In good times 
his men earned from 16s to 30s. a week, and now only one third. Nevel* 
knew the pour in so distressed a state liefore ; not even when corn was dear- 
er in 1800 ,- they had plenty of work at that time. •* The distress of the 
v.'orkmen is very evident by their countenance, and by the raggedness of 
their dress. They are evidently in a worse situation than I ever knew them 
before." If a fbvourable chang'C does not take place, must dismiss the 
whole of his hands as the heavy stock of goods render it out of his power to 
r.ontinue them. Made 2 small shipment to South America about twelve 
months ago, but has not yet received any returns; and will not stiip farther at 
present. Made a sliipment to Canada, %alue 30,0001. about fourteen months 
ago, for which he has not yet received one sixth ; and those goods that did 
sell were to a considerable los.s, say from 25 to 3Upf;rcent. 11' there was 
an open trade to America, all the distresses would be very shortly removed 
activity would be recumed, and the countenances ot'thc poor would change 
very 'fast, if that were once eliL-cted, it would give a gen<-ral spring to ou-. 
neighborhood. Has orders from America for the wholt of his goods, provi- 
ded the orders in council were rescinded. 

Mr. CHRISTOPHER LAWSON, woollen merchant, ofLceds. In good 
times exported to America, to the value of 80,000^ ani.ually. Present stock 
of goods 40,0001. M;ide a shipment to Amelia Island in ISil, under the idc.t 
that it might get into America, but it remains there at present. Concieve'-- 
aU the m.erchants trading to America are in the same state. The common 
calculation is, that Yorkshire goods are exported to America, to the amount of 
two millions annually. Great complaints have been made of the home market 
for the last sL\ months. Has orders for goods to be shipped to America, on 
tiie repeal of the orders in council. 

May 15, 1812. 

Mr. D AYID SHE ARD, blanket and flushing manufacturer,' of the parish 

0** Dewsbury. In good times employed about 800 hands .; 100 ot tliem are 

now quite out of employ, and the remainder have one third, or one fourth 

work. The average wages of men, women, and children, in good titnu" 



cr4 'ntE ULIVE BRANCE, 

■were lis. a week, juid are now 3s. 9d. The manufacturers have given ovAj^ 
accumulating- sto'ck : they do not wish to run into debt, and the money they' 
had is all naade up into goods. Weekly wag-es paid in tlie hamlet, in good 
timt'S, used to be 469/. now 294/, Thinks the home trade as good as it was. 
Trade began to fall ofT in the beginning of 1811 .- and among the lower or- 
ders of people there is very great distress indeed. It favourable circumstan- 
ces do not turn up, will be obliged to turn off half of the 700 hands he now, 
cmplovs. Had a good trade before the intercourse wi*h America was stop- 
ped. 

Mr. FRANCIS PLATT, merchant and woollen manufacturer, of Saddle, 
worth. The trade has fallen oft" very considerably since 1810, owing to the 
want of American trade. His own stock of goods larger than it ever was be- 
fbre, being nearly oO,000/. The district of Saddleworth contains a popula- 
tion of nearly 12,000 persons, most of whom are engaged in the woollen bu- 
,<;ines3, and they do not now get half the work they used to have. His capita 
absorbed in goods, and if there is not a market soon, must discharge his men 
in toto; which is the case with manufacturers in general in that district. 
In 40 or 50 years he has never known Uie distress equal to the present. — 
Great numbers of the people never tasie animal food at all : their principal 
food is oatmeal boiled in water ; and sometimes potatoes for dinner. Was in- 
formed, by a very honefit man, that he, his wife, and all his children had to go 
to bed, and had not even a morsel of that oatnreal and water to put into their 
mouths. Was also informed by another that he had got some little oatmeal, 
nnd boiled it in water; that he had to wet it in water instead of milk, or any 
other liquid, with his food. The people have been very peaceable in this par- 
ish; and is certain they will remain so, provided they could get employment, 
or any thing near full employment: they have no disposition at all to riot 
Has inquired in some instances whether the poor have received parish re- 
lief; but believes that in the principal part of the manufacturing districts, the 
poor would nearly starve, probably not to death, but pretty close to it, before 
they Went to the parish ; for this reason — they have not been accustomed 
to it, and it is a kind of disgrace or something of that kind, and they will not 
^ to it if they can gel half work and half wages -. they will take every means 
m their power to keep off the parish. Oatmeal is 3 l-2d to 4d the pound 
or doul)le the usual price. Potatoes are about the same proportion; never 
knew them any thing like so high as they are at present. Has no doubt 
that if goods could be shipped to America, there wo\dd be work. The poor 
are not well clothed. 

May 20, 1812. 

Mr. JOHN HOFFMAN, churchwarden of the parish of Spital Fields — 
The looms employed in the manufacture of Spital Fields, about 17,000, to 
20,000; and about 5,000 of them are in the parish of Spital Fields, where at 
least one-half of the weavers are out of employment, and the lower orders 
in a most deplorable state. More than one instance has occurred, where 
they had died literally tor want. Soup distributed is about 3,000 to 4,ooo 
quarts a day. Has dismissed a considerable number of his hands, who were 
employed iri the silk trade. The light silks of Spital Fields sell in America; 
of other sot-ts the French are cheaper than ours. If the American trade 
was open, there would be an opportunity of sending a considerable quantity 
of goods there; has in the course of some years, maniilactured goods for the 
American market, principally of tlie slight quality. Within tliese two years 
there has been no trade to America: and therefore he was obliged to turn off 
his hands employed for that particular trade. If the ti-ade was opened again, 
has no hesitation in saying tliose very articles would find sale there; and he 
would take back the hanils he had dismissed, which he believes is the case 
with others in the same line as himself In October last he purchased pota- 
toes for the workhou.se at 3/. lo». per ton; within the last six weeks they 
have been selling in Spital Frields' market, at 12/. 15/. and 14/. a ton. Per- 
sons who have died lor want, have applied for, and obtained relief: but they 
were too far gone before they 8ia<ie application: ha3 uniformly found tttat the 



P 



ArrENDIX. 355 

iakustrious poor \v 111 never apply for relief till tlie Tcry last extremity. Be- 
iieves tlia,t more tUui) ;i fii'ih of the silk manufactured in Spital Fields went 
to America, and xhut moi-c than one-third of his own mamifaclure, 'or seven 
years, v.-as for the American market. The want of an udetiuate supply of 
raw silk, I'an been one great cause oT Uie want of employ, and consequent 
distress of the manufacturers. 

May 25, 1812. 
Mr. SHAKRSPEAUK PlITLLll^, merchant, of M.an^hester.—w.as exam- 
ined by the house foui- years ago upon the orders in council. Is an importer 
'if maiiutactured goods to the I'nited States of America, when the trade 
, is open, ilas a great stock on hs.nd, whicli is the case of the manufactur- 
'. ers in g'eneral. qJP' H.'Js orders to a very larc^e amount to be shipped in the 
"event of the orders in council being rescinded. Has no doubt that ordei-s 
of this kind, which are now in Manchester, would, if executed, greatly re- 
lieve the distress of that jilace. 'i'lie state of the workmen in Manchester 
and the neigjjbourhood is very deplorable. They arc deficient in work, 
and are working at extremely low wages. If the American trade was open, 
%voald not fear the cortipetition of the American manuftctures in the mar- 
Itet, as he concicves they are only forced into that measure. Several ad- 
ventures, which he has made to Ser.th America, have left a considerable 
loss. Cannot state the prrtportion which tlic American market beais to the 
general manufactory oi Manchester and its ueighbourliood; init from his 
general knowledge of its vast influence upon the manufacture in gcneral> is 
' ',«onvhiced that the exports anHually amount to an enormous i^um. Has no 
doubt that if the American market w:is freely op^n, there would be fidl em- 
ployment for the labouring manufacturers of Manciiest'.-r. \Vhen the trade 
with Amei-icafrom Franc-; and this country were both open, did not expe- 
rience the least competition in the cotton manufactories on the part of 
France, and has not the least, apprcliensicn of any. The preient dutj- on 
raw cotton in France being about os. a pound, amf)Uiits to a prohibition: 
and any country imposing such a duty ^cannot seriously intend to establish 
any great manufactHre. 

I trust there is here sup^arabundant testltnony of the trans- 
cendent felly and madness, as well as of the flagrant injustice 
of the system pursued by the British ministry, which inflicted so 
tnuch misery and wretchedness on that interesting and valuable 
class of subjects, the manufacturers. Ihe testimony is equally 
strong against the folly of our own citizens, who, by rendering- 
nugatory the restrictive svstem, so fatally involved in the hor- 
rors of a wasting war, two great nations whom ten thousand 
motives arising from mutual iatcrests — common descent — conge- 
nial manners— and sameness of language— ought to have impej- 
ted to cultivate the strictest ties of friendship. 

During the progress of these examinations, on the 21st of May? 
the official repeal of the French decrees ' was communicated by 
Mr. Russel, the American minister, to the court of St. James. 
But notwithstanding the solemn pledge of the British ministry 
to proceed pari passu with the French government, in the busi- 
ness of repeal, there was no step taken respecting the orders in 
council, till the 23d of June, that is, for nearly five weeks. No- 
thing was done till after the whole examination was completed 
and until an address was moved in the house of commons, for 
the repeal, bv Mr. Brougham', on the I7th of June, grounded oa 

47 



-5G THE OLIVE BRANCH. 



o 



the result of the examination, which was withdrawn by .i\r 
mover on a pledge by the ministers that the orders woald be re- 
pealed. 

As a palliation for tliis delay, it is stated that the assassina- 
tion of Mr. Ferciyal, the British primier, on the 11th of ]Ma^ . 
distracted the atteiition of the ministry, and prevented the re- 
demption of the pledge. But this palliation will not bear a mo 
ment's rellexion. The parliamentary examination was predicat- 
ed on the injury the ]Jritish trade suHered — and had not the 
slightest I'egard to any other consideration. And as 1 have stat- 
ed, the revocation of the orders in council was not attempted til! 
that examination was finished. Nearly five weeks [thirty-three 
davs] had elapsed from the notification of the French repeal, 
and forty -three days from the death of Mr. Percival. And no 
man can pretend that one or two weeks would not have been 
abundantly sufficient- 

To prove fhe charge I have adduced against the British min- 
istry of gross impolicy, as well as injustice, in their treatment of 
this co-.inlry, which led to the wasting war so injurious to both 
nations, 1 submit to the reader, part of a speech delivered in the 
.British house of commons, by Mr. Whitbread, on the 13th of 
Febiiiary, 1S12, about four months previous to the declaration of 
hostilities, respecting the diidomatic intercourse between the 
two countiies. On Mr. Whitbread's character 1 need not en- 
large. He is well known to stand eminent for those qualities 
of iiead and heart that dignify and adorn human nature:— 

"Of Ivlr. I'Inknoy he r.ccd say litlle : he was a man of" soviiid sense and 
jiidg'nicnt,oi' :!M able antl acute mind, and of the liig-liest reputation. He t;'us 
a man who liad conducted liiniself during" his residence in tliis country, in a 
manner mo?Jt honorable to himself", and likely to benefit both nations. AtaH 
times, taking the most impartial view of the different interests concerned, 
his conduct, thoug'h firm, had been most conciliatory. "Without losing sight 
of tl\e cl'.iims of his country, witli which he was intrusted, lie had .nt al' 
times aj/proachfd the ministers with whom lie was in treaty, with respect, 
attention, and deference. Firm to his purpose, and able to elucidate the 
-subjects under discussion, he had never failed in time, punctuality, or mode 
of procedure, in his mission. He would he could say as much for those 
witii whom jMr. Pinkney had intercourse. But it was not so ; and it wasiini-, 
Possible to say, that gentleman had been treated w ith the pl'opcr aiid punc- 
lilious ceremony he merited by the marquis Wellcsley. At the period \\heu 
this correspondence commenced, a great soreness prevailed in America, on 
fux.oiint of the rapture "witii Mr. Jackson. The feelings of that eounUy 
were in a state of extreme irritation; and this to))ic was the subjwt of Mr. 
I'inkney's first letter to the noble niarc)uis. One would have tiiought at 
such a time that a minister would have felt that no want of decoruoi or at- 
tention on his part, should be superadded to augment the unpleasant • feel- 
ing already too jirevalent; but it so hapy)cned, that to this very letter of Mr. 
Tinkney, of the 2d .laiuiary, on the subjict of another minister's being ap. 
pointed in the room of Mr. Jackson, no answer was returned imiil the l4th of 
Almch. I'pwai'ds of two monliis of precious time were wasted, during 
whioh Mr. rinkney, awajc tliat some time might be ueci?ssnry, waited witU 
tlie most patient rcvpcct and decorum. 



AITENDIX. 337 

• Oa the loth ol'Fcl>ruary, tlie American minister ag'aiii wi-Qtc tu tl.e Bri- 
tish secretary, on the subject of our blockade, one ottlic niyst imi)ori.ant in 
discussal, and in all its bearings, between tiie two countries. To this no an- 
swer was returned till March 2. Again on the 3oth of April, Mr, I'inkney 
addresseil a letter to lord Wclleslaj-', relative to the Hcrlin and -Milan de- 
crees, wiiicli were considered as the chief source of all existing' (liirerenccji, 
and therefore merited tlic most earnest arid immediate attention; but to 
this letter no answer was ever returned. 

" On the 3d of May following-, another letter was senc to our foreig-n secre- 
tary, complaining- of the forging- of ship's papers, carried on in London, by 
v/hicii British sliips and property were nuule to appear as American. This 
ti-alHc was alkg-edto be openly and notoriously curried <>n: and it wus not 
possible to conceive one more infamous to the nation where practiced, or in- 
jurious to the conntry against which it was directed. Yet ;j:_j= this charge 
of intiuny against IJritain, this injustice and injury to America, was passed 
over in utter silence, and no answer whatever to tlie letter was returned. 
.^" On the 23d of June, Mr, I'inkney again wrote, referring to his letter of 
the 3oth April, on the subject of the Berlin ajid Milan decrees, and request- 
ing an answer ; but no answer was returned. On the 7th of July he wrote 
tigain relative to the appointment of a minister in the room of Mr. Jackson, 
(his first subject on the 2d January J and even at this distance of time re- 
ceived . no official answer, but merely a verbal assurance on private note, 
that a minister would immediately be sent out. On the 8th ot August, Mr 
Pinkney once more wrote, referring to his letters of the 23d June ar.d ootU 
Api'il ; bat could obtain no answer. 

" On the 21st August, he again by letter pressed the subject of blockade ; 
but could obtain no answer. On the 25th of the same month, he ag-ahi wrote 
to state the revocation of the Berlin and Milan decrees : and to this commu- 
nication our Minister at length condescended to send a repl}-. The next 
])art of the correspondence was another letter from Mr. Pinkney, re- 
lative tv) a misapprehension of Sir James Saumarez, on the nature of the block- 
ade at Llsaieur, and on the impresshig of certain seamen from an American 
sliip. To the former subject an answer was returned ; but of the latter no 
notice wars taken. He had indeed been much surprised at tlie whole course 
of this correspondence ; but at this particular period his astonishment was 
greater than ever. That a subject so keenly felt by America, as tlie impress- 
ing ot her citizens should be entirely passed over in silence, was beyond all 
former neglect and inaltention. 
«• All the world knew that this pyiut was the one on which the greatest 
ilic-dUy existed in ncgociating ai^^.micable adjustment between the two 
..viuntries, and that our conduct towards American seamen stood more in the 
way of conc'Jiation than any other aiatter whatever. Surely then such an 
■ opportunity ought not 1o have been neglected ; surely it was the duty of the 
:}ritish minister' to show by his speedy attention to the subject, that he was 
_i an:iiousto evince the spirit of conciliation "sto profess it; and that, know- 
ing how fatal t!i the ir.terest of this country a rupture with*Amcric:i woidd 
be, he would have eagerly embraced the opening presenting itself, to demon- 
strate our amicable intentions, and remove one ofthe sorest grievances com- 
plained of. But, no ! reluctantly and coldly was the answer on this subjea 
vruu forth— not from the noble secret;iry, not by letter from him, but prac- 
ticallv liv the discharge oftlj^se seamen, by Sir William Scott, in the court 
,r adm'u-alty, thereby acknowledging and declaring the right and justice of 
ihe cjaim urged on" the part of America. This was the conciliation ot the 
r.oble secretary that he permitted the sentence of a couil of justice to give a 
practical answer to a foreign minister, whom he would not take the trouble 
of putting pen to paper to satisfy on so interesting a point, 

« Ou the 21st of September, Mr. Pinkney found it necessary again to ad- 
dress the British government, and referring to his letters of the 3oth Apnlj 
23d June, and 8th of August, on the subject ofthe Berlin and Milan decrees, 
he urged tin immediate answer, as his government had long been in cxpocta • 



358 THE OLIVE BRANCH. 

tion of a communicalion on that head. Agidn, on the 8th ai'.d 10th l>cc4;i; 
ber he wrote : anl ,0^ with these letters conchidcd liis correspondence, be- 
ing unable to obtain any satisfactcry information ; and soon after he demand 
eii his audience of leave of the Prince Rcg'ent." 

The wretched system pursued by the British ministry 
towards this country produced consequences they did not 
foresee. It promoted our manufactures more completely 
in five or six years than tliey would have been in thirty-— 
and it produced a war which has given us a navy, and the 
highest naval standing in the eyes of the world. 



CHAPTER LXI. 

England said to be struggling for her existence. This nci 
palliation of her outrages oil neutral nations,, Jittack on 
Copenhagen. 



A. 



;.MONG the various errors lately prevalent, and pregnant 
with baneful consequences, a very important one was, that, 
the European war on the part ot England was a war for her 
existence — and this has been alleged not merely as a pal- 
liation, but as a a justification of her outrages upon our cit- 
izens, and upon our commerce. In fact, the long succession 
of outrages she perpetrated, were covered ever with this 
mantle of oblivion, for the purpose of defaming the adminis- 
tration that resisted them. 

1 liave already touched on this subject incidenfally. It re-« 
quires further elucidation. And at the hazard of repetition, 
1 resume it. "^ 

The most important aggressions of England on tlie commerce, 
of this country, may be referred to four epochs. — 

1. The lawless and predatory captures in 1793, during the, 
administration of gen. Wasliington. 

2. Tiie application in 1805, of the rule of 1756, without 
any previous notice or warninsj;, anu, to aggravate the enor» 
wiity, against lier own exposition of the law of nations, and 
against the decisions other courts of admiralty ; whereby 
the seas were swept of the American vessels and commerce. 

f). The paper blockade by Charles J. Fox's administration, 
of the coast from tlie Elbe to Jirest, an exteiit of 800 miles. 

4. The orders in council. ' 

Of these in due course. 

Lord Castleroagh himself, or the marquis of Wellcslev, 
would not dare to assert that the deprecations in 1793 could 
be charged to jeopardy of her existence. They v.ei'« ^van- 
ton, unprovoked, lawless, and predatory to the last degi-e*. 



: APPENDIX. 35S 

iieneral Washington presided over the destinies of this country. 
He liad resolved on and observed a fair and impartial neutrality. 
The manner, and time, and circumstances, were as monstrous 
as the measure itself. 

On the subject of the second, I shall merely refer the reader to 
tiie mercantile memorials ofl€05-6,* written and signed by men 
who have since as ably defended and justified the conduct of 
England, as at that period they unqualifiedly reprobated and de- 
nounced it. This change in their opinions and conduct does not 
change the nature of the facts. For the proceedings of the Bri- 
tish ministry at that period, every honourable Englishman must 
blush. They were unworthy of, and disgraceful to, a mighty and 
respectable nation. 

Charles James Fox's blockade was a gross violation of the laws 
of nations. — It was in direct hostility with previous declarations 
made by that statesman himself — as well as with the honourable 
and indeed the only legal definition of a blockade, given to our 
government by Mr. Merry, the British minister here. 

•' Admiralty Office, January 5, i8o4. 

*'SlR, 

" Having communicated to the lords of the admiralty, lord Ilawksbury's 
letters of the 23d. inst. enclosing' the copy of a dispatch which his loi-dship 
had received from Mr. Thornton, his majesty's charge d'affiiirts in America, 
on the subject of the blockade of the islands of Martinique and oaudaloiipe, 
together with the report of the advocate geneval thereupon, I have tlieir 
iordships' commands to acquaint you for his lordship's information, that they 
have sent orders to commodore Hood, not to consider any blockade as ex-- 
isting^, unless inrespectto particular ports WHICH MAYBE ACTUALLY 
INVESTED ; and then not to capture vessels bound to such ports, unless 
they shall previously have been warned not to enter them; and that they 
have also sent the necessary dii'ections on tlie subject to tlie judges of the 
vice-».:lmiralty courts in the West L'ldies and America. 
1 am, &c. 

EVAN NEPEAN. 
George Hammond, Esq." 

. Here is the only fair, and honest, and honourable explana- 
tion of the law of nations on this subject, laid down by England 
herself. This letter stands on eternal record — and seals the ir- 
recoverable condemnation jf that vile predatory system, whereby, 
according to George Cabot, James Lhyd, and the other Boston 
memoriaii.sts, she was during the course of tiie French war, 
^' PREYING UPON THE UNPROTECTED PROPERTY OF 
A FRIENDLY POWER.'^f If lord Castleredgh, the marquis of 

* See chapters xiv, xv, xvi, and xvii. 

fLet it be observed that the predatory sy.stem of 18o5, denounced by the 
Boston memorialist, as " preying upon tlte "unprotected properly of a friend, 
ly power," was incomparably less unjust and more defensible than tlie sub, 
sequent outrages peri)etrated on American commerce. 



Sou THE OLIN E ERANCil. 

VVellesley, lord Catlicart, George Canning. Mr. Rose, or Mr 
War-in-Disguisc, should fuul this accusation somewhat indigesti- 
ble, let tlieni hurl the gauntlet at Mr. Lloyd and his IViends. 

The orders in council close the catalogue. They will form an 
eternal blot on the escutcheon of the administration by which 
they were enacted, and so long supported. For their impolicy I 
refer the rj\uler to cliapter LV, It was at least equal to their 
llagrant injustice. 

From the 1st. of March, 1809, they lost whatever plea or palli- 
ation might have previously existed for them. The non-inter- 
coursp, act, passed on that day, put it in the power of Great Brit- 
ain, at any hour she pleased, to open our ports to her trade and 
navigation — to shut them against the vessels and trade of France 
— and in effect to have ultimately produced war hstween that na- 
tion and t!ie United States. 

The refusal of this ofter was a clear, convincing, and unan- 
swerable proof, that her sole object was monopoly, and that, iu 
the language of Mr. Bayard, retaliation was merely " a pretence." 
lier depredations were continued without intermission. I ask 
any honest Englishman — ajiy candid federalist, now that the 
reign of delusion has terminated, were these depredations, to pas4 
over their immorality and injustice, such measures, as, on mere 
principles of policy, '• a nation struggling for her existencc^^ 
oufdit to have adopted ? Was it just, or proper, or prudent, for 
'•a -iiation struggling for lier ejcistence,-^ to vioLate the rights, and 
to plunder the property of an unoH^nding neutral, and risk a war 
uith that neutral? Surely not. 

In a word; I ask Timothy Pickering, Kufuh King, George Ca- 
liot, or governor Strong, whether the conduct of Great Britain on 
ihe ocean was not as unjust, as arbitrary, and as lawless, as that 
of Bonaparte on terra firma.^ Whether the clandestine orders of 
1793, and those of 1805, were not as perfidious, as faithless, and 
.IS utterly, indefensible, as any act of the French emperor? And 
linallvjto sum up the whole, whether there is in the history ol 
mankind any act much more atrocious than the attack upon Co- 
penhagen, the capital of an innocent and respectable neutral, foi 
the purpose of sciz-ing her fleet .^ Whether this act and the per- 
lidious cmduct of Bonaparte towards Spain are not exactly of the 
same character .^ 

♦'Amidst all tlie convulsions which Ciin^peliad expericiK (.cI in consequence 
of tlic re volution in France, the kinjjdoin of d'.nin;u"k had, by the wise and 
tenipCiiitc policy of her ruler, been in a great measure preserved from the 
f..tal ccnsc(|U'.nccs of those commotions vvhicli had overturned governments 
of much preater political importance. This had been accomplished, not by 
liumiliatinjjherseli'to any of the bcllig^crent powers; not, by espousing' ttie. 



AlTE.NUiX 361 

cJurC of such of them as appealed for the moment to be sucdessfiil; but by 
naintaiuing- a firm, digiiitied, and undcviuling iiKkptndcncc, neither influ- 
;nccd by intrij^iesiror int'nnulutcd.by threats, ller navul and military es* 
tublishniCBts, thoug-h not great, were respectable; and, combined willi tlie 
natural advantages of lier situation, might justify her in the hopes of defend- 
ing- herself %\ 1th' success against any enemy that should a(temj)t to Infringci 
noon her neutrality. In order to defend tliis lu-vitrality, the Danish govcin- 
nient had, for u considerable time past, concenlred its army on its continen- 
tal ironticrs; and it has been slated, that this measure Avas adopted at tiie in- 
stance of Great Uritain, as beintf fa\ourable to the prod-ction of her com- 
merce. In this .situation the British fleet, with a larj^e military force, anived 
on the coast of Zealaad, wherfe the Danish government saw no reasont re- 
cognize them in any other ciiaracler than tliat of friends and protectors. 
They were there Joined by the German legion from the isle of Rugen; and 
JNIr. Jackson, the British resident at Copenhagen, according to instructions 
received from his court, demanded from the Danish government the surr^- 
derofits navy to his Britannic majesty, to be retained by him until the res- 
toration of a general peace. This proposition was indignantly rejected; in 
consequence of which tha troops were landed; and a ]iroclamation was pub- 
lished by lord Cathcart, the commander in chief, stating' tiie motives and 
objects of such a proceeding, and threatening, that incase of resistance the 
city of Copenhagen should be desolated i;v jcvEnv i-ossiiile miuvs of dkvas- 
TATio^r. Unprepa'-ed as the city tlicn was, the crown prince gave order.^ 
that it should be defended to the last extremity. Of the Danish navy, not 
a ship was rigged, and the crews were absent. On tlie second day of Sep- 
tember, the British troops commenced the attack, on three sides of the city, 
which continued for sevend da}S wi'Jiout intermission; during which 6,5oo 
shells were thrown into the town, which was soon on fire in upw:irds of thir- 
ty places. The timber }iails were consumed: the powder magazine blew 
up: the steeple of the cathedral cliurch w::s in a blaze, and fell amidst th(T 
continual shouts of the British troops. Fromtlic mode of attack which had 
been adopted, hostilities were not confined to the Danish solditrj- and the 
arnied burghers engaged in the defence of the cltv; but extended to the 




tiiif artillery, and the innumerable accidents sonsequent on so dreadful and 
unexpected an attack. It soon appeared that the city was unable to make 
an elfeotual resistance; tiie British forces having approached with their tren- 
ches so near, as to be enablcdto set it on fire whenever t!/cy pleased. To 
prevent this consummation of misen-, tlie DanigJi coiiim^iml' r assented to 
tenns of capitulation, by which he :\greed to surrender up tlie Hcct, upon 
condition that the British army should evacuate tl\e island of Zealand with- 
in six weeks, and tliat public and private property should in the mean time 
be respected.* 

Of these horrible scenes, -worthy of Alaric. Attila, or Genghi-; 
Kliaiijit is impossible to read without shuddering with horror. 
Every Englishman, who possesses a high sense of national honour, 
must deplore the stain they have impressed on the escutcheon ot 
his native land — and must join in the execration to which the 
upright part of mankind have consigned the tuinisters who plau- 
5ied and ordered the perpetration of such a scene of barbarous 
and merciless outrage, 

* Roscoe's view of tJie causes, objects, and consequences, of the present 
w-ar—and on the expediency or lie danger of a peace with Friu:ce, page 4v. 



36ii THE OLIVE BRANCH. 

Away then for ever with the miserable cant of " a struggle 
for her existence,'^ as not merely a palliative, but a justifiratlort 
of "PREYING UPON THE UNPROl'ECrED PlluPERTY 
OF A FRIENDLY POWER."* This high and damning accu- 
sation against Great Britain, of preying upon the unprotected pro- 
perty of a friendly power'- was advanced by George Cabot, James 
Lloyd, Tliomas Perkins, ArnoM Welles, and the other Boston 
merchants who signed the memorial to congress in 1805: but 
^vho have from that period to the present been the advocates of 
tlie British, and the accusers of their own government. 

Every nation at war may be said " to struggle for her ex- 
istence.'" But she is not therefore to " struggle''^ her unoffending 
neighbours out of their ships, their seamen, their property, or 
the dearest rights of their sovereignty, to help to preserve herself 
in " a struggle^^^ created by lawless ambition. 

A few short months have elapsed since the United States, con- 
tending single-handed against the most formidable naval power 
that ever existed, might be emphatically and correctly said to be 
" struggling for their existence,''^ which was really and truly je- 
opardized. What consummate folly and madness, as well as in- 
justice, would it have been, to have commenced depredations on 
the commerce of Russia, France, Spain, or Holland, and to add 
one or more of those nations to the list of our enemies ? At sucli 
a critical time,it becomes nations to "carry their faculties so meek,'* 
as to give no reasonable cause of offence. If, therefore, the idea 
be correct, that Great Britain was really struggling for her ex- 
istence, so far from justifying or palliating her conduct towards 
the United States, it only more fully proves the dire insanity of 
those fatuitous counsels by which her affairs were directed. 



CHAPTER LXIL 

The loud clamour raised by the eastern states on the subject of 
representation, wholly unfounded. The result of factious delu- 
sion. Statistics. Examination of the representatio7i m the 
Senate.^ 

J. O reconcile the people of the eastern states to the 
parricidal project of a dissolution of the union, there has 



• See Boston memorial, page lo2. 

+ This, and the two succeeding; chapters, are extracted from a pamphlet, 
publislied Nov. 28, 1814, by the author of the Olive Branch, »nd entitled 
" A Cahn address to tlie People of the Eastern States ." 



APPENDIX. 36'^ 



o 



been a great outcry raised on the subject of its inequalities and 
disadvantages, and its oppressive operation on that portion of the 
nation, j)articul.irl v in re;^ard to the representation in Ihe lower 
house o! congress. Tlie most extrava<^ant errors are alloat on 
this topic. It is generally believed, that the southern states liave 
an ent»rinous and undue inlluence in that bod)', in consequence 
ol taking the slaves into account in tixing tlie number of its mem- 
bers. 

I wave, for a few minutes, the consideration how far this in- 
equality and injustice exist. For sake of argument, I will admit 
them lor the present. And I respectfully ask the reader, wheth- 
er it be po-j&ible to form a partnership or connexion of any kind, 
wit»iout inequality .^ Take any species you choose. Examine the 
talents, the address, the capital, the means of promoting the joint 
interests of tlie concern; you will find thut there is in some — per- 
haps in all these respects — a considerable inequalit)' — that one 
party has an advantage in i-espect to understanding, or influence, 
and another ill point of ca'>ital or skill — or in some other of the 
various ways in which men dilier from tlieir fellow mortals. Go 
to the married state. Examine there minutely. You will find 
the cise the same. And I aver, that it is almost absolutely im- 
possible to form any connexion whatever with a perfect equality. 

This being obviously and strikingly the case in those simple 
associations which I have considered, hovv could it be supposed 
that so delicate und so' complicated an association as that of thir- 
teen independent sovf-reignties, more or less various in their hab- 
its, in their productions, in their climates, in their population, in 
their pursuits, could nave o-'en formed without a spirit of compro- 
mise— without a mutu:il balancing of advantages and disadvanta- 
ges .^ I'o expect it, would be the quintessence of folly. 

But the reader v^ill doubtless be astonished, when he finds 
what is the real state of the case. He will be convinced, that the 
alleged grievances which have been made the instruments of ex- 
citing the angry passions, and preparing our eastern brethren for 
rebellion, have no existence. Let the two legislative bodies be 
combined together, antf it \i'ill be obvious, that the eastern states 
have had, and still have rather more than the share of influence to 
which their white population entitles them. I have taken some 
pains to make the calculations requisite to lay the real state of 
the case before the public : and I submit the result in both branch- 
es of the legislature. 



48 



364 THE OLIVE BRANCH. 

J^xamination of the representation of the eastern states in the 
Senate of the United States, on the ground of white popula- 
tion only. 
Population of the United States, Anno 1790, -3,929,326 

Deduct slaves ... - 697,697 



"White population _ - . _ SjGSl.GiO 

Total population of the eastern states - 1,009,592 

Deduct slaves - - - - - . 3,886 



White population . - - - 1,005,686 

Total number of Senators, 28. 
As 3,231,629 : 28 : : 1,005,636 : 8.677. 
Thus, their exact proportion, had the slaves been rejected, was 
8.677 ; whereas, they had ten senators. 

Population of the United States, Anno 1800, 5,303,666 

Deduct slaves, .... 896,849 



White population, - - - - 4,406,817 

Population of the eastern states, - - 1,293,011 

Deduct slaves, . „ . „ 1,339 



White population, - ™ - - 1,231,672 

Total number of senators, 34. 
As 4,406,817 : 34 : : 1,231,672 : 9.502. 
Here, again, they had more than their proportion, which was 
9.502; whereas, they had ten. 

Population of the United States, Anno IBlO, 7,239,903 

Deduct SlaveSj .... 1,191,364 



White population, ... - 6,048,539 

White population of the eastern states, ^ - 1,471,973 

Total number of senators, 36. 
As 6,048,639 .• 36 : : 1,471,^)73'; 8.760. 
On this third census, their proper proportion is 8.760; whereag,- 
th*;y have, as before, ten. 



Thus it is evident that the eastern states have had in the seii-- 
ate, more than their due proportion of influence from the com- 
mencement of the Government — and that in the present senate 



APPENDIX, S65 

tuey have actually 11 per cent, more than they are entitled to, 
^:Zr' taking into consideration merehj the ivhite population of 
the nation, notivitlistanding the introduction of netv slates. 

A\'ho can forget the daring threat held out by Mr. Quincey, of 
resistance to the introduction of new states, '• amicaldy iftfietf 
could, viokntly if they mnst?" 

" Mr. Quincey repeated and justified a remark he had made ; which, Vb 
save all misapprehension, he committed to writing in the following' words : — 
«' If this bill passes, it is my deliberate opinion, f hat it is virtually A DIS- 
SOLUtlON' OF THE UN'ION; that it will free the states from their moral 
obligation ; and as it will be the ri^/it of all, so it will be the duti/ of some, 
TO PREPARE FOR A SEPARATION, amicabli/ if ihej can— VIOLENT- 
LY IF TIIEY MU6T." * 

Any person unacquainted with the subject, to have heard or 
read Mr. Quincey's speeches on this topic, would have concluded 
— and not unreasonably— that some lawless outrage had been 
perpetrated on the section of the union which he represented; 
und thatit Avas robbed of its due "share of influence in the senate 
by that measure. How astonished must he be to find, that from 
the organization of the government, the fact has been directly 
the reverse ; that it has had more than ita share of influence; and 
that the other sections of the union have had solid and substan* 
tial causes of complaint on ttii^ subject I 



CHAPTER l.^\ii. 

Statistics continued. Slave representation fairly stated. Result. 

X NOW proceed to consider the state of the representa. 
vion in the lower house, tc which the loud complaints of Francis 
Blake, Mr. Lowell, Mr. Harrison Gray Otis, and their friends, 
particularly refer. Tliey have been but too successful in per- 
suading their fellow-citizens, that to the fatal source of slave re- 
presentation may be as«ribed all the manifold oppressions, and 
injustice, which they alle^ri the eastern states have experienced. 

I believe there is not one man in a thousand who has a con- 
ception hov/ very slight the inequality is here. I have asked a 
number of intelligent and well informed men their opinions — 
and some surmised 100 per cent, beyond the truth — others were 
wide of it 200 per cent. 



* National intelligencer, Jan. 15, 1811, iii the debate oji the adniission of 
New Orleans as a state. 



366 THE OLIVE BRANCH. 

What must be your amazement, reader, to learn, that if all 
tlie slaves in the Uuited Stales were discarded, in the appurtion- 
nient of members of the house of representatives of the United 
States, it would make a difterence of only three in the number 
of representatives of the eastern states ? 

The whiie population of the United States at the 

late census, was . - - . 6,048,,5S9 

That of the eastern states, . - - 1,471,973 

Total number of members, 182. 

Actual representatives of the five eastern states, 41. 

As 6,048,539 : 182 : : 1,471,973 : 44,0048. 



Thus it appears, that were the representation graduated by 
the white population alone, the eastern states would be entitled 
to but 44 representatives. Therefore, the injury they suffer by 
the admission of the slaves, is only a reduction of three members, 
in a body of 182 — whereas thfey have one and a quarter more 
than they are entitled to in the senate, a body of 36 members. 
That is tosay>and let it be borne in remembrance, in one branch 
they are not two per cent, below their proportion — and in the 
other branch, which is by far the more influential and powerful, 
they have about 14 per cent, more than they are fairly entitled 
to by their w hite population ! 

.1 view of the slave representation in the House of Represen- 
tnixves. Census of 1810. Ratio, one representative fur 35,000 
%nhahitant&, 

Maryland — Total population - - 380,546 

Deduct slaves - - - - 111,503 



Divide by the ratio 35,000)269,044(7 

"Remainder - - - . £4,044 

Add three-fifths of 11 1,502 slaves - - 66,900 

Divide by 35,000)90,944(2 

Fraction rejected ... 20,944 

l<ine rej)rcsentatives— 7 for whites — 2 for slaves. 

Virginia.— ToX^\ population - - 974,622 

Deduct slaves .... 392,518 

582,104 



APPENDIX, 367 

Divide by S5,00O)582,O0t(16 

Reoiainder - - 22,104. 

Add tliree fifths of 392,518 slaves 235,501 



Divide by 35,000) '^7,608(7 

Fraction rejected - - 12,608 

Twenty three representatives — 16 for whites-^7 for slaves, 

jK*e?iiMc%.— Total population - 406511 

Deduct slaves - - 80,561 

Divide by 35,000)324,950(9 

Remainder - - 10,950 

Add three fifths of 80,561 slaves - 48,336 



Divide 35,000)59,286(1 
Fraction rejected • - 24,286 

T«n representatives — nine for whites — one for slaves. 

JVorth Carolina. — population 555,500 

Deduct slaves - .- 168,821 



Divide by 35,000)386,676)11 

Remainder - - 1,676 

Add three fifths of 168,824 slaves 101,292 



Divide by 35,000)102,968(2 

Fractions rejected - - 32,968 

Thirteen representatives — eleven for whites — twp for slaves* 

South Carolina, — Total populatian 415,113 

Deduct slaves - > 196,365 



Divide by 35,000)21b,750(6 

Remainder - - 8,750 

Add, three fifths of 196,365 slaves 117,837 



Divide by 35,000)126,587(3 

Fraction rejected - - 21,587 

Nine Representatives— six for whites— three for slaves. 



368 THE OLIVE BRANCH. 

Georgit. — Total population - 252,4ciS 

Deduct slaves - - 105,218 



Divide by 35,000)147,215(4. 

Remainder - - 7,215 

Add three fifths of 105,218 slaves 63,129 

Divide by 35,000)70,344(2 

Fraction rejected - - 341 

bix representatives — four for whites— two for slaves. 

Tennessee. — Total population ■» 261,727 

Deduct slaves = - 44,535 



Divide by 35,000)217,192(0 

Remainder - - 7,192, 

Add three fifths of 44,535 slaves - 26,721 



■J 



Fractions rejected - - 33,9 K 

No representative of the slaves. 



^ few facts on the subject of the slave representation in tht 

lower house. 

New York, by the first and last census, has had for ten 
years, and will have for ten more, one slave representative. 
Total population of New York, Anno 1790 340,120 
Deduct slaves - - 21,324 



Divide by the ratio of 33,000)318,796(9 
Remainder - - 21,796 

Add three fifths of 21,324 slaves - 12,792 

Divide by 33,000)34,588(1 
Fraction rejected - 1,588 

T»tal population of New York, Anno 1810 959,069 
Deduct slaves - - 15,071 



Divide by 35,000)944,140(26 
Remainder - - 34,140 

Md three fifths of 15,07! slaves - 9,009 

43,149 



APPENDIX. 369 

Divide by 35,000)43,149(1 
l^raction r^ected - - - 3,149 



Delaware has a slave representative. 
Total population of Delaware in 1810 - 72,674 

Deduct slaves - • - 4,177 



Divide by 35,000)68,497(1 

Remainder - - - 32,497 

Add thiee-fifths of 4,177 slaves - 2,505 



Divide by 35^000) 36,o02(l 
Fraction rejectied - 1,002 



Massachusetts, to her great honour, has no slaves. But it is a 
urious fact, that she has a representative of her black population. 
Her Whites are - - 693,039 

Blacks - - 7,706 



700,745 
This, divided by 35,000, just allows her twenty members. De- 
duct the blacks, Jand she would liave but nineteen- 



Representatives of slaves. 





1790 


1800 


1810 


New-York 


I 





1 


Delaware 


P 





1 


Maryland 


o 


2 


2 


Virginia 


6 


6 


7 


North-Carolina 


2 




2 


South-Carolina 


2 


2 


2 


Georgia 


1 


1 


3 


Tennessee 





1 


1 


Kentucky 





I 


1 



14 15 19 



The following views display the very extraordinary inequali- 
■ iss that exist in the representation in the senate. They fully 



970 



THE OLIVE BRANCH, 



establish the necessity of mutual forbearance, and the laudable 
spirit of compromise that prevailed in the federal convention, 

VIEW I. 



Free persons. Senators. 
Massachusetts 7U0,745 
New-Hampshire 214,460 
Vermont 217.895 

Connecticut 2f 1,632 
Rhode Island 7b,823 



1,471,555 10 



Free persons. Senators 
New- York 9-; 4,032 

Pennsylvania 809,296 
Virginia 585,104 

North Carolina 386.676 



Kentucky 



525.950 



I 



3,038.0.8 10 



Thus it appears that the eastern states with only 

free persons - - - 1, 471 ,555^ 
have as much influence in the senate, as the above 

five middle and southern states with 3,038,058 



VIEW IL 

Free persons. Senaiors. 
New Hampshire 214,460 
Vermont 217,895 

Connecticut 26^,632 
Rhode Island 76,823 



775.810 8 



Free persons. Senator? 
New York 944,032 

Pennsylvania 809,296 
Virginia 582,104 

North Carolina 386,676 



2.722,108 8 



Four of the eastern states, with 775.810 free persons have as 
much influence as four middle and southern states with 2,712jl08 
and four times as much as Pennsylvania with 799,296. 



VIEW III. 



TFree persons. Senators. 
Massachusetts .700,745 
New Hampshire 214^60 
Vermont 217,895 

Connecticut 261,532 
Rhode Island 76,823 



1,471,555 10 



Maryland 

Virginia 

North Carolina 

Ohio 

Kentucky 

Tennessee 

South Carolina 218,750 

Georgia 147,215 



Free person Senator? 
269,044 
582,104 
386,676 
220,760 
325,950 
217,192 



2,377,691 16 



The result of this comparison was utterly unexpected. It 
has surprized me exceedingly, and «ill no doubt surprize 
the reatfer. It is a fair and overwhelming view of the com' 



Ai'PENDtX. 



571 



j>arative influence in the senate, of the murmuring;, discontcilteil, 
hnd oppressed "nation of New England" witli that ot the 
whole of the ancient "slave states," as they are called. It ap- 
pears that the former have one reprfesentative in senate for ev- 
■ vy - . - - 147,155 free persons, 

and that the latter have one for every 148,605 do. 

The addition of Louisiana has altered the state of the repre- 
sentation. It makes the ratio for the slave states about 136,000. 

VIEW IV. 



Free persons. Senators. 
Rhode Island 76,823 
Delaware 68.497 



145,320 



4 



Free per-oons. Senators". 
New York 
Pennsylvania 



944,032 
799,296 



1 ,743,328 



One free person in Delaware or Rhode Island, it is obvious 
from the above view, possesses as much influence in the senate 
iof the United States as twelve in New York or Pennsylvania. 
And one in Delaware possesses nearly as much as fourteen in 
New York. One in Rhode Island has more than seven in Virginia, 

VIEW V. 



Free persons. Senators. 
New Hampshire 214,460 
Connecticut 266,632 
Rhode Island 76,623 



557,924 6 



Virginia 



Free pcsons. Senators; 
582,104 



528,104 2 



Three eastern states, with 557,924 free persons have si.x sen- 
ators, and Virginia with 582,104, has but two. 

If the wisest and best of the citizens of tlie United States 
assembled in convention, with General Washington and Dr<. 
Franklin at their head, found it necessary for the peace and 
happiness, and respectability of the country, to ratify the con- 
stitution, with sucli prodigious inequalities as are stated above, 
it is not difficult to form an opinion on the folly and wickedness 
of the loud complaints ot injustice and inequality, on points to 
the last degree insignificant, wiiercby the spirit of sedition has 
been excited in the eastern states. 



The war question, it has been said, was carried by i.\\e slave 
representatives. This is an egrej;;iou3 error. The majority in 
the lower house was SO. And the whole number of slave repre- 
sentatives is only 19. So that had they been wholly rejected, 
the vote would have been carried. I pass over the slave repre- 

49 



jrs THE OLIVE BRANCH. 

sentatives from New York and Delaware, both of whom voted 
against the war. I likewise wave the consideration of the fact, 
that eleveu members from the southern states also voted against 
the measure. 



A fair view of all the preceding tables and facts, will satisfy 
any man not wholly destitute of truth and candour, that the in- 
terest of the eastern states hare been carefully guarded in both 
branches of the legislature of the uiiion. Their ^complaints are 
to the last degree groundless and factious. It will further prove, 
that Pennsylvania has a stronger ground of complaint by far iti 
the senatorial branch than the eastern states in the other. With 
a population of 800,296 free persons, she has but two senators; 
whereas New Hampshire, Vermont, Rhode Island, and Connec- 
ticut, with 775,810, have eight. The difference is enormous 
and immense. 



Statement of the number of members in the house af represeH' 
tatives, after the different Censi. 



New Hampshire, 

Vermont, 

Massachusetts, 

Connecticut-? 

Rhode Island, 

New York, 

New Jersey, 

Pennsylvania, 

Delaware, 

Maryland, 

Virginia, 

North Carolina, 

South Carolina, 

Georgia, 

Kentucky, 

Tennessee, 

Ohio, . 

'jvuieian.i^ 



First. 


Second. 


Third. 


4 


5 


6 


2 


4 


6 


14 


17 


20 


7 


7. 


7 


2 


2 


2 


10 


17 


27 


5 


6 


6 


13 


18 


23 


1 


1 


2 


8 


9 


9 


19 


23 


23 


10 


12 


13 


6 


8 


9 


2 


4 


6 . 





6 


10 





3 


6 








6 





-.. 


1 



103 141 182 



APPENDIX. S7S 

CHAPTER LXIV. 



^nquiry into the charge against the southgrn states of dk- 
stroyiiig commerce, to promote manufactures. Utterly unfouu' 
ded. The eastern states deeply interested in manujacti^-ee. 
T/ie southern the reverse. 

Let me, reader, still further tresspass on your attention. 
There is one point of considerable importance, on which our 
eastern fellow citizens have been egregiously deceived, and 
on which it is desirable they should lorm correct opinions. 

That the administration and all tiie southern members of 
congress are actuated by an inveterate hostility to commerce, 
and that their measures have been dictated by a desire tc 
destroy it, for the purpose of injuring the commercial states, 
has been assumed as an incontrovertible fact, which could 
neither be disputed nor denied. It has been, as I have sta- 
ted, re-echoed bv governors and legi >lutors>— -by inflammatory 
vriters in newspapers — ai:d equally inflammatory clergymen in 
their pulpits, until any doubt of it is believed to be as wick- 
ed and heterodoxical, as a doubt of any of the miracle* 
of the Koran is regarded ty the mufti at Constantinople. 

It was necessary to find some motive for this hostility. 
It would have been monstrous to assert that the southern- 
ers, as some of the eastern writers have stiled the people 
of the soutliern states, destroyed commerce to promote ag- 
griculture, and of course to advance their own interests. 
This would not stand examination, -and was therefore aban- 
doned. It was however necessary to devise some pretext. 
And, it has a thooasand times been asserted, that the hostili- 
ty to commerce arose from a desire to promote manufactures. 
And t!iis sorry tale has been believed by the " most en- 
lightened" portion of " the most enlightened nation in the 
world." 

The following facts will shew the trancendent folly of thi? 
allegation. 

1. The eastern states have numerous and important manu- 
factures established on a large and extensive scale. 

2. The extreme sterility of a large portion of their soil, and 
the comparative density of their population, render manu- 
facturing establishments indispensably necessary to them. 

3. They are therefore deeply and vitally interested in the 
promotion of manufactures, without which they would be in 
a great measure depopulacted by the attractions of the western 
tuiddle, and, soutliern states. 



574 THE OLIVE BRANCH. 

4. The manufactures of the southern states are principally \u 
private families. 

5. These states have no redundant population. Their people 
find full employment in a<r;riculture. 

'Q. They have therefore little or no interest in the ^promotion o/ 
manufactures. 

7. Bat the reduction or restriction, or injury of commerce, 
cannot fail vitally to injure theniy by lessening the demand for, 
and lowerins^ the price of, their jjroductions. We have seen that 
it has produced this effect to a most ruinous extent. 

8. It irresistibly follows, that if the southern states wantonly, 
destroyed or restricted commerce, to promote manufactures, it 
would be inflicting the most serious and vital injury on them- 
selves for the mere purpose of serving those states to which they 
are said to bear an inveterate and deadly hostility ! ! ! ! 

9. Whoever, possessing any mind, can disseminate those opin- 
ions, must mean to deceive} for he cannot possibly believe them 
himself. 

10. Whoever can believe in these absurdities, may believe 
that rivers occasionally travel to their sources — that lambs de- 
vour wolves— that iieat produces ice— that" thorns produce figs'' 
or, what is almost as absurd, that the soil of Massachusetts is as: 
fertile, and the climate as mild, as the climate and soil of Sf out!. 
Carolina or Georgia. 



CHAPTER LXV. 



Militia defence. System of Classification proposed in Congress. 

Rejected. Awful outcry. 



T( 



OWARDS the close of the late war with Great Eritain, 
an attempt was made in Congress to employ in the defence of 
the nation a portion of the militia, in a mode the mast simple, 
the most practicable, the most eflicient; and at the same time, 
the least burdensome, that was ever adopted in any country. 
Those persons throughout the United States, who are subject 
to militia duty, were to be divided into classes, each of twenty- 
iive. Every class was to furnish one of its members, who was to 
serve for one year, or during the war, and whose bounty was to 
be contributed by the rest of the class in certain proportions. Or, 
if none of the class thought proper to serve, a recruit was to be 
enlisted at their joint expense.* 



The^c were the grand impcrtant features of vai-ious plans submitteJ to 



APPENDIX. S7ti 

Against this noble system of defence, so ecpntable, so just 
30 unexceptionable — so adequate to its end — so easj and free 
from bi'rdsn to our citizen^ — so likely to bring tlie war to a close, 
by convincing the enemy of the impossibility of making any im- 
pression on us — there was a most hideous outcry raised in and 
uut of congress — .an outcry highly disgraceful and tactions. It 
was b-anded with the odious name of •' CouscriptioUf'^ and iden- 
tified with the horrible system of Bonaparte, whereby the whole 
male pofiulation of France was subject to his despotic will and 
pleasure. 

The attempt was of course defeated. To the passions of the 
peopie the niost inflammatory appeals were made. A most la- 
mentab'e delusion prevailed on the subject. Many of our citi- 
zens were, by unceasing efforts, led to believe, that the plan was 
wholly unprecedented in this country; that it was utterly uncon- 
stitutioiial and pernicious; and that it was intended as the basis 
of a military despotism. And to such an awful extent was the 
frenzy carried, that open resistance was not obscurely threaten- 
ed. iSexegenarian veterans, shaking their lioary locks, and bur- 
nishing tiieir rusty, revolutionary arms, were disposed to punish, 
at Ihe point of the bayonet, those whom they were taught to re- 
gard as violators of the constitution. 

It is hardly possible to conceive of a more awful delusion. 
Never were the public cullibility and credulity more miserably 
played upon. For, as I have already stated, it is hardly possi- 
ble to contrive a plan of public defence more just, more ration- 
al, more unexceptionable, or more efficient. 

liCt us examine the matter. Recruits for a year, could have 
been readily procured at any time for two hundred dollars. Of 
coui-se the ta:c on each individual, of twenty-ftve persons bound 
to furnish a recruit, would be only eight dollars, for which he 
would be exempt from all the dangers, and hardships, and pri- 
yations of a military life ! 

The British government would probably have made immense 
sacrifices to prevent the establishment of such a system. It wa? 
the measure most really formidable and efllcient against her ve- 
teran armies, that had been devised. But surely this ought to 
have been no reason why Am(M-ican legislators should oppose it 
or why tlie factious and tumultuous meetings, held to denounce 



Confess, and to the LegislaUire ofFeniisylvania, which were absurdly and 
.■disgracefully rejected. There were sjme unessential difl'ej-ences between 
them, not worth attention in this discussion. To the honour of the enlig-ht- 
ened patriot Legislature of New-York, they were not detentd by tlie wretch- 
ed clamour that prevailed on this subject. They passed an act to raise 
10,000 men on the classification plan. 



S76 THE OLIVE BllANCH. 

the system, sliould be eulogized as displays of " the. spirit of sg= 
venty-six.'^* Had such a wretched spirit prevailed in '76, this 
glorious country would never have emerged from its colonial and 
dependent state. 

From the extreme abhorrence of wars and fightings, manifest- 
ed by some of the members of congress — from their wailings, and 
lamentations, and strong sensibilities, at the possible loss ot a 
single life, a stranger might suppose they were quakers or me- 
nonists, who were not merely conscientiously scrupulous against 
carrying arms themselves, but principled against warfare alto- 
gether. And from the delicacy of their constitutional exceptions 
and objections, it might be reasonably presumed, if the consti- 
tution were not at war with such a presumption, that there was 
jio power given, or intended to be conveyed to the general gov- 
ernment, to command or coerce the military service of any indi- 
vidual citizen. It would appear, that the citizens of the United 
States had obtained letters patent from Heaven for enjoj'ing all 
the benefits of society and of self-government, without risking ei- 
their life or limb — or shedding a drop of blood in their defence. 

While the public delusion on this topic lasted, argument was 
useless. Prejudice, and passion, and irrationality, almost uni 
versally predominated. But every species of folly and madness 
has its day. After its spell is dissolved, it becomes harmless and 
inoffensive. It is then a fair subject of inquiry and investigation. 
The understanding of the public may be addressed with a tolera 
ble chance of success. 

I therefore venture to di«cuss the subject, and solicit the cahr» 
attention of the reader. In case of future wars, from w liich we 
cannot hope to be exempt, it may be of considerable importancb 
I mean the most eligible mode of public defence. 

I therefore undertake to prove these seven propositioHS : 

l.That there is no principle more clearly recognized and es- 
tablished in the constitutions and laws of the several states, than 

THE RIGHT OF SOCIETY TO REqUIBE AND COERCE, AS WELL AS THE 
DUTY OF THE CITIZEN TO AFFORD, MILITARY SERVICE FOR THE 
GENERAL DEFENCE. 

2. That the power of congress to call forth, and order 
the employment of, the militia, in cases of invasion, rebel- 



• In several pni-ts of the union, factious mettinps were held (odenmiiice 
'his plan, whose proceedings were detailed in many of our pnpcrs, hcnde(^ 
in Larg^e letters wJ»h thft words, " SPI^UT OF 7fi." 



APPENDIX. 37/ 

Hon, or inBurrcctioB, is as clearly established as any otlier power 
vested in that body. 

3. That tlie mode of drafting, generally prescribed by the 
militia laws of the several states, is oppressive, unequal, and un- 
just. 

4. That the force so drafted is generally inefficient, and enor- 
mously expensive. 

5. That the system of class'fication is the most impartial — 
the most efficacious — and the least oppressive mode of calling 
into operation the militia, of any of the plans that have ever 
been devised. 

6. That the proposed system of classification prevailed during 
the revolution — and of course, instead of having been bor-owed 
from Bonaparte by our present rulers, was, if borrowed at all, 
borrowed by France frcm this country. 

7. That the classification or conscription system, most elabo-. 
rately matured by General Knox, and stamped with the seal of 
General Washington's approbation, was more strict and exten- 
sive in its provisions, than any of the recent plans. 



CHAPTKEi LXVr. 

Uight of Society to coerce, mid duty of Citizens to afford mili- 
tary service, recognized,, by the Constitutions and laws of tiit 
several states. 

X establish my first point, that "there is no principle 
more clearly recognized and established, in the constitutions 
and laws of the several states, than the right of society to re- 
quire and coerce, as well as the duty of the citizen to alFord, 
military service for the general defence," I submit to the readei^, 
tlie most satisfactory extracts froni the constitutions of New- 
Hampshire, Vermont, Massachusetts, New- York, Pennsylvania. 
Delaware, and Kentucky; and from the militia laws of Massa- 
chusetts, Connecticut, Rhode-Island, New-York, New-Jersey. 
Pennsylvania, Delaware, Maryland, Georgia, and Kentucky. 
These are all the states whose statute books I have been able to 
procure. 

The declaration of rights of the state of New-Hampshire, 
expressly provides that 

<' Every member of '.he comrHunity has a right to be protected by it, in 
the enjoyment of his life, liberty, and property: he is therefore bound to 
contribute liis share to the expense of such protection; and CC/'TO YIELl? 
JIIS PERSONAL SERVICE WHEN NECESSAUY, or an equivalent. 

It gives the governor for the time being complete and plenary 
power, " by himself or any diief commander or officers. *' 



S78 THE OLIVE BRANCH. 

" To train, instruct, exercise, and govern tlie mUitia and navy; and for tii* 
special defence and safety of tlie slate, to :»ssemble in martial array, an(. 
put in warlike posture the inhabitants thereof; and to lead and conduct 
them; and with tliem encounter, repulse, repel, resist, and pursue, by force 
of arms, as well by sea as by land, M'ithin and without the limits of the 
state, every such person qi- persons as shall at any future time attempt the 
destruction, invasion, detriment, or annoyance of tlte state." 

Jt further invests the governor with the mighty aud tremendous 

power, 

" To use and exercise over the army and navy, aud over the militia in ac- 
tual service, THE LAW MARTIAL IN TIME OF WAR, INVASION, 
AND ALSO IN REBELLION, declared by the legislature to exist, as occa- 
sion shall necessarily require.' 



, 5> 



Nothing can be more clear and explicit than these provisions. 
They level in the dust the volumes of rant and declamation, 
which have been uttered in congress, and with which the press 
has teemed, on this important topic. 

The constitution of the state of Massachusetts contains the 
same provisions, couched in the very same words as that of New- 
Hampshire. One has been obviously copied from the other. It 
is therefore unnecessary for me to make any extract from that 
of the former state. I refer the reader to the volume of the 
Constitutions of the United States. 

The constitution of New-York explicitly declares that 
♦' Whereas it is of the utmost importance to the safety of every state, th.it 
it should always be in a condition of defence, and IT IS THE DUTY 
OF EVERY MAN WHO ENJOYS THE PROTECTION OF SOCIETY, 
TO BE PREPARED AND WILLING TO DEFEND IT. Therefore this 
convention, in the name and by the authority of tlie good people of this 
.state, doth ordain, determine, and declare, that the militia of this state, at all 
limes hereafter, as well in peace as in war, shall be ai-med and disciplined, 
and IN READINESS FOR SERVICE." 

The declaration of rights of the constitution of Vermont, 

states that 

<* Every member of society hath a right to be protected in tlie enjoyment 
of life, liberty, and property ,- and therefore is bound to contribute his pro- 
portion towards the expenses of that protection, and YIELD HIS PER- 
SONAL SKrStCE, when necessary, or an equivalent thereto.****Nort.an 
;uiv man who is conscientiously scrupulous of bearing arms, be justly com- 
pelled tlicreto, IF HE WIIJ. PAY SUCH EQUIVALENT." 

The old constitution of Pennsylvania is in unison with those 
already quoted — viz. 

" Every member of society hath a right to be protected in the enjoyment 
of life, liberty, and property; and therefore is bound to contribute liis pro- 
portion towards the expense of that protection, or an equivalent thereto; but 
no part of a man's property can be justly taken from him, and applied to 
pu!)lic uses, without his consent, or that of his legal i-cprosentatives: nor can 
any man who is conscientiously scrujiuloiis of bearing amis, be justly com- 
pelled tliereto, if he will pay such an ecjuivaknt." 

The existing constitution of Pennsylvania is equally clear: 

" The frecmrnof this commonwealth shall be aimed nnd disciplined for 



ArPENDIX. 379 

. lis detence. Those who consci:ntiously scruple to bear nrms, shall rot b« 
compelled to do so; but iXj' shall pay an equivalent tor pci'sonal strvicc." 

Kentucky holds the same language — 

•' The fretnien of this coninionwcalth (nc.yioes, miilattoes, and IntUansejj* 
Cepted) Xj= shall be anned and disciplined fur its defence. Those vho coti- 
scientiously scruple to bear arms, shall not be compelled to do so; but 
OO'shall pay an equivalent for personal service." 

The old constitution of Delaware had a clause nearly verbatim 
-.vith some of the preceding — 

"Every member of society hath a tight to be protected in the enjoyment 
of life, liberty, and })ropeity; and isthei-ofore bound to contribute his propor- 
tion towards' the experise of that protection, and j^'VlELD lilS PEKSOXAL 
SERVICE, when necessary, or an equivalent thereto." 

I presume I mie;ht here dismiss the subject. It is impossible 
to resist the conviction the foretj;oing clauses flash on the mind^ 
Tliey strike dead cavilling and casuistiy, declamation and sophis- 
try, as with the forked lightning. The wisest and best men of 
seven states, engaged in the all-important duty of framing formfs 
of government for their feliow citizens, solemnly recognize the 
paramount right of society to coerce, and the imperious duty of 
the citizen to aftord personal service, or an equivalent, for the 
general defence. And the intelligent and respectable men, who 
framed the constitutions of New-Hampshire and Massaciiusetts, 
invested the governors with the power fo lead the militia in pur- 
suit of an enemy, "within and ivithoid the state,'^^ and to exercise 
MARTIAL LAW on themilitia, as well as on the regular army, 

I now proceed to detail the legal provisions on this points 'i'hey 
will be found equally clear and conclusive. 1 begin with Mas- 
sachusetts. 

"Whenever the lyovernor, or commander in Chief, shaH order a detach- 
ment from tlie militia aforesaid, and any person who shall be detached in 
obedienceof such orders, being- duly noiified thereof, .and ordered to march 
to the place ot rendezvous, shall neglect or refuse to obey such order, or siiall 
not, witliin twentv-four hours after he '.hall have been notified us aforesaid, 
pay a nne often peunds to the captain or commandin.;^ officer of the company 
to which he shall belong', or procure an able-bodied man in his stead, 
0::rSUCH PERSON SHAi.L BE CONSIDERED AS A SOLDIER IN SUCH 
DETACHMENT, AND BE DE \LT WITH ACCORDINGLY; and m all ca- 
ses where the said Hne shall be i^aid, the same shall be appiifcd to hu ing 
men for any service which shall be reciuired of the comjjany under the com- 
mand of the captain or officer who shall receive the same."* 

Should aity commissioned officer of the militia refuse to make 
a detachment from the corps under his command, for the purpos* 
of repelling invasion, suppressuig insurrection, &c. then 

* Permanent laws of MassacJiusette, vol.1, paj^c 31-i 

50 



580 THE OLIVE BRANCH, 

» Tn addition to the punishment which may be inflicted by virtue ot any 
act for regulating the militiu, if convicted thereof before the justices ot tha 
supreme'judiciu! court.he shall be subject to be fined in a sum not exceeding 
fifty pounds, and to be adjudged incapable of sustaining any office in ttiis 
coiiiinonwcalth for a term not exceeding ten years; to either orboUiot the- 
saidpeniihies according to the aggravation of the offtnce and circumstances 
of the oilender, us to the justices of tlie said court shall seem meet. 

" And be it further enacted, That if any person, whether non-commis- 
sioned officer or private, and belonging either to the train band or alarm 
list, who shall be detached or ordered to march tor the support ot the civil 
authority, or suppression of any insurrection, existing or apprehended, as 
foresaid, shall refuse or neglect to march, irmed and equipped, in the man- 
ner and at the time which the officer by whom he shall be detached shall di- 
rect, or shall desert or leave the service Irefore he shall be reg-ularly disc harg^ 
ed, if convicted thereof before the justices of the supreme judicial court, he 
shall be subject to be fined at the discretion of the said court, in a sum not 
exceeding ten pounds. 

"And be it further enacted by the authority aforesaid. That if any person, 
in public or private conversation, or by any ways or means, shall dissuade or 
endeavour to prevent any miUtary ofhcer from performing the duty required 
of him by this act, or any person or persons, detached or ordered to march 
for the purpose aforesaid, from marching to the place of rendezvous, or 
from crmtinuing in the service until regularly disch:u-ged, each pei-son so of- 
fending, being convicted thereof, as aforesaid, shi.U pay a fine to the use of 
tlie coiiimonwcakh, 7iot exceetliii^ FIFTY POUNDS, aiid shall recognize for 
liis good behaviour for a term not exceeding three years*'* 

I hope the reatler will compare these sectiohs with the most 
rigorous of those contained in Mr. Monroe's or Mr. Giles's plans. 
Candour v/ill compel him to acknowledge, that the latter are in- 
comparably less burdensome and oppressive than the former. 

The statute of Connecticut respecting the militia, adopts the 
resulation of the act of cfmgress, whereby every free able-bodied 
white man, between the ages of 18 and 45, is declared subject 
to militia duty. It further exempts quakers from that duty, on 
;he payment of three dollars and -thirty cents per annum. It 
then invests the captain-general with power, in certain specified 
cases, to order out even the whole of the militia or military force 
of the state. 1 siibmit the very strong and expressivi clause to 
the reader: 

" 'I'he captain general, or. In his absence, the next commanding officer of 
state, is hereby authorised and empowered, as he may judge necessary upon 
the occasion, on an alarm, hivasion, or notice of the appearance of an ene- 
my, either by sea or land, to order out the "WHOLF or any part of the mil- 
it;a'y force of this state,- to assemble and put tlic same in warlike rrder, and 
'he same to lead, order, and employ for the assistance or relieving any of the 
■nhabitants of this state, attucked by an enemy, or in danger thereof; and 
generally to issue and jiublish, by proper .staff or orderly officer, such or- 
ders as he shall judge expedient, to carry into execution the intent and de- 
sign of this act."f 

The militia law of New- York is equally clear and explicit"^ 

* Idem, page 330. 

\ Statute laws of Comiccticul, page 310 



APPENDIX. 331 

«^ The coinmander in clieif of this state may, in case of invasion or other 
emcreeacy, when he shall iudjre it necessary, order out— VNV I'liO.'UK- 
TION UF Tilli MlLiriA Ob' THIS Sl'Art: TO MAUGil lO \NV i^VKl' 
THEKEO?, and continue as long; as he may think necessary : and hkewise 
may in consequence of an application of tlie executive of any of ttic United 
Stales, on an invasion or insurrection, or an appreliension of an iin'asion of 
3ucn sUie,— AT HIS DlSUUlil'iOM order ASV NUMBCit UF THE MI- 
LITIA, not exceediiiij one thud part tliereof,— iX) SUCH STA I'E ; Frovi- 
ded. That they be not con^pelled to continue on duty out of this state more 
than forty days at any one tinu'; that v/liile in actual service, in consequence 
of bemg cahed out, they sh:ill receive the same pay and rations, and be sub- 
ject to the same rules and regulations as tlie troops of Uic United Stat<5s of 
America."* 

New-Jersey has not been deficient in making similaf pro- 
vision tor the public safety. Her militia law declares, 

« That the commander in chief of this state, for the time bein^, may, in 
case of invusion or other einerj^ency, — WHEN HE SHALL JUDGE 11' NE- 
CESSARY, order out any pi oportion of liie mihtia of this sUte, to march to 
any part tlicrcoi, and continue us long as ne may think it necessary, not ex- 
ceeding two moiitlis."f 

She imposes a heavy and btirdensome fine on delinquents 
—a fine which the poorer classes cannot pay, and which of 
course, inevitably compels them to the service. 

*' Any person ref ising or neglecting to perform his tour of dutj% or to pro- 
cure a substitute, shall pay a fiiie of twenty dollars for every such neglect or 

refusal.^ 

" If any mililia man shall detert while he is ou a tour of duty, he shall be 
fined in anvsum not exceechng twenty dollars for c>ery such otlence ; or may 
be imprisoned for any time not exceeding two mouths, at the discretion ot » 
OJurt martial; and if a nDn-commissioncd officer, he shall also be degraded and 
placed in the ranks."§ 

1 next proceed to state the law in Pennsylvania.— The 
same good sense that presided over the decision on this sub- 
ject in the other states, is discernible here : 

" Whenever it may be necessary to call into actual service any part ot the 
militia, in case of rebellion", or actual threatened invasion, of this or any ot 
the neighbouring states, then— it shall and mav be lawful for the governor to 
order into actual service, SUCH PART QF THE MlUri-V, BY CEASES, AS 
THE EXIGENCY MAY REQUIRE ; provided that the part so called, doth 
not exceed four classes of the militia erf" any brigade.''l| 

" If any militiaman shall desert while he is on a tour of duty, — he shall be 
fined thirty-two dollars for every such offence, and be obliged to march on 
the next tour of duty, under the same penalties as at first. If a non-commis- 
sioned officer shall so deseri, he shall be degraded, and placed in the ranks ; 
shall pay a fine of thirty-sLx dollars '; and be obliged to serve another tour as 
a private."^ 

<' The militia of this sUte, while in the actual service thereof, or oi the 
United States,— shall be subje?t to the same rules and regulations as th- 
federal army."** 

* Laws ofthe state of New -York, vol. I page 512. 
f Patterson's laws of New- Jersey, page 441. 

* Idem, page 442. § Idem, page 443. 

U Purdon's Abridgment of the Laws of Pennsylvania, p 38.". 
^ Idem, p. 384. ** Idem, p. 386. 



iiS^ THE OLIVE BRANCH 

The little state of Delaware recognizes the same princi- 
ples'—the same rights— the same duties — of which I have 
shewn the recognition in so many other states. 

" The governor shall have full power and authority, in case of an invasion, 
rebellion, or insurrection within this state. — or any of the neighbouring 
states, to call into service — such part of the militia by classes, as to him shall 
seem necessary ; and in case of the absence of the j^overnor of this state, on 
any insurrection, rebellion, or invasion, the commanding officer of each bri- 
gude is liereby authorized and directed to issue his orders to call out such 
{5art of the militia as he may judge immediately necessary "* 

The provisions of the militia law of Maryland are equally 
strong and unequivocal. 

«' In all cases where a militia man may be drafted to perform a tour of duty^ 
under the laws of this state, — he shall be considered as a soldier and — liable' 
to all the duties as such, unless he shall furnish a substitutei and the heU' 
tenant^colonel of the regiment, or commandlug afficer of 'he extra battalion, 
as the c^se may be, to which he may belong, shall be the sole judges of the 
quahfication of said substitute ; and — may receive or reject him at their dis- 
cretion."f 

" If a sudden invasion shall be made into any county in this state, or in case 
of an insurrection in any county, the commanding officer in such county is 
hereby AUTHORISED AND REQUIRED to order out THE WHOLE, ot 
such part of his militia as he may think necessarv, and in such manner as he 
may think best, for repelling such invasion, or suppressing such insurrection ; 
and shall call on the commanding officers of regiments in the adjacent counj 
ties, tor such aid as he may think necessaiy ; who yhall forthwitli iu like 
manner furnish the same."+ 

By the militia law of the state of Georgia, every male cit- 
izen, who has resided wittiin the state for ten days., if of tlie 
proper age, is subject to perform military duty.§ This car- 
ries the right of society to coerce the citizens to military duty 
:.i\ public defence, to the utmost extent. 

The duty of the governor, in the case of insurrection or inva- 
sion, is as explicitly and unequivocally stated in the militia law 
of Georgia, as in the laws already quoted : 

« His excellency the governor is hereby empowered to assemble and em- 
body such part of the nulitia of the state as he may from tiine to time think 
iiecessai-y, to repel any invasion, insurrection, or rebellion, which may hap- 
pen within the same, and to order such officers to command the said militia 
as he mp.y see fit." 11 

Kentucky has been equally mindful of the great duty of. 
r.iaking adequate provision for tlie public safety, with her sister 
states: 

" Every able-bodied male citizen, of this or any ot tlie United States, resi- 
ding in this state, who is of the ageof eigiiteen .lad'under forty-five, shall 
be enrolled by the commanding officer of the oo:t»pany wilhiii whose boun k 
lie may reside."** 



♦ L-iws of Delaware, (Wilmington'' 1793,) p. 213. 
f Kdty's Laws of Maryland, vol. II. 1798, chap.c. 
% Ibid. ^ Digest of Laws of Georgia, page '160. 

•J Idem, page 465 
*• Toulmin's Law? oi"Kentucky, p. 78 



APPENDIX. 38S 

'• rhe governor shall have power to call forth such parts of the militia as 
be may judi?e necessary, in time of war, invasion^ or insurrection, or when 
the danger may be such that tlic public safety shall require it. 
^ " The militia, when in the service of this state, shall be governed by the 
articles of wav, which shall be in force m the contincnUl army."* 

By the law of Rhode Island, like the others I have quoted, 
the militia, when in actual service, are regarded as soldiers, and 
subject to martial law — 

" ^Vhenever the militai'y force of tliis state, or any part thereof, shall be 
called into actual service, it shall be subject to the articles of war, prescribe 
ed by congress for the government of the troops of the United States."| 

These are, as I have already observed, all the states whose 
statute laws I have been able to procure. They are, 1 presuuiej 
adequate to the purpose. It is not to be doubted, that similar 
jirovisions exist in all the others. 



CHAPTER LXVII. 

^ower of Congress to call out the Militia, The usual mode of 
drafting oppressive, unequal, and unjust. 

MY second position is, " that the power of congress to call 
forth, and order the employment of, the militia, is as clearly es- 
tablished as any other power vested in that body." 

The general defence of the nation is confided to congress. 
This is their incumbent duty, Tlie means and power to perform 
ihis duty are vested in them by the constitution. They are au- 
thorized and empowered — 

" To raise and support armies-" 
The exercise of this power has not been, nor can it be, called 
in question. They are further authorized and empowered.— 

"To provide for calling forth the militia to execute tlie laws of the union; 
suppress insui'rections; and repel invasions." 

i beg the reader will carefully examine this clause over and 
over. It requires the most serious and sober reflection. Here 
is a clear, explicit and most unequivocal power given to the 
general government by the constitution of the Unifed btates, to 
call forth the militia in three specific cases. One is " to repel 
invasion^ The country was '' tJivcc/ef/," during the last w.'ir. 
And yet every attempt to carry this power into operation, in 
the mode most efficient and least burdensome, was oppo-sed ani 
defeated by men of high standing, great talents, and professing 
a sacred regard to the honour and interests of their country! ! ! 
And the whole of the opposition rested on the absurd, the unten- 

• *Idem, p. 80. 

f Public Laws of the state of Rhode Island and Providence Plantationt 
Providence, 1798. Page 440. 



384 THE OLIVE BRANCIlo 

able grouiul of the measure being ^^unconstitutional.'^ Andf 
this wretched pretext was blindly admitted and defended by a 
large portion of our citizens ! It will be difficult for posterity to 
give credence to the existence of such miserable lolly on thip 
part of their ancestors, who had nearly put on record the mod- 
est declamation, that they weve the most enlightened nation on 
the surface ot the globe. 

As a specimen of the declamation used on this subject, I annex 
a short extract irom a speech delivered by Cyrus King, member 
of the house of representatives of the United States, from the 
state of Massachusetts. 

" If what I have urged, will not induce you to arrest the progress of this 
bill, I appeal to yon, I beseech you, as friends to humanity, to spare the tears 
wJiich the passage of this bill will cause to flow ! I appeal to you as fathers, , 
by everv endearing tie which binds you ti you.' children, not to deprive the ' 
aged parent of the child of his youth ! the support and solace of his de- 
clining years ! lest you bring his gi'ay hairs with sorrow to the grave ! I en- 
treat you to make the case your own ! suppose a darling child ! an only son 
snatched from you by the scourge of war ! in the language of griel' and of ■ 
nature, you would exclaim : «• WGuld to God I liad died for thee, O Absolom, 
my son 1 my son !" 

This was the miserable rant by which our fathers and ou,r 
mothers — our wives and our children — our towns and our citie 
were deprived of protection, and, but for tiie peace, would hav> 
been delivered defeiiceless to the enemy ! 

Mr. Miller, of New York was equally eloquent in his denun- 
dations of this system. 1 lay before the readers a specimen oi 
the cogent ?in(i.co7ivincing arguments he used :• — 

" I object, sir, to the whole system of force and coercion: and contend 
chat under tliis constitution you have no right to raise armies except by vol- 
«ntaiy enlistment; and further, that if you. hud the right, it would not be 
thscreet to exercise it. 

" The plan which gentlemen wish adopted is conscription ! They call it 
classification and penalty — classification and draft — sir, there is poison in the 
dish; garnish it as you please, there ie poison still. Vou call it classification! 
I stickle not for names — " a rose by any other name would smell as sweet." 
Is this classification f "Disguise thyself as thou wilt, slavery, still thou art i 
bitter draught." The times demand that things should be called by the 
eight names — this is conscription, and with features, more hideous, Uian are 
to be found in the exploded system of our unfortunate cousin of Elba. 

" By this system the people of these United States, will be instunt'y and 
forcibly transformed into soldiers — the ordinary pursuits of life must be a 
b-^ndoned, for the perils and vexations of a camp ! Our peaceful occupations, 
must be forsaken. The merchant must quit his counting house; the farmer 
his plough; the mechanic his workshop; the professional man his pursuit 
—all, all must become soldiers ! — Our sons and our brothers, those who ai' 
to 'he the « I'uture men oi this countrj-, instead of layuig the foundation foi 
future usefulness, must be subjected to the moral and physical evils of a 
Cfamp. AH \\\c habits of domestic life must be annihilated, and all its endear- 
ments outraged or disregarded. The husband must be torn frorj his wife and 
chil(hen, and the child forcibly separated from the society and protection 
of his parents. I betcech g;entlcmen to pause before* thrv rcfiture upon ^ 
^'Stera like thi'; ' 



APPENDIX. 385 

** This pl:ia violates the constitution of your countiy; it iii\ ades the rights 
tjf the state governments; it is a direct infringement' of tlielr sovcreitrnty- 
it concentrates all power in the general government, and deprives the states 
of tlieir •«nece6sar> security." It docs away all claim to personal freedom- 
it is a daring attempt ui^ou the rights and liberties of tJiis peuulc. ' 

'' Armies are the forces of the United States, with which they are to carry 
on their wars; and are subject to their exclusive jurisdiction and controuJ 
But the militia are the state troops, whicii congress nave no power to raise — 
They are a force existing, known and acknowledged at the time of the adon 
tion of this constituticn; existing without tlie aid or occurrence of the 
general government. Tne genera' power over the militia resides in the 
states; a particular authority for objects defined, was carved out of tliat e-en- 
eral power, and grant-^d to the United States." ° 

When the reitder has attentively perused all this rhapsody 
and is almost convinced of the frightful despotism whicii was 
preparing to swallow up our freedom and liappiness, in order to 
calm the ebullitions of his indignation — to restore his tranquility 
— he has only to read two lines of the constitution granting- the 
power, and dictating the tluty of the general governineiltf"fo 
call forth the militia, to repel invasion.'' Let'him then ascer- 
tain the fact, that the country was actually invaded at the very 
time when Mr. Miller so confidently in the face of the constitu- 
tion, dared to assert that " the militia are the state troops, whicli 
congress have no power to raised When he has proceeded thus 
far, he will soon be convinced that all the long, declamatory and 
inflammatory speeches on Urs subject, which occupied so many 
weeks of the time of congress, were mere ^^ sound and f urn." 

To return. The constitution further authorizes the ^-eneraj 
government — 

« To provide for organizing, arming, and disciplining the militia; and fo!- 
governing such part of them as may be einploved in tbe service of the 
United States." 

This last power is merely limited and qualified by the reser- 
vation, to the several states, of Uie appointment of oflicers and 
of training the men. Tiie limitation is in these words: 

« Roservihg to the states respectively the appointment of the officers and 
the authority of training the militia, according to the discipline propose'd bv 
congress." 

A calm and candid review of these clear delegations of power, 
cannot fail to result in a conviction, that in all cases of obstruc- 
tions to the laws — of insurrection — or invasion — the rijrht, tbt 
power, and the duty of congress, to order out the u)iliti:i, is !^ 
clear a right, power, and duty, as ever were conveyed or ordaiti- 
ed by any instrument, public or private. It follows, that the at-- 
tempt to defeat this grant of power, was anti-federal andfactioui^.^ 
arid had a tendency to destroy the governmento 



386 THE OLIVE BRANClJt. 

I SHALL now proceed to prove, " that the existing mode of 
drafting the militia, is oppressive, unequal and unjust." 

In nearly all the states, as we have seen, the governor is em- 
poweredj in certain specific cases, to call the militia into service, 
m such numbers and proportions as he may judge proper. He 
possesses plenary discretionary powers. He may raise the 
-.vhole in three or four counties, or he may divide them equally 
among all the counties in the state. 

This discretionary power ?.s highly exceptionable on the ground 
of favouriteism, and is in direct hostility with the general spirit 
of all our institutions, which universally define duties and limit 
powers with great precision. It will not, it cannot be denied, 
that it is liable to considerable abuse. 

But I shall not consider the danger of its abuse. The dis- 
cussion of this objection, gi*eat and powerful as it is, does not 
come within my present plan. 1 shall suppose the power exer- 
cised with sound judgment and strict impartiality, so far as the 
latter requisite is compatible with the present system. It is still 
liable to the most serious and solid objections. It is radically 
and incurably defective. Its operation is unjust, unequal, and 
oppressive. Let us examine how it is carried into operation. 

Supposing there are ten counties in a state, each containing 
10,000 militia — and that the presence of an invading foe induces 
the president to make a call upon the governor for a draft of 
6,000 men. It is obvious, that the most equitable and impartial 
mode ot drafting them, according to the present miserable sys- 
tem, will be, to make a requisite of 500 out of each county. But 
the call is generally made on two or three neighboxuhoods, a^ 
near to the place of danger as possible, while the remainder of 
the state is wholly exempt. The extreme oppression and injus- 
tice of this mode is too palpable to require enforcement. And it 
is impossible to remove the radical injustice of this plan; for in 
whatever way they are drawn, the burden, the risk of health 
and life, the sacrifice of business, the expenses of a camp, and 
all the other disadvantages of military duty, which ought to be 
borne or paid for equally by 100,000 persons, falls exclusively 
on 5,000. It is impossible for the human mind to conceive of 
any system more unequal, more unjust, more absurd, or more 
contemptible. Five thousand citizens bear all the burden of 
military service, for the protection of 95,000, who neither run 
risk, incur expenses, nor suffer any inconvenience ! 

It is an arduous task to impress the public mind with a 
correct sense of the folly or absurdity of laws or customs, 
ivhich havie ^^growti with tJie growW* of society. Thie 



lendt^rs it dilficult, in ail countries, to ^ain a fair or patient 
• hearing for ai-guments against the established order of thinjrs, 
however contrary to reason, common sense, or common jus- 
tice. But let us, in order to display the injustice of this 
wretched principle, extend it to the alfair of taxation. Tlii« 
will render it more palpable and striking. Suppose a law- 
were passed to oblige 5,000 men to pay all the taxes of 95,000 
others who were themselve^j to be totally exempt from tax- 
ation ! What an uproar would it not excite ! The Clamour 
would be loud and general with the parties tliat sulFered the 
injustice, who would by force resist th« operation of it. Yet 
the injustice of such a law is far inferior to that of the ex- 
isting militia system, to whicli we submit without murmur — 
and not merely submit without murmur, but were of late sense- 
lessly ready to rise in insurrection, to prevent any meliora- 
tion of such vile oppression t I say inferior ; because the bur- 
den of military service is far more oppressive than the bur- 
den of taxation. If this do not prove the propriety, truth, 
and justice of our claim to the title of <' the most enlighten- 
ed nation in the world," I am afraid it will never be es- 
tablished. 



CHAPTER LXVIIl. 

Inefficiency of ^nilitia genernlly. Extravagantly expensive. 
General Washington's te&timony on. the iubject Jnll and 
complete,. 

iyi.Y fourth position is, that " the force thus drafted is 
generally inefficient, and ruinously expensive." 

At present the militia are collected toijcther in a disorder- 
ly and irregular manner. The materials arc as discordant 
and incoherent as the miiul can conceive. They are 
unaccustomed to discipline — they have verj' loose ideas on the 
subject of subordination. They have little experience — less 
military skill — little confidence in themselves — little in their 
officers — and their officers are not so v6id of justice afs 
to lavish any large portion of confidence on them.* 

* " To place any dependence on militia,— is assuredly resting- upon a bre, 
ken staff' — men just dragged from the tender scenes of domestic life — unac- 
customed to tile din of arms — totally unacquairiled witli every kind of mili- 
tary skill ; which being followed by want of confidence in themselves, when 




(particularly in tlie lodging) bi-ings on sickness in many, impatience in all. 
and such an unconquerable desire of i-etuming to tlieir respectiA'e homes, that, 

51 



S^8 THE OLIVE BRANCH. 

Suppose them, thtis assembled, thus officered, thufe qualified—, 
to encouoter a disciplined foe of half their numbers, ^CT'intht 
open field. And we must take the open field into our calculation. 
Lamentable would be the issue. On the one side would be a. 
band of hardened desperadoes, inured to slaughter — reposing 
full reliance in their officers — and marching forward with that 
confidence in themselves, which is the harbinger and presage of 
victory. On the otiier, men utterly undisciplined — distrusting 
each other, and distrusting themselves — and under officers cho- 
sen, in most eases, not for their military talents and endowments, 
but for companionable qualities, which, however agreeable in 
the social circle, are of no avail in the tented field. 

The mind sickens at the contemplation of the result. Nothing 
short of a miracle, can render it prosperous to the militia. The 
chances are immensely against them. They may be said literal- 
ly to be led to slaughter — the result being a most frightful ear- 
nage. 

There is a further consideration, which greatly enhances the 
horror of this contemplation. The materials of the two hostile 
bodies are as different as can be conceived. On one side are to 
be seen in the ranks, some of the most invaluable of our citizens, 
men with lar^e families, whose future happiness depends on their 
preservation-uiture Washingtons, or Franklins,or Livingstons, or 
Pickinsons. On the other, a coiigei-ies of the refuse of society in all 
parts of Europe. What a contrast! It is in fact a game of haz- 
ard, at which guineas are staked against ceiits — and at whick 
it is impossible ever to equalize the stakes. 

That some of the best men in the world are destitute of per- 
gonal courage — and that some of the worst are abundantly sup- 
plied with it, is v/ell known to every man who has even but 
superficially rcflerted on human nature. Courage is a constitu- 
tional quality, which, when not imparted by nature, can hardly 
ever be acquired. And it therefore follows, that in these com- 

iiulsory embodyings of militia, there will be often found men who, 
lowever useful they may ht in civil life, are wholly unsuitable for 
the camp. Inability to pay for a substitute, or a false shame, 
may lead many of these men to obey the summons to the field. 
And when the clangor of arms sounds, nature, whose voice has 
been disregarded, asserts her sway. Ten men of this descrip- 
tion »nay, by spreading a panic, cause the defeat of an entire ar- 
my. 



it not only produces sluimelul .ind scandalous desertions among' themselves, 
but infuses the like spirit into others." Cieueral Washington's letters, Lor, 
don edition, vol. I. pnyc ^70. 



APPENDIX. 389 

ill political economy, as in all other sciences, it may be laid 
down as an incontrovertible maxim, that wherever there is a 
strong ami striking opposition between fact and theory, the lat- 
Jter is a fallacious guide, which cannot fail to lead its votaries as- 
tray. When theories are supported by facts, they rarely mislead. 

The American revolution is fraught with tacts on the subject 
of the militia, which hold out the most unerring admonitions. 

The letters of General Washington tu congress are replete 
with complaints of the ruinous results, and of the inefficiency 
of the militia system of the United States. They fully prove, 
moreover, that the cost ot militia service is extravagantly high— - 
and that a dependence on militia for regular or continued ser- 
vice, is attended with the utmost danger. 

There is no authority on any subject whatever, more com 
inanding, or more decisive, than that of General Washington, 
upon militia defence. In no nation was it ever, as far as I know, 
more fully and completely essayed, than in the United States, 
durinf the war that eventuated in the acknowledgement of 
their independence. No man, therefore, ever had a fairer op- 
portujiity of judging on this topic — and there is no man on 
v/hose judgment more reliance could be placed. 

As this is a subject of vital importance to this nation — as our 
own happiness, and that of our posterity, as well as the safety 
and independence of the country may, and probable will, de- 
pend upon a correct system of defence, I have judged it pro- 
per to protluce the most ample display of the general's experience 
on the subject. 

An examination of the dates will shew that the evils com- 
menced with the very dawn of the revolution. -For the first 
complaint of the general is contained in a letter, dated. July 10, 
1775, not two months after the battle of Lexington. 

July lOtli, 1775. 
" All the general officers agree, that no dependenca can be put on the 
tnilitia, for a continuance in camp, or regularity and disciplin* during the 
short time they may stay."* 

July 14th, 1775. 
"From some authentic and later advices of, the state of the ministerial 
troops, and the great inconvenience of calling in the miUtia in the midst of 
liarvest, I have been induced for the present to wave it."t 



* Officers Letters to the honourable the American Congress, written dur- 
ing the war between the United States and Great Britain, by his excellency 
General Washington. London, 1795 : vol. I. p. 7. 

f idem., pag^e 9. 



390 niE ULIVE BRANCH. 

February 9tli, 1776. 

" Though I am sensible thai we never have, since that period, been ab*£ 
to act upon tlie ottcnsive, and at times not in a condition to defend, yet the 
cost of marching home one set of men — bringing in another — the havoc and 
waste occasioned by tlie first — the repairs necessary for Oie second — witlia 
thousand incidental charges and inconvenience;^ which have arisen, and 
wliich it is scarcely possible either to recollect or describe— amount to near 
asmv'.ch as the keeping up a respectable body of troops the whole time, rea- 
lly for any emergency, wcmld have done. To bring' men well acquainted with 
the duties of a soldier, requires time. To bring them under proper discipline 
iind siibordination, not only requires time, but is a work of great difficulty; 
and in this army, where there is so little distinction between the officers 
•and soldiers, requires an uncommon degree of attention."* 

" Again, men of a day's standing will not look forward: and from experi- 
ence we find, that, as the time approaches for their discharge, they grow 
careless of tlveir arms, ammunition, camp utensils, Sec. Nay, even the bar- 
racks themselves have felt uncommon marks of wanton depredation, and lay 
us under fresh ti'ouble and additional expense in providing for every fresh 
set, when we find it next to impossible to procure such articles as are abso- 
lutely necessary in the first instance. To this may be added the seasoning 
which new recruits must have to a camp, and the loss «onsequent thereup- 
on. But tliis is not all — men, engaged for a short limited time only, have 
the officers too much in their power; for, to obtain a degree of popularitv, 
in order to induce a second enlistment, a kind uf fimiliavity takes place, 
which brings on a relaxation of discipline, unlicensed furloughs, and other 
indulgences, incompatible with ordSr and good government."! 

"There are yet but few companies of the niiUtia come in. This delay 
will, I am much afraid, frustrate the intention of their being called upon, as 
the season is slipping fast away when they may be of service.^" 

April 4tli, 1-776. 

"I heartily wish the money had arrived soojier, tliat the militia might 
have been paid as soon as their time of service expired. The disappointment 
has given tliem great uneasiness, and they are gone home much dissatisfied."^ 

" 1 would also mention to congress, that the militia regi.iients m liith were 
1.-i?t called upon, in making up their -'abtracts, charged pny — the ofFicerS, 
from the time they received orders to n-ise compaviies—and tlie privates, 
from the lime they respectively engaged to come or were called upon, thoii^^'h 
<liey did not march for a considerable time after — some not within three, 
tour, to twenty days, during all v.hich tliey remair.ed at home about their 
©vvn private afTaiss, without doing any thing else tlian " preparing for tlie 
march," as they say, by way of plea."^ 

.lidy 17th, 1779. 

"Tlie Connecticut light-liorsc, mentioned in n)y ietter oftliclltli, nc;t- 
withstanding their then promise to continue here for tlte defence of this 
place, are now discharged, and are abouc to retui'nhome — having perompto- 
yily refused all kind of fatigue duty, or even to mount guard, claiming e.\- 
emjjtion as troopers. Though their assistance is much needed, and niig'ht 
l>e of essential service in case of an attack, yet 1 judged it advisable, on their 
•iinplication and claim of such Indulgence, to discharge them; as granting 
them would set an exampie to others, and miglu prothice many ill coiise- 
^juences. The number of men included in the last return, by this is lessened 
3/3out live hundred."" -, • 

August 18th, 1776, 

"TliCy [the British] mean to procrastinate thilr operations for some time 



* 'dcm, page 87. jldem, page 88. tldcm, page 91 

^'Ideiu, page n» 1 lJcui,,page 120 •♦ Idem, page 198. 



i 



APPENDIX. ;}.!. 

trusting- tliat Uie militia which have come ft) our succour will .soon becoraj 
tired auJ return home, as is but too usual with them."* 

Agust 19th, 1776. 

'• Governor Trumbull, in a letter of the 13th, iidvicesme that ward's ie£>-I. 
ment, in the service of tlie states, was on the march to this arnij', and that he 
and his council of safety had in the whole ordercel fourteen militia regiments 
to reinforce us. Three of them have arrived, and amount to about thov.sand 
and twenty men. When the whole come in, we shall be on a much more 
respectable footing than we have been : but I greatly fear, if t!ie enenir defer 
their attempt for any considerable time, they will be extremely impatient to 
return home; and if they should, we shall be reduced to distress n^ain""!- 

Scptomber 2cl. iYTG. 

" The militia, instead of callin,^ forth their utmost efi'orts to a brave and 
manly opposition in order to repair our losses, arc disma\ed, intractable, and 
impatient to return. Great numbers of them have gone oi\- — hi some instances, 
almost by whole regiments, by half ones, and by companies at a time. This 
circumstance, of itself uidependfent of others, whenfrojited by a well apoin- 
ted enemy, superior ht number to our whole collected force, would be suffi- 
ciently disagreeable — but, when their example has infected another part of 
the army — when their want of dicipliue, and refusal of almost every kind of 
re traint and government, have produced a like conduct but too common to 
the whole and entire disregard oftliat order and subordination necessary to 
the well doing of an army, and which had been incidcatcd before as well as 
rtie nature of our military establishments would admit of — our condition is 
still more alarhaing ; and with the deepest concern 1 am obliged to coiifess 
my want of cor.fiaence in the generality of the troops. 

" Ail these circumstances fully confirm tlie opinion I ever entertained, and 
wdiicli I more than once in my letters took the lil>erty ot mentioning to con- 
gTess, that no dependence could be put on militia, or other troops than those 
enlisted and embodied for a longer period tlian our regulatioiu heretofore 
have prescribed. I am persuaded, and as fully confirmed asl am of any one 
fact that has happened, that our liberties must of necessity be greatly hazard- 
ed, if not entirely lost, if their defence is left to any but a permanent standing- 
army — I mean one to exist during tiie war. Nor would the expence iiici 
deut to tile support ofsucli a body of troops hs v.'ould be competent to al- 
most eveiy exigenc)-, far exceed that which is daily incurred by calling- ia 
succour, and new enlistments, which, v/hen effected, are not attended v,ith 
any good consc«iuences. Men who have bean free, and subject to no con- 
troul, cannot be reduced to order in an instant ; and the privileg'es and e.- 
emptions they claim and will have, inHuence the conduce of other^ ; and tr.s 
aid derived from them is nearly counterbalanced by tiie disorder, irregular- 
'ty, an I cunfusion, they occi>.sion."t 

September 4rh,1776. 

" The militia, under vaiio;^is pretences, of sickness, he. are daily dim.inish- 
:n^ ; and in a little time, I am persuaded, their, mumber will be very incoa- 
siderable."§ ' 

September 8th, 1776. 

" The militia from Connecticut is reduced from 6UU0 to 2000, .ind, in a 
fow days will be merely nommal. Theari-ival of some Maryland t: oops, &c 
f;om the Hying camp, basin a g'reat degree supplied tlie loss of men ; but liie 
ammunition they have carried away will be a loss«sensibly felt. The nn- 
pulse forgoing home was so irresistible, it answered no purpose too;>pose it. 
Tliough 1 \vbuld notdiscliarge, I have been obliged to actjuiesce; and it aftordi 
one more melancholy proof, how delusive sucU dependencies are."^ 

September 20th, 1776. 

" It is a melancholy and painful consideration to those who arc concerned 
in -the work, and have the command, to be forming arniies constantly, and to 

* Ider.!, page -32. j Idem, page 233. t Idenij page 244, 

§ Idem, page 246, 1 Idem, p^ige 25o. 



39x; THE OLIVE BRANCH. 

be left by tj-oops just when tlicy begin to desen'C the nartie, or perhaps av -.. 
moment when an iniporUint blow is expected* 

September 24th, 1776. 

<' The thirteen mihtia regiments from ronnecticut being rediiced to 
a little more than 700 men, rank und file, nt for duty, I have tliought propev 
to discharge the whole, to Siive the st:ites the immense charge that would 
Arise for officers' paj'. There are many militia, too, Uiut have just come in, and 
on theirway from that state, none of whom are provided witli a tent, or a 
single camp utensil. This distresses-me beyond measure."! 

, September 24th, 1776. 

« Again: men accustomed to unbounded freedom and no controul, cannot 
broolcihe restraint which is indispensably" necessary to the good order and 
government of an army; without \v hich licentiousness and every kind of dis- 
order reign. To bring men to a proper degree of subordiualioa is not tlie 
tvork of a dav, a month, or even a year: and, unhappily for us and the cause 
we are engaged in, Uie little discipline I have been labouring to establish in 
the aimy iinder my immediate command is in a manner done away by liav- 
ing such a mixture of troops as have been called together within these few 
months.":!: 

" Relaxed and unfit as our mles and regulations of war are for the gov- 
ermnt;at of an an-ny. the militia (those properly so called, for of these we 
have two .sorts — tlie six months* men, and tliose sent in for temporary aid) 
do not think themselves subject to them, ai-.d therefore take liberties the 
soldier is pimished for. This ci-eates jealousy, jealou'^y begets dissatisfac- 
f ions; and these by degrees ripen into mutiny, keeping the whole army in 
a confused and disordered state — rendering the time of those who wish to 
see regxilarity and good order prevail, more unhappy than works can des- 
cribe. "" Besides tliisj, such repeated changes take place, that all arrange- 
ment is set at nought, and the constant fluctuation of things deranges every 
plan as-la.';t as adopted. These, sir, congress may be assured are but a 
imall part of tlie inconveniences which might be enumerated, and attributed 
to militia; but there is one that merits purticular attention, and that is the 
expense. Certain I am, that it would be cheaper to keep fifty or a hundred 
Ihousand in constant pay, than to depend upon half the number, and supply 
the other half occasionally by militia. The time tlie latter are in pay be- 
fore and after they are in camp ;issenibling and marching — the w'aste of am- 
munition, the cimsumption of stores, which, in spite of eery rcsohition or' 
requisition of congi-ess, they must be furnished with or sent home; added tci 
-her incidental expenses consequent upon their coming and conduct in 
ii.mp—smpasses all idea, and destroys every kiad of regularity and econo- 
Hiv which you could establish among fixed and regular troops, a)id will, ir* 
my opinion, prove (if the scheme is adhered to) TIIE RUII^iT OF OUE 
iJAUSK."^ 

« The jealou-sies of a standing army, and the evils to be appivhendcd from 
one, are remote, and.inmv jiidgnient, situated and circumstanced as we arc, 
not at all to be dreaded; "bill the consequence of wanting one, according 
to my ideas, formed from the present view of things, is certani atid incvita- 
Jjje ruin. I'orifl was called upon to declare upon oath, whether the mi- 
litia have been most serviceable or hurtful, upon the whole, 1 should sub'- 
scnbe to the latter. I do not mean by this, however, to arraign the conduct 




MIND, WILL UISK THEM UPON THIS ISSUE. An arn^y formed by goqd 



• Idem, page iC.'* \ Idem, page 267. \ Idem. p*ge 271. 

§ldem, pjvge 272. 



ArrENDll. 393 

dtticeiT.nsovcs like clock work-^ut there is no situation on enith less enviable, 
IU)T more distressing, than that of ;i pei'soiv v ho is at tlie hcud of troops who 
are regardless ot order and diicipliiic, and who are unprovided wiili alnio-<t 
every necessary. In a word, thi? difficulties wliich have forever surrounded 
me since I have been in the service, and kept my mind constantly upon the 
stretch — the wounds which my feelingrs (as an officer) have received by a 
thousand things which have happened contrary to my expectations and 
wishes, added to a consciousness of inability to govern an army composed of 
such discordant parts, and under su'^h a variety of intricate and perplexing 
circumstances, Induce not only a behef, but a thowugh coiiviction in my 
mind, that it will be impossible (unless there is a tlun-ough change in our 
military system) for me to conduct matters in such a mannei- as to give satis- 
iJiction to the public, which is all the recompense I aim at, or ever wislied 
for."* 

September 30, 1T76^ 

"By a letter received from the committee of safety in the state of Nevr 
HampBhire, 1 find a thousand of tlicir militia were about to march the 24lh 
ultimo, to reinforce tliis army, in consequence of the requisition of congress. 
Previous to their march, geflcral Ward writes me, he was obliged to furnish, 
them with five hundred pounds ot powder, and a thousand pounds of musket 
ball ; and I have little reason to expect tl)3t they, are better provided with 
otlier articles than they were with ammunition. In this case, tliey will 
only add to our pi-esent distress, which is already far too great,'9.nd becomo 
disgusted with the service, THOUGH THE TIME THEY WERE EN- 
tiAGED FOR IS ONLY TILL THE FIRST OF DECEMBER -this will 
injure their cnlistmg for longer time, if not wholly prevent it."! 

October 4th, 1776. 

"Upon the present plan, I plainly foresee an intervention of time between 
fhe old and new army, which must be filled up with militia (if to be had) 
WITH WHOM NO MAN WHO HAS ANY REGARD FOR HIS Ri:- 
PUTATION, CAN UNDERTAKE TO BE ANSWERABLE FOR CON- 
SEQUENCES."* 

October 31st, 1776, 

" Oui" army Is decreasing fast. Several gentlemen, who have come to camp 
Vithin a few days, liave observed large numbers of militia returning liom^ 
on the different roads."§ 

November 9th, 1776. 

" I have little or no reason to expect tliat the-militla now here, w ill remain 
a day longer than the time they first engaged for. 1 have recommeaded 
their stay, and requested it in "geiieral orders. General Lincoln and the 
Massachusetts commissioners are using theu* interest with those from tliut 
state. But as far as I can judge, we cannot rely on their staying. 

"I have no assurances that more than a very few of the troojjs composlno; 
the flying camp will remain after the time of their engagement is otit:,so far 
.from it, I am told, tliat some of general Ewing's brigade wh.o stand engaged 
.0 the first of January, are now going away."1i 

December 1st, 1776, 
. " The enemy are fast apfiroaching — some of them are now in sight. Al? 
:ae men of the Jersey flying camp under general Heard, being applied tc, 
lave refused to continue longer in service."** 

Trenton, December 3d, 1776 

" I look out earnestly for the reinforcements from Fniladelphia. lam ii 
nopes that if we can draw a good head of men together, it will give spiritr 
1:0 the militia of *his state, who have as yet afforded me little or no assistance; 
,T:or can I find they are likely to do much."f| 

* Idem, page 273. j Idem, page 279. ^ Idem, paje 282, 

^ Idem, page 301. ^i Idem.. p»?e 324. ** Idem, page 328 

fj- Idem, page 330. 



;^cr4 THE OLIVE BRANCH. 

Trenton, Deceii.ber 5tli, 17r6 

"SoiTV 1 am to obsene, however, that the frequent calls upon the mili\i«' 
of thissLite, the want ot exertion in the principal gentlemen of the countrj 
or a fatal suppiness and insensibility of danger till it is too late to prevent 
an evil tliat was not only foreseen, but foretold, have been the causes of 
our late disgraces. 

" If the mihtia of this state had stepped forth in season, (and timely notice 
they had) we miglrt have pi"e\ anted the enemy's crossing the Hackinsac, al- 
though without some previous notice of the time and place, it was impossible 
to have done tliis at the North river. 

" At Hackinsac cur force was insufficient, because a part was at Elizabeth- 
tov. n, Amboy, and Bmnswick, guarding a coast which I thought most exposed 
to d:uiger; and at Brunswick, because I was disappointed in my cxpccta- 
tions of miUtia, and because on the day of the enemy's approach (and proba- 
bly the occasion of it) the time of tlie Jersey and Maryland brigades' ser- 
vice expired; (0= NEITHER OF WHICH WOULD CONSENT TO 
STAY AN HOUR LONGEJ{. 

"These, among ten thousand other instances, might be adduced to shov/ 
the di.sadvantages of short enlistments, and the Uttie dependence upon mili- 
tia in times of real danger. 

" My first v.'ish is, that congress may be convinced of the impropnety of 
reiving upon the militia, and of the necessity of raising a Itirger standing 
army than that they have voted. The saving in the articles of store, pro- 
visions, and in a thousand other things, by having nothing to do with mihtia, 
imlcss in cases of extruordimuT,' exigency, and such as could not be cxpec'ied 
in the conimom course of ev( nts, would amply support a large anny, which, 
well ofii:;ered, would be daih improving, m stead of QCj= CONTINUING A 
DESTRUCTIVE, EXPENSIVE, and DISORDERLY MOB. I am clear in 
o]>inion, that if 40,u00 men had been kept in constant pay since the first 
commencement of hostilities, and tlie militia had been excused doing du'y 
during tlial period, the continent would have saved money. Vv'hen 1 reflect 
on the losses we have sustained for want of good troops, the certainty of 
this is placed beyond a doubt in my mind. Jn such case, tlie militia, who 
have been harrassed and tired by repeated calls upon them (and farming and 
manufactures in a manner suspended) would upon any pressing emergency 
have run with alacrity to arms; whereas the cry now is, "they may as well 
he ruined m one way as another," and w ith difficidty they are obtained. I 
mention these things, to .shew, that, in my opinion, Q^if tny dependence 
is placed upon mihtia anotlier year, congress will be deceived. ^Vhen dan- 
ger is a little re n^oved from them, ihey will not turnout at all. "When i«: 
comes home to tlicm, the well afiiected, instead of flying to arms to defend 
themselves, are busily employed in removing their families and effects — 
whilst the disaffected are concerting measures to make their submission, and 
.s])read tclTnr and dismaj* {ill arouml, to induce others to follow the example. — 
Daily experience and abundant proofs warrant tliis information." ' 

December 16th, 1776. 

*' That the militia are not to be depended on, or aid expected from them 
but in cases of the most pressing emergency, is not to be doubted. I'he 
hrtt of those propositions is unquestionable: and fatal experience has given 
her sanction to the truth of the latter. Q^' Indtul their lethargy of late, 
and bacl:>^ ardness to turn out at this alarming crisis, seem to justify an appre- 
hension that nothing can bring them from their horjes. For want of their as- 
sistance, a large part of Jersey iias been exposed to ravage and to plunder; nor 
do 1 km V. thai Penn.'-ylvania would share a lx.tter fate, could general Howe 
effect a pa.ss.,Le across « he Delaware witli a respectable fojce. These conside- 
ratior-s have ;rduced me to wish that no reliance, except such as may arise from 
neces.siiy, shoukl ever be had on tliem again; and to majce fui ther mention ty 

* Idem, page 333. 



i 



APPENDIX 395 

tongrcss of the expediency of increasing their army. I trust this mcauurc 
will meet their earliest attention."* 

December 20tli, 1776. 
*' Short enlistments and a mistaken dependence upon niilitia, have been 
the origin cf all our misfortunes, and the great accumulation ot'oui- debt "\ 
" We find, sir, that the enemy 31 e daily gathering- strength trom the dis- 
affected. This streugih, like a snow ball; Ly rolling, will increase, unless 
some mean* can be demised t'> check effectually the progress of the enemy's 
sirms. Mihtii". may possibly du it for a little while : but in a little while also, 
(Ij^the militia ot these states which have been frequently called upon, wili 
not turn out at all, or, if they do, it will be with so much reluctance and 
sloth, as to amount to the s&ine tUinj^ — instance New Jersey ! Mitness Penn- 
jsylvania !— ^could any thing but the river Delaware have saved Philadelphia i 
Can any thing (^the ezigencv of the case indeed may justify \tj ^e more de- 
• structive to the rccruii mg ; erv ce, THAN— GIVING TEN DULLAHS BOUN- 
' TY FOR SIX WEtiKS' SFPVICE 0PTHEMILITIA,~-\VH0C0ME1N 
YOU CANNOT TELL liOVY— GO YOU CANNOT TELL >V HEN— ANp 
ACT YOU CANNOT HilL WHERE— CONSUME YOUR PROVISIONS- 
EXHAUST YOUR STORES, AISD— LEA VE YOU AT LAST AT A CRIT- 
ICAL AlOMENT, 

" These, sir, are the men T ?.in to depend upon, ten days hence : this is tlie 
basis on which your caiXs- will and must forever depend till you get a large 
standmg army sufficient of itself to oppose the enemy "t 

January 1st, 1777. 
" Aftpr much persuasion, and the exertions of their officers, half or a 
greater proportion of tliosc from the eiistward have consented to stay six 
weeks on a bounty of ten dollar?. 1 feel the inconveni^ncy of this advance, 
and I know the consequences that will result from it — but what could be 
done, ? Pennsylvania had allowed the same tj her niilitia — the troops felt 
tlieir importance, and would have their price."§ 

January 5th, 1777. 

**Their large pic quets, advanced towards Trenton— their great preparations 

andsome intelligence I had received, added to their knowledge that the tii'st 

of January brought on a dissolution of the best part of the army — gave me 

the strongest reasons to conclude that an attack upon us was meditating."^ 

January 7ih, 1777. 
" The severity of the season has made our troops, especially the militia, 
extremely impatient, aud h.^'■ reduced the number very considerabl) . Every 
dny more or less leave us."** 

January I9th, 1777. 

" The fluctuating state of an ai-my composed chieily of miUtia, bids fair to 

reduce us to the situatioii in which we were some httle time ago — that is, of 

scarc^e havmg any army at all — except reinforcements speedily arrive. Oije 

I of the battalions from the city of Philadelphia goes home to day, and the 

other two only remain a few days longer upon courtesy. The time for 

I which a country brigade under general MifHili came out is expired : and 

they stay from day to day by dint of sollicitation-tlieir numbers much reduced 

i by 'desertion."-|-j- 

j " As mihtia must be our dependence till we can get the new army raised 
t and properly arranged, I must entreat you to continue your endeavours with 
the states of Pem\sylvania, Maryland, and Virginia, to turn out ever)' man 
they possibly can, and for some time loliger than they generally have stipu= 
lated for. IF THEY AGREE FOR A MONTH or any Umited time, it 
should connnence from the time they actually join the army, and not from 

* Idem, page 346. f Idem, page 350. * Ibid. 

§ Idem, vil. li. page ?. "i! Idem, page 3. 

** Idem, page b. ft ^<iem, page 10, 

52 



^96 THE OLIVE BRANCH. 

the time they leave their homes: otherwise the marching backwards anc* 
fo'rttarils consume tlic term of engagement."* 

January 22(1.1777. 
" The necessity we have been and are now imder, of callinu^ in and arm- 
ing tlie militia, stutters our armorj' all over the world in a manner. Their 
officers pre so irregular, that tli«y 'generally suffer their men to cany home 
every thing that is put into their hands, which is forever lost to the pub- 

lic.'t 

February 20th, 1777. 

** At this time we are only about fou!- thousand strong — a force you will 
«upposc, unequal to a successful opposition, if they were not militia, and far 
! GO small for the exigencies of our affairs. It Is impossible to obtain ex- 
.^ct returns, though they are daily called for — owing to the frequent and 
almost constant departure of some of the corps."* 

Feb. 28th. 1777. 
'•I was in hopes, that, by the time the miliiia who are now in ser\'ice 
would be discharged, we should have had a considerable number of the 
new levies in the tield: but, though I have reports from all quarters of the 
great success af the recruiting, I cannot get a man into the service. General 
ilohnson's militia all go tlie 5th. of Match (many are gone already;) aiid 
general Lincoln's on the 15th. These two bodies form so considerable 
apart of our force, that, unless they are replaced, I shall be in a manner 
destitute "§ 

Morristown, March 14th. 1777. 
'• What prospect there may be of immediate succours from other quar- 
ters, Iknow not: from the militia of this state I cannot expect to derive 
much more aid. Those who are well atlected have been so frequently call- 
i-d from their homes that they are tired out, and almost profess an abhor- 
rence of the service."! 

" By the paymaster's report, the commissary here requires an immediate 
draft for u hundred thousand: snd the militia returning and about to leave 
camp a hundred and twenty thousand more. The expense of calling on 
'hem so frequently isahnost incredible."** 

Mon-istown, March 26th. 1777. 
" I urged governor Trumbull in a letter of the 6th inst. to send two 
thousand of his militia to the same place. But sony I am to observe, tht 
niilitia have got »ired."tt 

" For want of jtroper coercive powers, from disaflcction and other cau- 
v.es — tl»e militia of this state [New-Jersey] are not to be depended upon. — 
They are drawn out with difticulty, and at a most cnormows expense, as 
their accounts will shew: THEV COME, YOU CAN SCARCE TELL HOW: 
THEY GO, YOU HARDLY KNOW WHEN. IN THE SAME PREDICA- 
MENT ARE THOSE OF PENNSYLVANIA "ft 

"Small as our present force is, it will be reduced in a few days, by the 
going- off of the Jersey three-months-men, the Cecil county militia, and 
ihe Virginia volunteers, all of whom claim discharges naxt montli."§§ 

April 2Sth. 1777. 
«' So early as the 6th of March I wrote to governor Trumbull, earnestly 
requesting two thousand militiu to be sent to general McDougal, to be 
employed atPeekskill and on the communication ui West-Chester county, 
for six weeks. With this requisition he most readily complied, so far as 
liis orders were necessary, and (I .im certain) his influence would extend^ 
This 1 have repeated, and this supply he has excited himself to furnish: yet 

' Idem, page 11. \ Idem, page 14. i Idem, page 31. 

<j Idem, page 36. '. Idem, page 42. ** Idem, page 44. 

It Idem, pi'tfe 46. *i Idem, page 47. ^| Wcm, page 4«. 



APPENDIX. S9f 

»t ineflfectu;il have bis endeavours been, that not more than cipht hundred 
had come oiii by general McDougars return on the irth instant.'^* 

Ma\ 12tli, 1777. 

'•'I would observe, if the militia are called out, it should lie for a fixed de- 
terminate time: i'or though they will certainly return when that expires, yet 
that is more tolerable than for them to go off in parties every day as their 
whim anil caprice suggest — which has always been the case when the time is 
not stated. I would also observe, if it is possible, they should be engaged to 
march out of their states, if ordered. If their service is located, they will 
move with great reluctance, it they move at all."f 

June 2d, 1777. 

"The shameful deficiency in all our armies affords but too just grounds 
for disagreeable apprehensions: if the quotas assigned the different states 
are not immediately filled, we shall have every thing to fear. We shall never 
be able to resist their force, if the militia arc to be relied on: nor do I knoy 
whether their aid, feeble and inefficient as it is, is much to be expected."* 

September 7th, 1777. 

"in respect to the militia requested, [of Jersey] Ills excellency is doubtful 
whether they can be obt;iined: for gov. Livingston, by a late letter, informs, 
tliat he had no expectation that more thaii three hundred of the thousand 
called for to garrison the posts of the Highlands, would march, notwith • 
standing he had issued orders for that post; and that three \veek§ would pro- 
bably elapse before the ntunber went."§ 

October 7th, 1777. 

"Since the action, general Forman's brigade of Jersey militia has quited 
lis. The men began to be uneasy at their situation, and desirous to return 
home: and as, by some intelligence from general Dickinson, there was 
reason to imagine there might be a call for their services in the Jerseys, it 
Was thought expedient to gratify their desire."1I 

October 13th, 1777. 

" I will only observe, that the consequences of calling tiie militia into the 
field in the course of the war have been so severc-ly and ruinously felt, that 
I trust our views will never be turned to them but in cases of the greatest; 
extremity."** 

November 1st, 1777 

" The militia from Maryland and Virginia are no longer to be counted on; 
all the former, except about two hundred, are already gone: and a few days, 
I expect, will produce the departure of the whole or chief part of the lat- 
ter, from the importunate applications wjiich some of tliem have made."ff 

" Agreealile to my expectations, the [Virginia! militia are gone; so that 
we have none now in aid of the continental troops but those of this state 
[Pennsylvania] mentioned in the return, and :i few from Marylaud."^^ 

"The militia of this state, supposing they should be tolerably vigorous in 
their e5;ertiQns, will not be equal to tlie task: at least it will be difficult, if 
not impracticable, for them to do it. It is to be wished that such as can be 
drawn out may be ^i.gagcd to serve THREE MONTHS, or TWO AT 
LEAST, (if it can be effected) after their arrival in camp; and that a mode 
coidd be adopted to supjjly tiieir places with ctliers at the expiration of 
their term, should the c xigency of our affairs require it. A time for their 
continuance should be h.\ed, or they will always be uneasy and pushing off ■ 
and the longer circumstances will admit it to be, the better: for, after the 
period occurs, for whicli they come, it will be impossible to detain them ». 
inoment."«i^ 

* Idem, page 64. f Idem, page 75. t Idem, page 86. • 

§Idena, page 163. % Idem, page 180. ** Idem, page 189. 

H Idem, page 197. i^ Idem, page 20';, 1^ Idem, page ?01, 



S98 THE OLIVE BRiiNCH. 

A perusal of the preceding extracts can hardly fail to shakt 
the faith of the most strenuous advocates for reliance on militia 
for general defence. Never was any point more ably or convin- 
cingly enforced. The immense importance «f the subject — the 
mighty errors that prevailed on it — and the ruinous consequen- 
ces these errors may entail on us — virill, I trust, fully justify me 
for sucli long details. 

The following positions are clearly and irresistibly established* 

1. That the expense of it is exorbitantly great. 

2. That they cannot be reduced to that strictness of discipline 
which is indispensibly necessary in all armies. 

3. That the period of service is so short, that it expires before 
they can acquire military skill. 

4. That whatever be the emergency, when the period of ser- 
vice has expired, the militia cannot be retained in service, with- 
out solicitation utterly destructive of subordination- 

I am w^ll aware, that there are illustrious exceptions to these 
observations. The militia have, in many instances, made a 
grand and glorious display of all the military virtues, in as high 
a degree as the bravest veterans. They have defeated equal and 
superior numbers of troops of the latter description: witness 
Plattsburgh, New Orleans, &c. But these cases do not form the 
rule. They are exceptions. And were any person to produce 
me instances to invalidate my positions, I could out-number 
them very considerably. But I studiously draw a veil over the 
subject. To any man of reason and common sense, who reflects 
on the mode of selection, or who inspects a body of drafted niiU 
ilia, it must be obvious, thftt the mode is radically wrong 



CHAPTER LXIX. 

Conscription of ciassijication of Militia ^ to fill up the drmy, c 
meas^ure of the American revoluiiov. Flan borrowed b>j Bo- 
rMparte. General Knox^s plan. 

JL NOW undertake to establish my fifth position, "that 
the system of classification is the most itnpartial, the most effi- 
cacious, and the least oppressive mode of calling the militia into 
aervice, of any of the plans that have ever been devised." 

This mode of calling tlie militia into service, applies to, 
and bears equally upon^ the whole body of the militia 
"throughout the nation, without exception. This is a cha- 



^/ APPENDIX. ii99 

racteiistic of impartiality and justice, peculiar to tins system; 
and liad it no other advantage, would entitle it to a dcsided pie- 
ference over every other. 

! That it is most efficacious is equally clear. The service is 
entirely yoluutary. No man need serve who does not find him- 
Iself qualified, and who has any aversion whatever to the service. 
jit is needless to prove, as it must be self-evident to the most su- 
jperficial observer, that there is an incalculable dlfterence in point 
iof efficitncy between any number of men who are dratted by 
lot, and forced to serve, whether they choose or not, and the 
same number of men who enter the service of their own free will. 

That this system is the least oppressive, is equally indis])uta- 
ble. According to the prevailing militia systems, every man 
drafted must either serve, or send a substitute at his own in- 
dividual expense. In all the states, heavy, and, to the ooor, 
■uiuous fines, are imposed on delinquents. Thirty-three dollars, 
ivhich is the fine in Massachusetts, is an enormous sum to a 
)oor person, which foi'ces him into the service, howevfir reluc- 
;ant or unfit for duty. Whereas, according to the classifica- 
ion plan, all the persons liable to military service throughout 
he state, or states, as the case may be, contribute their res- 
ijective quotas towards paying those who may offer their servi- 
!es, or who may be enlisted, if enlistnieut be necessary, which it 
arely will be. 



My sixth proposition, " that the classification systeui prevail- 
;d duiing the revolution,'' 

Ail that is necessary to prove this, is to refer the reader to 
Ihe following extracts from the laws of Pennsylvania, which were 
imilar in substance to those enacted in the other states. 

1- " 

<•' And be it further enacted by the authority aforesaid, That the comnils 
cners of the city and several counties of this state respectively, or any twi 
f tliem, shall direct the assessors of the several townships, wards, and' 
istricts, in the said city any counties respectively, to meet on or before tht 
Jst day of P'cbruary next, at the usual place of holding' courts in the umI 
ty and counties respective !}•, or at such other place or places wliere Ihit 
id commissioners shall think most convenient, and shall then and tlifi-e, 
[Conjunction with the said assessors, proceed to class the taxable persoiii 
id property within die said city and counties respectively, in such man- 
br that the said property, togetlier with a proportionable sum on all tax- 
►le single freemen, shall be divided inlo as many equal parts as the quota 
" men, which the said city and counties respectively are by this act re- 
[liredto enlist, shall consist of, paying' due regard to the ease and convc- 
lence of the inhabitants, by including those who reside near each other 
^thin the same ("lasj; and shall transmit to the several classes, by perswis 
\f them to be appointed for that senice, an order in writing, under the 
inds of the said commissioners, pr any two of them, with a duplicate an- 



400 THE OLIVE BRANCH. 

nexed, containing the names of each and every person composinp; the sanri*, 
'•equiring- eacl) of the said classes TO ENLIST DURING THE WAR, AND 
DELIVER TO THE PROPER OFFICER, ONE ABLE BODIED RECRUIT 
WITHIN FIFTEEN DAYS THEREAFTER."* 



*'• And be it further enacted by the authority aforesaid. That the commis.; 
gioners of the city and several counties of this state, i-esiiactively, or any two . 
of tliem, shall forthwith transniit to the several classes, classed by virtue of 
an act of the assembly of this str^te, entitled, ' An act to complete the quota 
<>fthe federal army assigned to this state,' passed the twenty third day of 
December, one thousand seven hundred arid eighty, by persons to be by 
them appointed for that service, an order in writing- under their hands, with 
a duplicate annexed, containing tlie names of each and every person com- 
posing such class, requiring each of the said classes to enlist tor the term 
of «;ghteen months, as aforesaid, and DELIVER TO THE PROPER OFFI- 
CER, ONE ABLE RECRUIT WITHIN FIFTEEN DAYS. 

** And be it enacted by the authority aforesaid. That if nny class or class- 
es shall neglect or refuse to enlist one able bodied recruit as aforesaid, with- 
in tlie time limited, and directed, or to make return thereof to the assessors 
of the proper township, ward, or district, it shall and may be lawful for 
tiie said commissiners, or township, ward, or district assessors, or any o< j 
them, and they are hereby authorized and required to enlist for the term 
aforesaid, and deliver to the proper officer one able bodied recruit in behall 
ui' sr.ch a class or classes, respectively; and that it shall and may be lawful 
for the said commissioners, township, ward, or district assessors, or either 
of them, where such neglect or refusal shall happen, to ])rocecd and levy, 
in the manner directed by the laws new in force for levying and collecting 
other public taxes, on the class or classes so neglecting or refusing, the sum 
agreed to be paid by the said commissioners, township, ward, or district 
assessors, or any of them, to the said recruit, and the reasonable expenses 
accruing thereupon, "in proper proportions, according to the last public tax 
levied therein; which they are hereby enjoined and directed to do witliin 
t\vo da}s after such recruit shall be enlisted. 

"Be it furtlier enacted by the authority aforesaid, Tliat the commission- 
ers of the several counties, respectively, shall juovide and keep a book, intd 
winch they shall enter in numerical order the several delinquent classes, a* 
they shall be returned to them, and shall enlist recruits for the said delin- 
quent classes, according to their respective numbers, and in like manner le- 
vy and coUect the sums imposed on tliem respectively by thisact."f 

By these laws, each class was obliged to furnish an able bodi^ 
ed recruit — either one of their own number, or a person to be 
enlisted by them, and at their joint expense — which is precisely) 
the idea of the secretary of state and Mr, Giles. 

This is, I presume, conclusive. This relieves the system of 
classification irom the odium attached to it as a discovery of the 
prolific brain of Bonaparte. His inventive ])owers have had more 
credit in this resi>ect than they deserve. He has taken the plat< 
at second hand from the sages and heroes of the revolution. 

' Laws of Pennsylvjinia, 1780, chap. cxxi. page 428 

-Idem, page "'^^ 



APPENDIX. 401 

.\lv next point is to prove, " tliat the classification or conscrip- 
tion system, most elaborately matured by General Knox, and 
3tam|>ed with the seal of General VVasliington-s approbation, \va-' 
morestrictni its provisions tlian any of the recent plans.'* 

General Knox addresseil his system to President Washinjrton. 
It bears date, January 18, 1790 — and the letter which prefaces it, 
has the following iiltroduction -• 

" Having submitted to jrour consideration, a plan for tlic arrangement ol" 
the militia of the United States, whicli I had presented to the late congress 
jf the United States, and you having ajiproved the general principles thereof, 
\:uith certain desciiptions, I now respectfully lay the same before you, modijied 
ccorJin^ to the alteratiuna tjou rjere(i'n;asi:d to m/^-^cst." 

From this plan, approved, as we see, and submitted to con- 
gress by General Washington, I subniit an extract, amply ade- 
quate to prove, that it bore the essential features which belong to 
[tne system of defence which has been hunted down by the folly 
and madness of party. In fact, it was much more strict and se- 
'vere in its details, than either of those digested by the secretary 
at war or Mr. Giles — that enacted in New York — or tlie one re- 
jected by the sapient legislature of Pennsylvania. None of the 
recent plans contemplated service beyond 45 years — whereas, 
'General Knox carried his views to a third class, to be composed 
of citizens between 46 and 60 years. His plan likewise contem- 
I plated compulsory service of tlie mariners, who, as we shall see, 
I where to be subject to conscription. 

^ Extract from Oencrnl jRThav's plan for the "TPnernl arrangement 
of the Militia of the United JStates, submitted to Congress bij 
General fVashington, January 1790, and pubtished by order of 
the House of Representatives of the United States. 

" An energetic national nailitia is to be regarded as the capital security of 
afree republic, and not astandh)g army, forming a distinct class in tlie com- 
munity, 

" The period of life in which military service shall be required of the citi- 
zens of the United States, to comaience at 18, and terminate at the age of 
eo years. 

" The men comprehended by this description, exclusive of such excep- 
tions as the legislatnres of tlie respective states may think proper to make, 
and all actual mariners, shall be enrolled for ULffereat degrctis of miUtary 
duty, and divided into distinct classes. 

« The 1st class shall comprehend the youth of 18, 19, and 20 years of agei 
to be denominated the advanced corps. 

« The 2d class shall include the men from 21 to 45 years of age, to be de- 
nominated the main corps. 

*' The 3d class shall comprehend inclusively the men from 46 to 60 yeaiS 
of age, to be denominated the reserved corps. 

" All the militia of the United States shall assume the form of the legion, 
which shall be the permsuient estsiblishmeHt tliweofi 



4ui: THE OLIVE BRANCH, 

"A leg^ion shall consist of 153 commissioned officers, and 2880 non-coih- 
aiissionca officers and privates. 

" The companies of all the corps shall be divided in sections of 12 each 
It is proposed by this division, to establish one uniform vit:d principle, which 
ill peace and war shall pervade the militia of the United States. 

" All requisitions for men to form an army, either for state or federal pur- 
posts, shall be furnished by the advanced and main corps by means of the 
lectitns. 

" 'I'he executive government or commander in chief of the militia of each 
state, will assess the number required on the respective legions of these 
corps. 

" The legionary general will direct the proportions to be furnished by each 
part of his command. ^' S/iould the demand be so great as to require one 
mun from each section, then the operations hereby directed shall be performed by 
siaq-k sections. But if a less number sliould be required, they will be fur- 
nished by an associatien of sections or companies, according to tlie demand 
)i) any cusc, it is probable tluit mutual convenience may dictate an agi-eement 
witli ur. individual to perform the seiTice required. If however no agreement 
Can be madt-, one must be detached by an indiscriniinale dr^t, and the otliers 
bhall pay him a sum of money equal to the averaged sum which shall be paid 
in the same legion for the voluntary performance of ihe service required. 

" In case aii\ section or company of a legion, after hav"lng fui'nishcd its 
own quota, should have more men willing to engage for the ser- ice required, 
other companies or the same legion shall liave permission to engage them — 
■fhe same rule to extend to the different legions of the state. 
. " The legionary geiieralmust be responsible to the commander in chief of 
the military of the state, that the men furnished are -iccording to Uie descrip- 
tion, and that tbey are equipped in the manner and marched to Hie rendez- 
vo'.is, confomiable to the oiders for that purpo.se. 

Orj" " The men who may be drafted, shiJl not serve more than three years 
Jit one time. 

OC/' " 4^' ^^^ acttial mariners or seamen in tlie respective states, shill be re-* 
gistered in districts, and divided into tv/o classes — tlie iirat class to consist of 
all the seamen from the age of 16 to 30 years inclusively — the second class to 
consist of all tIio.se from the age of 31 to 45 inclusively. 

" The first class shall be responsible to sei*ve three years on boai'd of some 
pubhcarmetl vessel or ship of war, as a commissioned, waiTant officer, or 
private maiine, for which .'.ervice they shall receive the customaiy wages and 
«moluments. 

" The 2d class shall be responsible for a portion ofservices in those cases to 
wiiich the first class shall be unequal — the number requii-ed shall be furnished 
by scotions, in the Same manner as is prescribed tor the sections of the mi- 
^tia." 

"The advanced legions, in all cases of invasion or rebellion, shaU, on re- 
quLsilioiiofthe lawful authority, heohh(Kd(Xj to tnarch to any place -wttMu the 
United States, to remain embodied for siiai time as shall be dtrected, not to ex- 
ceed one year, to be computed from the lime of marching from the regime?ital 
parade i during the period of their being on such service to be placed on the 
•ontinental e.stablisliment of pay, subsistence, clotliing, forage, tents, camp 
equipajg-e, and all such other allowances as are made to federal troops, at the 
Same time and under the same circumstances." 

"The common viode of recruiting is attended witli too great destruction of 
morals to be tolerated, and is too nncertainXo be the princip:;! resource of a 
wise nation in time of danger. The public faith is frequently wounded by 
unworthy individuals who hold out delusive promises v\...ch can never be 
renliited. By «u«h lucwis an unprincipled banditti »r« tfteacQllscted, ior tlic 



I 



APPENDIX. 403 

purpose of defending- every tiling- ili:it should be deur to freemen. Tl>e con- 
sequences .u-c n..tur:d: sucii men citlier desert in tiiue of danger, or are ever 
ready on the ■.hglitest disgusi to turn their ai-nis agpilnsl then- country. By 
the e-stabhshnicnt of the sections, an -.iniple and permanent soiu'cc is opened, 
whence tlie state in ever} exig-cncy may be supplied with, men whose all de- 
pends on the prosperity of their country." 

I request the reader will duly weigh these extracts, and will 
examine the admirable plan, at"^large, which ought to immortal- 
ize the memory of Cienera' Knox. I hope and trust the day is not 
far distant, when the adoption ofsucii a system will place a ram- 
part around our fire sides and our families, which might bid defi- 
ance to all the hosts of Europe conibined, were they to attempt 
our subjugation. This would far exceed the famous Chinese wall 
built to guard against the incursions of the Tartars— H)r the Pictish 
wall of the Roman general \2ricola. 

I cannot pass over one incident connected with this affair, which 
shews, in a striking point of light, the delusion whicli tlwe spirit of 
faction excites. After the noble, efficient systems of the secretary 
at war and Mr. Giles fell sacrifices to the convulsive struggles in 
congress for power — and after, of course, the country was thus 
left inamanner defenceless and exposed to tliri inroads of a power- 
ful enemy, the house of delegates «f the state of Maryland pub- 
lished an address to Rufus King, Esq. lavishing compliments on 
him for his services in defeating these plans of defence, subjecting 
their houses, their wives, iheir children, their parents, and them- 
selves, to the mercy of Cockburns and Gordens ! ! ! 

" Resolved, That the thanks of this house, in behalf of tbe freemen of Ma- 
ryland, be, and they are hereby presented to the lionoursable Rufus King, of 
the senate of the tJnitcd States, for the seasonable and successful interposi- 
tion of his experienced wisdom and elevated influence of character, m avei-t- 
ing the meditaied operation of a measure, hoHtile to the iimmmities of constilu- 
tionalfreedom, offenciveio the pure genius of independence, andjravglu with 
consequences bale/id and appalling to the social order, tranqvilitii, aiid ivell 
beings of this United republic. 

" And this house would accompany the respectful tribute, which is thus 
specially offered, with a general expression of the grateful sense which it 
also entertains of tlie distinguished merit of the other members of the mino- 
rity, who so stedfastly and ably co-operated, at every I'evival of the struggle, 
ill both branches of congress, in combating against the insidious introduction of 
an authoritative conscript establishment, more specious in tlie fomi of its ap- 
proach, but not essentially difierent from that, whose intense oppression has 
just vanished from the continent of EuropCj with its guilty author, the blood- 
stained usurper of Franf-e." 

5-> 



404 thf: olive branch. 



CHAFfER LXX. 



(Jerrymanderism, Derivation of this queer vame. Politicai 

Lrgerdemai7i. A grand discovery how to enable aminority ta 

^ ride the majority. Joint and concurrent votes. General ticket. 



It is a painful truth, discreditable to human nature, that po- 
liticians, even those who in private life are honest and upright, 
ilisplay considerable laxity of principle, in cases wherein the in- 
terest, or the power, or the influence of the party to which they 
are attached, is in question. From this strong and pointed cen- 
sure, few parties, in any age or country, have been free. It is 
not therefore wonderful, that both federalists and democrats have 
been liable to it. Their history affords many decisive illustra- 
tions of the soundness of the maxim. 

The subject to v/hich I have devoted this chapter, is an un- 
answerable corroboration of the accusation. It involves a gross 
violation of justice and political morality — and, virtually dis. 
frauchisi)»g one portion of the community, imparts to the other ant 
undue share of political influence. This is assuredly a high crime 
and misdemeanour, deserving of the most pointed reprobation of 
good men of all parties. 

It has reference to the representation in the senates of the in- 
dividual states. 

As this book may fall into the hands of persons unacquainted 
with our systems of government, it may not be improper to state, 
t!:at our legislatures are generally composed of a senate and house 
of representatives, or delegates. To the latter branch, each coun- 
ty in the state to wliich it belongs, sends one or more representa- 
tives. In fourteen of the states, the representation is in propor- 
tion to the population. But in Delaware, Maryland, Virginia, and 
iNorth Carolina, it is regulated merely by counties, no regard 
being paid to the population. 

The senates, in almost every case, are composed of members 
chosen by districts, formed of two or more counties, which dis- 
tricts electa number of senators in proportion to their popula- 
tion, except in the four states ^pecifled. 

The above arrangement and the adjustment of these districts 
opens a door to a considerable degree of intrigue and management) 
and invites lo chicane and fraud — in one word, to the political sin, 
which I have styled GerryvianderiKm. 

The injustice lies in so arranging ll)e counties, in the formation 
of dibtiitts, as to produce the eifcct stated iu the second para- 
graph. 



APPENDIX. 405 

To accomplish this sinister purpose, coiintio:^ ;ire iVcfincntly 
united to lorm ;i senatorial district, wliich have no territorial 
connexion, being separated iVoni each other by an intervening 
county, sometimes bj two or three. Of this heinous political sin, 
both federalists and democrats, as I have said, have been gudty. 

The state of Massachusetts was depicted, two or three years 
since, as a sort of monstrous figure, with the counties forming 
the senetorial districts, displayed on this UHprincipled plan. It 
was called a Gerrymandery* m allution to the name of the late 
vice-president of tiie United !?tates, then governor of that state. 
Hence I derive the term Gerry manderisra. To those who gave 
the title of Gerrymandpr, it might not unaptly be said — " uien of 
glass, throw no stones.'^ 

To enable the reader to form a correct idea of the extreme 
and flagrant injustice that may be perpetrated in this mode, 
without any apjiarent violation of law or constittition, I will ex- 
plain how the minority may be enabled to rule the majority, so 
far as respects the senatorial branch of the legislature. 

I suppose a case. Six counties, each containing 1,000 voters, 
are to be formed into three senatorial districts, ea ch to elect four 
senators. These districts may be so contrived, that tiie party 
predominant in the legislature at the time of arranging them, 
whether federal or democratic, with 2,320 voters, shall have eight 
senators; and the other, with 3,680, shall have only four, and, 
iievertheless, every elector of the whole 6,000 shall exercise the 
right of suftVage. 

You may \yell be amazed, reader. But it is so. Such is th<» 
political juggle and hocus pocus, that our public men, of both 
parties, too frequently pay, to acquire or to perpetuate an undue 
share of power. 

I now state the number of voters of each ol the six counties, to 
hich I give the following names: 



* The federalists, who have always been verj- adroit in political christen- 
ing-3, endeavom-ed, by the use of this name, to cast the odium exclusively or« 
tiieir antagonists, as if they themselves were immaculate on this subject. The 
idea is unsound. 

The Boston folks are said to be full of notions. They have been pretty 
notional on the subject of the English language, which they have amplified 
1 wiU not venture to say im)n-oved, with many such queer words. 



406 



THE OLIVE 


BKANCH. 




Counties. 


Federalists. 


Democrats 


Jackson, 




120 


880 


Erie, 




380 


720 


Champlain, 




S40 


660 


M'Donough, 




680 


320 


Perry, 




150 


850 


Porter, 




750 


250 



2320 3680 



I might have styled the parties big-endians or little'endians. 
The name is of no importance. 

Now for a display of political legerdemain— in order to enable 
the minority to rule the majority : 

District J^o. 1.— formed of Erie and Porter Counties. 



Erie, 
Porter, 



ederal. 


Democratic. 


280 


720 


750 


250 



1030 970 



District JVo. 2.— formed of Champlain and JWDonough. 

Federal. Democratic. 

Champlain, 340 6G0 

M'Donough, 680 320 

1020 980 



District JVo. 5.'— formed of Jackson and Perry. 

Federal. Democratic 

Jackson, 120 880 

Perry, 150 850 

270 17.S0 



Thus, as T have stated, a minority of 2.320 inhabitants, have 
twice as many senators as the majority of 3,080 — their candi- 
dates having been successful in the two iirst districts. In the 
first district, the democratic minority is 970 — in the second 980, 
which arc wholly lost. And tlje majority in the third district is 
1730, whereas 1010 would have equally secured the election. It 
therefore follows, that by this arrangement, there are 970, 980, 
and 620 democratic votes absolutely thrown away. 

This is an extreme case. Injustice, carried to such a 
flagrant extent, does not often occur. The instances, how- 



APPENDIX, H 407 

ever, of this kiml, but of an inferior degree, are by no means 
unfrequent. It thence happens, that a senate is sometimes 
democratic, while the house of representatives, iu the same 
state, is decidedly federal ; and vice versa. 

This political arithmetic, like every other science, has its 
arcana. The grand and unerring rule is to make your own 
minorities and majorities as small, and those of your adver- 
saries as large, as possible. In other words, to throw away 
as tew votes on your own side, and as many on the other, at* 
in your power. 

This fraudulent practice admits but ot one effectual rem- 
edy. Senatorial districts ought to be foimed of countiea 
and parts of counties, quite contiguous to each other, so that 
all those who vote for each senator shall be residents of the 
same neiglibourhood. 



There is another political fraud, of which both parties 
have been occasionally guilty, and which deserves the seve- 
est reprobation. It has respect to the choice of members 
of the house of representatives of the United States, and 
electors of the president and vice-president. 

For these very important operations, there is not, al- 
though reason and justice loudly call for it, a fixed and per^ 
manent rule. The legislatures of the individual states have 
the power of deciding upon the mode, and as it respects the 
representatives, upon the time of the election. Hence, 
flagrant injustice is freqiiently perpetrated. 

These elections are sometimes by districts, in the same 
manner as the state senators are elected ; at others by a 
general ticket. 

The last mode is extremely unfair and incorrect, it de- 
prives the minority altogether of any share in the repre- 
sentation. 

A short statement will fully evince the extreme injustice 
and inequality of a general ticket for members of congress, 
or electors of president. 

Massachusetts is entitled to members of the house >^q 

of representatives of the United States, 3 '^ 

New-York, -...-. 27 

Pennsylvania, . _ . _ - 23 

Virgviia, _ . . _ 23 



40« THE OLIVE BRANCH. 

Suppose either of tlie parties, federal or democratic, to 
have a very small majority iu each oi' these states, say two 
thousand vote* — suppose also, the whole number ot votes in 
the four states to be 300,000. The result will be, that if 
the elections be by general tickets, 154,000 voters will se- 
cure the entire representation, vhich is more than half the 
whole number of memJJers of congress — and that the remain- 
ing 146,000 have no representative. This idea might be 
pursued to a great extent. But 1 leave it to the pen or pen- 
cil of the reader. 

Instances have frequently occurred in the different states, 
of the mode of election being changed on the spur of the 
occasion, to suit the momentary purposes of party or fac- 
tion. The most recent case that has occurred, was in the 
state of New-Jersey in 1812. From the organization of the 
general government till the year 1800, the members of the 
bouse of representatives of the United States, had been elec- 
ted in tliat state by districts. In that year, the federalists 
Tiad a majority in the legislature, and calculated 'on a major- 
ity of votes in the whole state. In order therefore to engross 
the whole representation to themselves, on the eve of the elec- 
tion, they repealed tlie district law, and passed an act for 
electing the representatives by a general ticket. Contrary to 
their calculations, the democratic ticket prevailed then and in 
every subsequent election till the year 1812. In the lat- 
ter year the federalists having a temporary ascendency in 
the state legislature, one of their iirst acts was to repeal 
the general election law, which they had themselves enacted, and 
to restore the election by districts, which they had formerly 
repealed. And by Gerrymandering tlie state to suit then 
views, they gained four out of tlie six representatives ; 
whereas by a general ticket they would not have obtained 
one. 

Another reprehensible procedure, emanating from the 
same lavity of principle, respects elections by our legisla- 
tive bodies. Wlien the politics of the two branches of a 
legislature are diflferent, there is frequently a struggle a- 
bout the mode Oi election — whether by a joint, or concur- 
rent vote. The senate, being the less numerous body, are, 
in the case of a joint vote, merged and lobt in the grcatev 
number of the house of representatives. 'J'hey are, tlierefore. 
strenuous supporters ol a concurrent vole, in whicli 
their iuiluenco is equal to that oX the ru-onlinate brancli. 
The other house, confiding in its numbers, is ctjually zeal- 
ous for a j'Mnt vote, wheioin it will have the ascendency. 
The state of Pennsylvania was, many years since, for a coii- 
siderable time unrepresente«l in tli»' senate <«♦! the TTnite<' 



APrENDIX. 4f)*j 

^Scutes, in consequence of a striii^gle of this kind — neither party 
being disposed to concede the point to the other. 

It is a grand desideratum to have all these points clearly and 
explicitly definetl by the constitutions.— Tiiere should be as little 
te'jiptatiou to fraud, and as little safety in the perpetration of it, 
as possible. 



CIIAPTER LXXI. 

'State of representation in MassSaChusetts. Wretched syatem of 
representation in Marijland and Virginia. Rotten boroughs. 



XT niay not be improper here to introduce an analagous 
subject, respecting the representation in tlie state of Massachu- 
setts. The men who framed the constitution of tliat state, were 
probably as highly enliglitened and respectable, as an equal num- 
ber of men ever convened for such a purpose. But they never- 
theless, committed some very egregious errors, which are really 
astonishing. The most conspicuous was,- neglecting precisely to 
fix the number of representatives in the more numerous branch 
of the legislature. '1 he consequence is, that the numbers have 
fluctuated in the most extraordinary and incredible degree. 
There have been, I believe, as many as 700 -at other times, not 
half the number. And the town of Boston has had a small ar- 
iiiy of representatives, no less than forty-four — being a greater 
number than the whole senate ai\d house of representatives of 
the state of Delaware — than tlie entire senate of South Carolina, 
or Pennsylvania — and than the assembly of New Jersey. 

This defect in their representative system arises from a flaw 
in the constit ition, respecting the choice of members of the 
house of representatives — instead of the imperative, thet/ shall 
electy the phrase is, they may elect. 

"Every corporate town containing one hundi-ed and fiftj' rateable polls, 
-nav elect one representative: — every corporate town, containing- lliree hnn • 
dred and sevenly-five i-ateable polls, may elect two representatives. — every 
corporate town contuining six hundred rateable polls, muti ekct three repre- 
sentatives: — and proceeding- in that manner, making two hunrired and tweii- 
'\-tive rateable polls th,i mean increasing number for every additional repie- 
-tative... 

Every town has therefore paid (and I believe still pays) its o\rn 
representatives: and from a sordid, miserable, huckstering, anil 
contemptible spirit of economy, some of them send no repieseij; 
tatives — others, regardless of expense, send full as many as they 
are entitled to — and some, it is presumable, when party spirit 
runs high, send more than their quota 



410 



THE OLIVE BRANCH. 



On reflection, I cannot conceive how Boston can be entitled 
to 44 representatives. The city of Philadelphia, with a popula- 
tion of 57,000 inhabitants, lias never polled more than 6,000 
votes. The right of suftrage here is as latitudinarian as any 
where; much more than in Massachusetts, where a citizen must 
be worth 60/. to qualify him to vote. According to the Massa- 
chusetts principle, we should be entitled only to about 27. Bos- 
ton has but 33,000 inhabitants, and yet has had 44 representa- 
tives. 



Representation, which is the key-stone of free government, is 
lii ranged very incorrectly in several other states. The Gerry' 
mander principle, is, alas ! too prevalent. The lust of power in-J 
duces parties to hold tenaciously whatever political advantages* 
they possess, however unjust their operation. 

This subject would almost require a volume. But I am afraid 
the reader is tired of my scribling — and, to be candid, I am 
tired myself. I pant for a close. I shall barely glance at a few 
enormous traits of injustice. 

Each of the counties of Maryland has four representatives in 
the house of delegates. There is, nevertheless, a most enor- 
mous difference in the population. 



Frederick county 
Anne Arundel 
Baltimore 
Hartford 
Baltimore city 



Inhabitants. Representatives* 



34,477 
26,668 
29,255 
£1,258 
46,555 


4 
4 
4 
4 
2 


158,213 


i^ 



These four counties, and the city of Baltimore, have only 18 
representatives. 



Connties. 

Allegany 

Calvert 

Caroline 

Kent 

St. Mary's 



Inhabitants, Representatives. 



£,909 

8,005 

9,453 

11,450 

12,794 


4 
4 
4 
4 
4 


48,611 


20 



APPK>iDlX, 



411 



These five counties have twenty representatives. Thus 48,61 1 
persons in one p.-^rt of the state, have 10 per cent, more inlluencc 
than 158,213 in another, it' this be not Gerrymanderism, pray 
ivhat is ? 

Kent county, in Delaware, has but 20,495 inhabitants — Sussex 
27,750. But each elects an equal number of representatives ami 
senators. 

The same wretched and unjust system prevails in Virginia. 
Each county hcs two representatives. And there is a more enor- 
mous disproportion iu the population, and more lla^rant injustice 
than in Maryland. 

I annex a view of the population ot sixteen counties, which 
have thirty-two representatives in the house of delegates. Eight 
of them, it will be seen, have 163,000 inhabitants, and th^ other 
eight only 27,000. Thus six men in the first list have no more in- 
fluence in the making of laws, than one in the second ! 



Comities, 
Caroline 
Buckingham 
Albemarle 
Faquier 
Frederic 
Hallifax 
Loudon 
Mecklenberg 



{Jounties. 
Warwick 
Flouvanna 
Middlesex 

* Patrick 

* Mason 

* Tazewell 

* Brooke 

* Giles 



Inhabitants. 


Re^^restnlatives 


17,544 


2 


20,095 


2 


18,268 


2 


22,689 


2 


22,574 


2 


22,131 


2 


21,338 


2 


18,453 


2 


163,056 


16 


Xnhabitants. 


Representatives 


1,835 


2 


4,775 


2 


4,414 


2 


4,695 


2 


1,991 


2 


3,007 


2 


2,717 


2 


3,745 


2 


27,179 


16 



Same subject once more, in a still more striking point of 

'^iew, 

• New counties. 
54 



412 



Counties. 
Fauquier 
Frederic 



THE OLIVE BRANCH. 

Itihabitants. 
22,689 
22,574 



Hep esentativesj' 
2 
2 



45,263 



Counties. 
Warwick 
Mason 



ibitants. 


Rejireseniatives 


1,835 


£ 


1,991 


';i, 



3,826 



Thus, eleven inhabitants of the former counties have not as mucii 
weight as one in the latter !. 

Let no Virginian, after this statement, dare to censure the rot- 
ten boroughs of England'. Thi$ state of representation is in the 
true spirit of that borough system. 

AVhen we take fully into consideration the youth of this coun- 
try — the era at which the American constitutions were formed — = 
the general diffusion of political knowledge — the illumination of, 
and advantages possessed by, the conventions that framed these 
constitutions ; and when we likewise reflect on tl e borough sys- 
tem in England, and the natural tendency of all political institu- 
tions towards corruption, unless trequent recurrence is had to 
first principles — I an; really inclined to think, that palliations 
may more readily be found for the borough system in England, 
wretched and corrupt as it is, then for the country representation 
in Virginia and Maryland. 

The knavish tricks, \thich I have glanced at in this chapter, 
cannot be too highly despised, whether perpeti'ated by federalists 
or democrats. It is to be regretted, that there is no court of jus- 
tice, to punish such political frauds, how heinous soever they may 
be. A man shall be sentenced for years to saw marble, for the 
depredation on the property of his neighbour, to tlie amount of a 
few dollars. But a large portion of a state may be virtually dis- 
franchised by its representatives, without a possibility of redress, 
and the culprits whoUv escape punishment. 



To the calm and dispassionate consideration of the public, 
these views are respectfully submitted. That enormous evils ex- 
ist, and loudly call for a remedy, cannot be doubted or denied. 
That those whose political inlluence rests on the basis 
of these evils, will submit to have them redressed. I 
fondly hope and pray°—but, reasoning from the general 



APPENDIX. 4r- 



o 



course of human ailairs, I am not very sanguine on the subject. 
For in the wiiole history of niankiiul, from the earliest records 
to the present time, there are hardly any instances to be found, 
of that glorious spirit of justice and self-denial, that induces na- 
tions or public boilies voluntarily to renounce any important ad- 
vantages they may possess, however unjustly they may have been 
acquired — or however oppressive or iniquitous tlieir operation. 
And he must be a fool or a madman, who, after reflecting on the 
pages of the " abstract and bri"f chronicle'^ of our limes, is 
very sanguine in the expectation that we shall prove ourselves 
wiser or better than our ancestors — or that we shall avail our- 
selves more of the light of history, to guide our paths, than the 
nations that have preceeded us. Every stage of our progress, 
fraught with folly and error, forbids the flattering anticipation. 



CHAPTER LXXI,^ 

.i wonderful contrast. ^^Let every soul be subject to the highetr 
poicers.''^ — Rev. Dr. Morse — Rev. Dr. Farish—Rev. Dr. 
Osgood. Invocation to war. Governor Gilman. 



"a- 



Of the seditious and treasonable opposition to the gov- 
ernment, that lately prevailed in the eastern states, 1 have given 
-opious specimens in chapters 52 and 56. 

It is difficult to decide which is greater, the disgrace of the 
government in its pusillanimous and feeble submission to such 
lawless outrages, or that of the parties who perpetrated them. 
Never before did such treasonable conduct experience the same 
impunity. And never again, I hope, will the same experimenf 
be made of the imbecility of the government of the United 
States, be it in whose hands it may, whether democratic or fed- 
eral. The result, it is true, has not been unfavourable. The 
tornado has spent its fury without destroying the majestic edifice 
of our government, which it threatened with perdition— and 
without provoking civil war. But the guilt of those who raised 
the storm, and the guilt of those who shamefully neglected the 
necessary measures to ward off its terrific consequences, is pre- 
cisely the same as if it had produced those awful results, from 
which the fiu'^er of heaven alone saved this favoured nation. 

It may not b« amiss to contrast with those horrible violations 
of law and propriety, the maxims and conduct of the federal 
leaders and their advocates when they held the reins of govern- 



414 THE OLIVE BRANCH. 

ment. It wHl afford an interesting example of tlie facility witk 
which our views of objects and our sentiments can be moulded j 
to suit the purposes of the moment. ™ 

And, to commence, I beg the reader will carefully peruse the 
sedition law, passed Anno 1798, of which he will find the prin- J 
cipal features in chapter 2. ^ 

By this law, " if any persons should combine or conspire to- 
gether, to oppose any measures of the government of the United 
States, which should be directed by the proper authority, they 
|C?^ should be subject to a fine not exceeding five thousand dol- 
lars — and ICT* to imprisonment^ not less than six months, nor 
more than five years." 

Reader, ponder well on these few lines. And reflect what 
would have become of the Chittendens, the Otises, the Picker- 
ings, the Blakes, the Websters, the Kings, the Russels, cum 
multis aliis, had this law been carried into operation against 
them. There is not a man of them that would not have taken 
his abode in a prison, and paid a fine of perhaps five thousand 
dollars. There are some of them, who, had this law remained 
in existence, would have incurred its penalties a thousand times. 

In the month of October, 1808, a rumour prevailed, that Bo- 
naparte had declared war against this country. The federal pa- 
pers then threatened Hhe partizdns of France-^ with the ven- 
geance of the law- — aye, and v/ith vengeance beyond the law, if 
they dared to make the least opposition to the government, or dis- 
pla3''tlu-ir legards for France, even in conversation. They were 
ordered " to lower their tone'^ — or threatened with being '* sent 
to their master.'^'' Of the style of these denunciations and 
threats, I annex a fair and full specimen, from the Gazette of the 
United States, October 22, 1808. 

'' If the news this day received, of an actual declaration of war by Bona- 
parte, should prove ti'ue, the traitorous cmissarit« of Na[)olton, wlio every 
where abound in the country, will find it necessai-v to lower their tone. 
Wiiatcanbe tolerated in time of peace, THE PEOPLE WILL NOF BEAR 
IN TIME OF WAR. The advocates of Frencii despotism must either go 
to their master, or be more cautious in their language It is true tliat 
France lias, to all intents and purposes, been making war upon us these 
twelve mouths But us ithao not been declared in forni, and as our govern- 
nicnt have nottliought proper to make any opposition, the papers of Napo- 
leon, and bis agents of every description, have hithertt) been xuffered to 
carry on tlicir intrigues, and to ])romote the cause of their m;i.ster by every 
means which they chose to adopt. WE MUSI' NOW COllRECT THE 
i'hOCKDUUE." 

One other newspaper specimen^ from the Baltimore Federal 
Gazette, July .5, 1798— 

•♦ I believe, that some o{ the old French leaven still remains amongst us, and 
that some vile and degenerate wretches, whom I call French Parthans, or 
Aiimricaii Jucubirn, will not jo'ui any wwYjiary association, or patriotic loan, but 






ArrENBix. 415 

'discourage tbem as far jistliey Jure ; these mm sliould be carefully wAxru- 
IB, ;md iftliey should artluUy attempt to lonn any miliury corj^ (and llicv 
will be known by tin character of their officei-s and piiv'aas; notice sliou Id 
be given to our tedei ;d and state govenuuciits, to pjcvtnt couuuibsions issu- 
ing from want of information." 

This is I presume, enough of this (:escn.>i;on. 

I now proceed to detail the se.itimeius rf (hreo clergymen, who 
have rendered tlieniselves conspicuous by their rancorous hos- 
tility to the administration of Mr. Je»'K<rP(>n ani Mr. Aiadisori 

the Rev. Jedidiah Morse, the Kev. David c-.^(.ud.and the Kev. 
Elijah Parish. I have no recent sermon of (Jr. iviorse's : But 
of the aiiti-christian spirit that p!eaoi.ina..es in tiic late sermons 
of the two latter gentlemen, I hi'.ve given ah- ndant proofs :iiid 
specimens in the 56th chapter of' liis voi-k. T^et us exauune wi.at 
were their sentiments when the aiI-«>inistr.itioii »vas in the hands 
oftheir own party. Never was there : springer contrast. 

And first, of Dr, Parish. This r<: .'ereiiu j»e:i'le'i>an delivered 
an address, on the 4th of July, 1799, vvnicii oreathes in every pa"-c 
the most devoted submission to rulers, the most 'ecided support 
oftheir measures, and tne most virulent fulminations against the 
opposers of the government. Its spirit may be readily conceived 
from the following short specimen :— 

" It is a time of day that requires cautious jealousy. Not jealousy of your 
iTiagistrales, Xjpfor you have given them your coufirleiice ; but of tliose who 
slander theu' administration. To he jealous of your rulers would be, as if a 
person \vere to choose a bride from all the beauties of the world and then 
Instantly witliout cause be jealous of her atone. CI/" Youtt public cuaractkiis 
ARE Toun owx CHOICE. ^Vatch diose uiigateful souls, who murmur about 
taxation and oppression, the burdens »f g'overnment and religion. — They 
Have fellowship -witli our enemies — t^ey are traitore tf". God and chrisdanity. 
Be jealous of those who declaim ajaiinst alien and sedition laws ; they proba- 
bly'have a hankering for Ivmg a'ld rebellion themselves. In a word. Jet 
honest men, let the friends of Go^ and humanity, spurn from their embrace 
every mai. who ti'ifles with hiS Other's religion, die hope and salvation of 
the world, - - who alarms wey^ minds with tlie designs of government ; who 
discourao-es die mo.sL formii--ble means of dcfi nee. It was the swoixi which 
gave courage to declare inw'-'P'^'idence. Such is the present state of human 

nature, that nc .liing bvt the swonl can defend our independence. Never 

never while there i: a crimson drop in yo;'.r i),earts will vou suffer an armed 

foetobr'^ahe vour native air. CUKSKJJ BK IIK'THAT KKliPF/]-ll 

B\CK Ills SWOKD FROM BLOOU ; LET HI .VI TM AT II ATM NONE, 
SELL HIS COAT AND BUY ONE. THE CONTEST IS DESlIiABlK ' 

How shall we account for or reconsile this ravenous thirst for 

blood this invocation of the sword — this elaborate defence of 

the constituted autltorities, with the pacific spirit, tiic denoncia- 
tit>nsof war, and the nulignant abuse of the administration which 
are to be found in chapter 56 .'' There is only one conceivable 
reason — and that is. when blood was called for, it was Frencli 
blood— FreucJi bload — French blood that was to liow. 



4J0 THE OLIVE BRANCH. 

Next 1 exhibit the Rev. Dr. Osgood. A convention of congre- 
gational ministers agreed to an address to President Adams, in 
May, IT'-JS, which was signed by that gentleman among others. 
I annex a short extract : — 



J 



" We remember his [Christ's] command to forg-ive and love our mosf in- • 
jurioas enemies. But neitlier tliclaw of Chnstianiiy nor of reason requires 
us 03" to prosti-ate our national independence, freedom, property and honour. 
at the fcct of proud, insatiable oppressors. Such u prostration would be trea- -^ 
son iigainst that Iking who gave us our inestimable jM-ivikges, civil and re- ' 
ligious, as a sacred deposit, to be defended and transmitted to posterity. It 
would be criminal unfaithfulness and treachery to our country, our children, 
and tlie whole human race. 

" The intimate connexion between our civil and christian blessings is alone 
sufficient to justify the 03" decided part which the clergy of America have 
uniiormly taken 03 in supportiog the constituted authorities and political 
interests" ol tlieir country." 

Next follows the Rev. Jedidiah Morse, whose elequence and 
sound reasoning " in olden time,^^ cannot fail to excite the ap- 
probation of the reader. The following extracts are from a ser- 
mon delivered by this reverend gentleman, May 9, 1798. 

" Our newspapers teem with slander and personal invective and abuse. 
Our iulers, grown grey, many of them, in the service of their country ; who, 
in the various dignihed and responsible offices they have filled, have discharg- 
e. I tl e-r duties with gi-eat ability and incorruptible integrit}', are yet stig- 
matized continually, as unfriendly to the rights and liberties of the people, 
and to the true interests of their countiy. Our government itself, the most 
perfect, the best administered, the least burdensome, and mosthappyfying to 
the people, of any on earth, is yet steadily opposed in all its important mea- 
sures ; and regular and continual efl'orts are made to " stop its wheels. 

"■ As citizens we ought with one heart to cleave to, and sui^port, our own 
government. It is a government of oar ftwn forming, and administered by men 
of our own choice ; and therefore cluKng our conftdcnce .and support. We 
ought to repel, witli indignation, every suggestion and slanderous insinua- 
tion, calculated to weaicen ajust conhdeace in the rectitude of llie intention^ 
of our constituted authorities. All such itsjinualions, at this critical period, 
proceed iVom an influence hostile to our jcace ; and, if permitted to have 
their intended effect, may .accomphsh the pivposes of our enemies, in our 
division, and the overthrow of our governmfcit. ^Vhile, on the one hand, 
we wouldavoid passive obedience and non-resis<^nce, let us not vibrate into 
the other extreme, and l)elieve it a duty to be jedous and suspicious of evei-j' 
thing which is done I)y our rulers. We though them honest men, and 
friends to their country, when we elected them intocjlhce ; and wliathave 
tlicy since done to forfeit our good ojjinion .■' Let thtir measures be examin- 
ed with candour, and we sliall assuredly say, they dcsen-e well, of their coun- 
trj'. In this moment of our political danger, let us be impressed with thisj 
trmli -that — "United we stand — divided we fail." The increasing uni fl 
among us, and the revival and expression of the true American spirit, are to 
kens for good, and .^ugur well in regiirdto our political interests. 

•' To the friendly disposition and conduct of a foreign power, we may as- 
cribe the unliajijiy divisions that have existed among us, which have .-n great- 1 
ly disturbed our peace, and threatened the overthrow of our government J 
Their maxim, to which they have strictly and stradily adliered, has been ,1 
" Divide and govern." Their too great influence am^jng us has been exerte(i| 
vigorously, und in conformity to a deep-laid plan, in djerishing party spirit, J 
in vihfjuig tlic men v,c have, by our ireesuH'ragCi:, doctcito administtti- oinf J 



Al'i'ENDlX. 417 

conslitutioti ; and iiuve thus endeavoured to destroy the confidence of the 
J)eople in the constituted a itlioritios, and divide them h-onithc j'.oven.nicnt. 

" The pious king llcztk'iih halh set us an cxanii)!c, when pUued in asimi- 
l^v situation, %vt.-ll worthy our present imitation : He took the mcssag-c he liacl 
tecieved from the kini; of Assyria, and spread it bttbrc tlie Lord, and prayed 
— ( let us unite in this pertinent prayer)— " O Lord tlod of Israel; wliich 
dwellest between tlie chenibims — thou' art the God, eveii thou alone, of all 
the kingdoms of the carlli— thou hast ma<!e heaven and earth — Lord bow 
down tliine ear and hear — oper., Lord, iliinc v\ "sand see ; and iiear the words 
d" Sennacherib, which hath se-nt him to rei)rt)ach tlic living C;od. Of a ti-utli. 
Lord, the kings of Assyria have destroyed the nations and llicjr bnds, and 
have cast their gods into the fire ; for they were no got?s, but the work of 
men's hands, wood and stone, therefore they have destroyed them — Now' 
therefo'-e, O Lord our God, I beseech the* save thou us out of his hand, thaS 
uU > the kingdoms of the earth may know that tiiou art the Lord God, even 
thou only." The efVcctual fervent prayer of this good man availed much." 

A compailson of these doctrines witli the doctruies and 
practice of these reveicud gentlemen in 1812, and 1813, and 
1814, as exibited chap. 56, must excite the most painful 
sensations in the mind of every man who feels for tlje lion- 
our of his species. It is impos.sible for (lie liumiin mind to 
conceive of a more strikini^- contrast— a more deplorable in- 
stance of infatuation and delusion—or a more awltil niemor- 
rial of and n^emento against jiuinan vveckness. 

From the pupit, I descend to the civil walk— and present 
you with tlie opinion of Governor Gilman in 1798, in an ad- 
dress to the legislature, and the echo from both houses. 

From Governor Oilman's Speech tb^he Legislature of New Hampshire. 

" Perfection in human affairs is not to be expected : to sitisfy every citizen 

'is next to iniposfible ; but if our system of nationa,l government is generally 

good ; if it is free ; if we Have tlie choice as frequently as we wislj, of persons 

to administer it , if one ot the fundamental and irreversible pj-inciples in a 

republican government, i:5 ihat — a majority shall govern, is it not proper to 

I give— a firm support to the laWG and adminismtion ofsiich a government, 

and for every citi-.en duly to cdnsidei' ho>v far — clamour and opposirtion 

I thereto has invited or procured, or may invite or procure, injuries from any 

I foreign nationi"' 

E.\ti'act from the aDsft-er of the Senate to Governor Gilmau's address to the 

Legislature. 

"Convinced that our national government is formed on the surest" basis of 
liberty , that the — majority ought to nde, that v,-e have anopportunity as 
often as we can rationally wish, to change awl elect our rulers, wo view it us 
the palladium of our rights, and entitlt.-d to our firmest support 

"Although jealousy is a lively t/ait in a poliUcal character, yet when \ery 
scrupulously exercised towards the administrators of government, — it may 
tend to lestentlie confidence of a ])eoplc in tlien- rulers — and — we view with 
regret and indignation the faction that clamoiu-s for the destruction of our 
peace and government, and conceive its only source to be the dregs of suc- 
cessive foreign anarchy, operating on the weak and vicious." 
Extract from the answer of the House. 

"As the constitution of the government wa.s farmed by the wisest and be-t 
Hlen, was adopted after a candid discussion, and upon mature deliberation, 
without violence or tumult, it belongs to us to repose proper confidence in, the 
oifficers of our own choice, and willingly ailbrd efi'eitive aid to that government 
which we have uistituted for the common good ; the beneficial etiects of the 
4#nstitution«f the United Statw h?.ve b*eii generally felt, afd a&bnowlcdg"<^ 



V 



418 THE OLIVE JBRANCIL 

fo be far greater than was at first expected. A spirit of inquiry |nto tri 
principles of a government and tlie mode of its administration pertains to 
free people : But — when tliat spirit becomes intemperate, and its designs av 
—to promote opposition, — to divide and waken the government, — it may 
embolden foreigu powei-s to invade our rights, and embairass the measures 
necessaiy obtain redress — wiierever such ^restless, uneasy temper appears, 
■«ve will lend oui' firmest aid to discourage and correct it." 

I might extend the subject very far. But I trust I have 
" made out my case,''^ completely, and that it would be ex- 
treme supererogation to enter into any further detail.* 



CHAPTER LXXli; 

Vieio of the prosperity of the United States during the va- 
rious administrations. Mighty errors prevalent on this 
topic. 

A VERY large portion of our citizens have imbibed a 
deep and rooted impression, that from the period when the 
administration of the general government was withdrawn 
from the hands of the federalists, and placed in those ot\ 
their poltical opponents, the prosperity of the nation begaa 
rapidly to decay. They believe that during the presidency 
of General Washington and of Mr: Adans, particularly the for- 
mer, our political and commercial sun had ascended to its 
meridian height ; that even previous to the embargo and 
restrictive system generally, * it has descended towards the 
horizon ; that those . measures sunk it far below, whence it 
is never to rise, till the powers of the general government,; 
legislative and executive, are restored to the " genuine sons' 
of IVashington^^—'Tinvtuved in his bosom — formed in his 
school — imbued with his maxims — and determined to tread 
in his footsteps, and to follow his illustrious example. 

The universal prevalence of these opinions among the fed- 
eralists of this country, will hardly be controverted. I doubt 
whether there is a man among them, from those of thei 
highest grade of intellect down to those of the opposite ex- 
treme, who does net regard it as impertinence and pre-J 
sumption to call them in question. And the prevalence of 
this impression is not wonderful. The assertions have beenj 
so often rej)eated, with so much confidence, and in so manj 
shapes and forms, that it was not in human natur? for the 
federalists to withold assent. It is a well known piopertj 

• Some of the extracts in this chapter and in the ^6th, are taken fium ai» 
excellent little pamphlet, publislied m New Hampshire, and entitied, "An] 
address to tlit; clergy of New England, on their opposition to the rulers of] 
the United States, iiy a Layman." 



APPENDIX. 419 

Ql mankind to lend an easy assent to those opinions iliat flatter 
our vanity, ofler incense to our pride, tend f o promote our in 
'"erestd, or to gralitV our ambition. 



The prevalence ct" those opinions Was produced most deleterioil^ 
Consequences. It has embittered fellow-citizens against each 
other with the most virulent animosity. The federalists, persuad- 
ed that their antagonists have impaired the honour,and happiness, 
and prosperity of our common country, have regartled them with 
sentiments of rancour, and hatred, and disgust. And iftheii 
views of the case were correct, their opponents would be fit ob 
jects of those hostile feelings. It would be laudable to strain 
every nerve to expel from povi cr men wliose whole course had 
proved them unworthv of it. The angry passions raging on osie 
side, enkindle their likeness in the breasts ofll>eir opponents, 
who are deeply exasperated at the injustice they believe them - 
selves to Iiave experienced from their adversaries. This is pet 
fectly natural. And time, which in all common cases possesses 
the property of diminishing the force of passion, is unfortunateK 
deprived of this salutary power, by the zeal and activity of thos» 
who find an interest in fomenting, public discord. And that ther<' 
are many of our citizens of this description, possessed of grca: 
talents, great industry, and great influence, cannot be denied. 

If the allegations against the democratic administi-ations wet-f, 
true, I should most heartily and cordially pray for a cliange u'l 
our rulers. I am not in love with ruin or disgrace. And far front 
being willing to sacrifice the honowr, or happiness, or interest of a 
great nation for the advantage of a president, vice-president, and 
a few secretaries, 5cc.&c. there are no ten thousand men of eithei 
party whom I would for a second put into the i~cale against a fourth 
part, not to say the entire nation. 

I believe that such are tl'.e sentiments of the democrats gene 
rally. I am convinccil that if they could be persuaded that Mr. 
Jefferson or Mr. Madison had sacrificed tlie interests or th(' 
hou'iur of their country, they would unhesitatingly prefer Rufuv. 
King, Timothy Pickering, "George Cabot, or De Witt Clinton 
Perish the man, whoever he be, who would offer up the happiness 
of millions to promote the interests or the views of a few. 



Tlvis subject well deserves the most serious consideratioc- 
It will amply repay the time bestowed on it by the writer and 
his readers. If the opinions, which I liave stated, be co)- 
rect, they ought to be as generally promulgated as possihlp ; 

5.S 



420 



THE OLIVE BRANCH! 



no pains nor exertions ouchtto be spared in order to illuminate 
the minds of those who disbelieve them. If they be erroneous, 
the sooner and more completely they are detected, and exposed, 
and " consigned to the tomb of the Capulets" the better. And I 
trust there is no upright, candid federalist, that would wish the 
elevation or the influence of his party to be promoted or perpe- 
tuated by the prevalence of error. He would scorn to be wafted 
to power by the unhallowed means of delusion. 

This chapter I regarded as the most important in the Book, 
multifarious as are its contents. 



The chiel criteria, whereby to decide upon the decay or pros- 
perity of nations, may be redfuced to six heads. 

1. Domestic industry and improvements in all their various 

branches. 

2. Population — whether stationary, increasing, or decreasing, 

3. Foreign commerce. 

4. Increase or decrease of revenue. 

5. Discharge or accumulation of debts. 

6. Navigation. 

I sliall slightly touch on each of these. 



Sect. I. Domesticindustry and improvements. 



The first item, which is the most important, and embracing by , 
far the greatest sum of human happiness, does not afford those 
marked and decisive documents or data, that the custom houses 
and other public offices furnish for the remaining five. The; 
progress of national industry sheds its beneficent influence around,-^ 
without glare or ostentation. Hamlets become villages — villages 
become towns— towns become cities — cities double their popula- 
tion almost unobserved. There are few or no documents ioi 
establish the facts. They are yet on due investigation tangible 
and strikingly visible. Nevertheless, from the extreme scarcity] 
of data or documents) I was almost wholly discouraged from en. 
tering on the subject, and disposed to appeal to the reader's perj 
sonal observations ibrthe rapid advance ofdomestic industry, anf 
the general improvement of (he country. But I havejudged it 
better to avail myself of the few 1 have, which are gleaned fromj 
Blodget'sEconomica, than pass the subject over in silence. Theyl 
are principally estimates, and cannot therefore be supposed tobel 
entirely con ect. But they aresufficient to answer the purposei 
of comparison, which is all the object I have in view. 



• 


APl'ENDIX. 


42 


I. Acios m tillage — 




1797 


9,600,000 






1801 


10,500.000 






1805 


11,100,000 


2. Meadows and fallow 


grounds • 


- 1797 


9,500,000 






1801 


9,900,000 






1805 


10,350,000 


3. Total improved lands 


— 


1797 


35,600,000 






1801 


37,400,000 






1805 


39,400,000 






1807 


39,990,000 


4. Value of cultivttted lands } 
per acre, $ 


18(y 


g 5.60 






1805 


6.25 


5. Horses — 




1797 


990,000 






• 1801 


1,070,000 






1805 


1,200,000 






1807 


1,300,000 


6. Horned Cattle— 




1797 


2,220,000 






1801 


2,500,000 






1805 


'2,950,000 


1 




1807 


3,200,000 






No. 


Capital Stock 


r. Toll Bridges— 


1797 


15 


S 1,100,000 


o 


1801 


25 


1,860,000 




1804 


30 


2,000,000 




1807 


48 




5, Turnpike and Canals 


— 1797 


25 


S 2,300,000 


i 


1801 


33 


3,050,000 




1805 


48 


4,900,000 




1807 


82 




9, Insurance Companies 


1797 


9 


g 3,300,000 


r 


1801 


22 


6,000,000 




1804 


40 


10,000,000 




1807 




17,000,000 


10. Banks — ■ 


1797 


26 


g 19,200,000 




1801 


31 


22,400,000 




1805 


^9 


39,500,000 




1807 


86 


50,000,000 


11. Bank notes in circulation— 


]797 


g 10,000,000 


^ 




1801 


11,000,000 


^ 




1801. 


14,000,000 






1807 


18,000,000 


12. Metallic medium-.- 




1797 


g 16,000,000 






1801 


17,000,000 






1804. 


17,500,000 






1806 


18,500,000 


• 




1807 


20,000,000 



422 THE OLIVE BKAIMCH 

13. Cash in Treasury— 

14* Custom house bonds — 



[5. Valuation of real and per* 
sonal estate — 



1797 


g 888,998. 


1801 


3,29.) ,391 


1803 


4,824,821 


1806 


4,538,105 


1807 


9,643,b42 


1797 


g 10.405,091 


1801 


15,237,527 


1803 


12,317,449 


1806 


19,553,890 


1797 


S 2,190,500,000 


1801 


2,430,500,000 


1804 


2,502.000,000 


1807 


2,518,000,000 



Of the above items, the 1st, 2d, 3d, 4th, 5th, 6th, 11th, 12th, 
and 15th, are, us 1 have stated, merely estimates. From the na- 
ture of the case, they could not be otherwise. But they afford 
tolerable data for calculations and comparisons of the advance- 
ment of the prosperity of the country. Tlie other items, the 
toll bridges, turnpikes and canals, insurance companies, banks^ 
cash in the treasury, and custom-house bonds^ are derived from 
actual documents, procured by the unwearied exertions of the 
author of the Economica. 

Section II. Fojmlation. 

The statements I shall give on this point are extracted froru 
. 7he census of 1800, the last year of tlie administration of tlie 
federal party, and that ol 18! 0, when their successors had held 
the reins of government for ten years, durins which the perni- 
• lous effects so generally ascribed to their svstem must have had 
ample time to develope themselves. 

Population of Maine, 
Vermont, 
New Hampshire, 
^lassachusetts* 
New-York, 
New Jersey, 
Pennsylvania, 
Virginia 
Norih-Carolinaj 
Soutli-Carolina, 
Oeorj^ia, 
Kentuck}-. 
Tennessee, 
Ohio, 



• 1800. 


1810. 


151,719 


C:28,705 


154,405 


217,895 


183,8.58 


:2 14,4 GO 


422,845 


472,040 


fi86J050 


959,049 


211,149 


945,562 


G02,53.5 


810,091 


886,149 


974,022 


478,105 


555,500 


345,591 


415,115 


162,6H(5 


252,433 


9-20,959 


406,511 


105,60'; 


261,727 


45,365 


250,760 



APPENDIX, ' 42 

City ot New-York, 

City ol" Philadelphia and ^ 

Liberties, 5 

City <)f Baltimore, 
Town ol Boston and rest > 

of Suffolk county, $ 
Newport, 
Providence, 
Nantucket, 
Portsmouth, N. H. 
New-llaven, 
Piltsbuig, 

Here are incontrovertible proofs of the advancein£nt of tl)e. 
United States in the road to happiness and prosperity. Every 
ipart of the union which did not labour under diiadvanta'>-es 
from its crowded population, or its sterility, or the migration of 
its citizens, has made rapid strides in this glorious course. What 
a stupendous increase in the state of New-York, Pennsylvania, 
Georgia, Kentucky, Tennessee and Ohio! With what ineffable 
delight must every friend of his species contemplate these glori- 
ous scenes of expanding population, civilization, and happiness! 
Arts, manufactures, commerce, and science, spreading their holy 
empire where a fev/ years past the wild Savage prowled in (j[uesf 
of nrcv ! 



6o,528 


96,373 


67,818, 


88,986 


26,611. 


35,583 


28,olo 


34,381 


6,739 


^ 7,9o7 


7,614. 


10,071 


5,617 


6,8o7 


5,339 


6,i'31. 


■1,049 


6,907 


1,565 


'l.,768 



Section III. Forei!::n commerce. 



a' 



I proceed to the third criterion of national prosperity. Ant| 
here tiie documents are full, complete, and irresistible. Tliej 
deserve, and I hope will receive the most particular attention. 

The federal government was organized and went into opera- 
tion in 1789. No tables of exports were however published for 
that or the succeeding year. They began m 1791. lam there- 
fore, limited to six years of General Washington's administration. 

Let it be observed, that from 1791 till ISOiZ inclusive there was 
no discrimination in the oliicial Fables of exports, between Amer- 
ican productions and manufactures, and those foreign article^ 
which were re-exported from this country. This renders theconl-' 
parison less complete, than it would otherwise have been. 



Exports from the United States, domestic and foreign. 

President "Washington. 3791 19,012,000 

179.-2 20,753,000 

-< ' 39,705,000 



424 



THE OLIVE BRANCH. 



President WashingloDt 



President Adams. 



President Jefferson. 



President Madi'son. 



1793 
1794 
1795 
1796 

1797 
1798 
1799 
1800 

1801 
l8o2 
1803 
18o4 

18o5 
18o6 
18o7 
18o8 

18o9 
l81o 
1811 
1812 
1813 



26,lo9,ooo 
33,026,000 
47,989,000 
67,o64,ooo 

56,S5o,ooo 
61,5;<j7,ooo 
78,665,000 
7o,97l,ooo 



174,188,008 



94,115,000 
72,483,000 
55,800,000 
77,699,000 

95,666,000 
101,536,000 
108,343.000 

22,430,000 



— 268,ol3jOo. 



3oo,o97;00o 



52,2o3,ooo 
66,757,000 
61,376,000 
38.527,000 
27,855,000 



— 327,875,00. 



246,718,000 



Exportation of American fir eductions and manufactures. 



President Jefferson. 



President Madisori. 



18o3 
1804 
18o5 
I806 
18o7 
I808 

18o9 
ISlo 
1811 
1812 
1813 



42,2o5,ooo 
41,467,000 
42,387,000 
4L253,ooo 
48,699,000 
9,433,000 

31,4(>5,ooo 
42,366,000 
45,294 000 
32,658,000 
25,008,000 



22 5,444,0c 



i76,731,oo»J 

Average of American exfiorts foreign and Domestic 
I • Dnrinjjj the presidency of General Washington, S35,5oo,ooo, 

2. During that of Mr. Adams, 

3. For the whole of General Washington's and 
Mr. Adams's presidency, 

I. Duriny: JNIr. Jefferson's first period, 



67,ooo,oooj 

51,25o,ooc 

75,ooo,ooc 



Duiing his second, iiKluding a year of embargo, 81,9oo,ooi 



6, For his wliole term, 



71,45o,oo< 



APPENDIX. 42^) 

"'. During Mr. Mailison's first five years, including a . 

ycarautl lialf of war, " 49,000,000 

8. For Mr. Jetterson's and Mr. Madison's, inclusive, (")r,200,000 

^Sverai^c nf domestic exports. 
t. Durins; six years of Mr. Jelfcrson's presidency, 

1803 till 1808 inclusive, 37,500,000 

2. During five years of Mr. Madison's, 35,300,000 

3. For eleven years from 1803 to 1813, inclusive, 36,500.000 
To the candid reader, desirous to form correct estimates of the 

affairs of his country, and to divest his mind of pernicious errors, 
I venture earnestly to recommend a careful consideration of tliesc 
Tables. He will thereby be convinced, that tdl Fraiicc and 
England commenced their disgraceful and unparalleled course of 
rapine and devastation "preying on the unprotected commerce 
of a friendly power," the United States made as rapid progress 
in the career of prosperity and happiness, from the year 1801 till 
1 807, so far as respects foreign commerce, as any nation in the. 
ivorld has ever done. 

Section IV. Revenue. 
The fourth criterion whereby to test the progress of the 
prosperity of the United States, is the situation of its revenues. 
Decay aud decripitude are incompatible with their increase or 
advancement. 1 shall therefore stute tlie net amount of the im- 
posts of the United States, from 1791 to 1812, inclusive, taken 
from the official documents submitted to Congress, by Joseph 
Nourse, Esq. Register Ueneral, in pursuance of the order of the 
house of representatives. — Of the direct taxes I have not a state- 
ment — but they are unessential in the formation of a comparison: 

President Washington - 



President Adams. 



President Jeffersoja- 



1^91 


0,534,363 


1792 


4,614,924 




11 1 19 187 






i793 


6,073.512 


1794 


G.683,313 


1795 


7,959,409 


1796 


7,368,120 




.^3 QHi 'Jii 


1797 


8,258,111 


1798 


6,192,447 


]799 


9,035,348 


1800 


9,351,346 




no Qn-r qso, 


1801 


13,362,702 


1802 


8,527,260 


1803 


11,322,497 


1804 


14,996,965 




- — — 48,024.345 



426 THE OLIVE BRANCH. 

'President Jefferson- 1805 14.978.8G0 

180G 16.015.bl7 

1807 l'6,4.92,889 

1808 7.176.985 



54.664.07i 



Pre^iident Madison, ]809 7.138.676 

1810 12.756.831 

1811 7.888.863 
IS12 13.059.855 

— 40,844,225 

This fable requires but little pfvamination. It is decisive and 
overwhelming — and of itself would fully sufllce to settle this 
question. 1 subjoin the result : 

Averagp duties on exports. 
Xi General Washington's presidency, six years, 6.500,000 

2. Mr. Adams's four years, 8.200.000 

3. General Washington's and Mr. Adam's, ten years, 7.200.000 

4. Mr. Jeilerson's first period of service, four years, 12.000.000- 

5. . do. second period, four years, 13.650.000 

6. Mr. Madison's first period, 10.210.000 

7. Mr. Jefferson's and Mr. Madison's, twelve years. 1 1.956,000 
It were needless to add comments — the most superficial read- 
ier cannot mistake — the most prejudiced dare not reject the 
strong and irresistible evidence here laid before the public. 

Section V. A''avigati(yii. 

The increase or decrease of the tonnage of a commercial na- 
tion, is an important criterion of the retrogradation or the ad- 
vancement of its prosperity. Let us calmly enquire into the in- 
dications that we may draw from this source. 

I lay before the reader a table of the tonage of the United 
States'froni 1793 till 1812 inclusive. 

Tons. 
President Washington. 1793 49 1, 789 



1794 628,415 

1795 747,961 

1796 831,897 



President Adams. 



President Jofferson. 



1797 


876,910 


1798 


888,326 


1799 


946,407 


1800 


973,489 


1801 


1,032,216 


1802 


892,102 


1803 


949,171 


1804 


1,042,402 



2,700,0Gg 



3,685,132 



3,915.891 



APPENDIX. 427 

)^re=itlcnt Jefferson. 1805 1,140^366 

1806 1,208,733 

1807 1,268,545 
1S08 1,242,443 



President Madison. 1809 l,3.iO,178 

1810 1,442,781 

1811 1,414,770 

1812 1,232,502 



4,860,067 



5,440,231 



Average tonnage of the last four yeai-s of Gen. Wash- 
ington's presidency. 675,000 
of Mr. Adams's 921,000 
of General Washington's and Mr. Adams's 79^.000 
of Mr. Jerterson's eight years, l,u97,(K)0 
of Mr. Madison's first period, l,o55,'»t'0 
of Mr. Jefferson's and Mr. Madison's, 1,257.000 

I trust thatthese statements cannot fail to prove the utter want 
of foundation of the charge of the decay of the prosperity of the 
UnitedjStates so far as respects navigation, since the change of ru- 
lers. Notwithstanding the unprecedented depredations perpe- 
trated on us by both belligerents, the tonnage of the nation in- 
creased with a steady pace. The increase during the first peri- 
od of Mr. Madison's administration, is really astonishing. 

Section VI. JVational Debts. 

The next criterion of the decay or prosperity of a nation, is its 
debt. It is self-evident that a nation or an individual, whose 
debts are rapidly discharging, cannot be in a state of decay or 
depreciation. In order, therefore, to enable the reader to de^ 
cide the question at issue by this criterion, I subjoin a statement 
of the national debt of the United States, on the 1st. day of everf 
year, 1791 till 1813. 



President Adams, 



1791 

1792 

1793 

1794 

1795 

1796 


S75,463,476 
77,227,924 
80,352,634 
78,427,104 
80 747,587 
83,762,172 


1797 
1798 
1799 
1800 


82,064,479 
79,228,529 
78,408,669 
82.976,204 



5'6 



428 THE OLIVE BRANCH 

President Jefferson. 



1801 


83,038,050 


1802 


80,712,63^?. 


1803 


77,054,686 


1804 


86,427,120 


1805 


82,312,150 


1806 


75,723,270 


1807 


69,218,398 


1808 


65,196,317 


1809 


57,023,193 


1810 


53,172,302 


1811 


47,913,756 


1812 


45,120,150 



President Madison. 



This affords a most exhilarating view of the situation ofthfc 
United States, and proves the utter fallacy of the prevailing opin- 
ions on tliis topic. In twelve years of democratic administra--- 
tion, from 1801 to 1812, inclusive, the debt was reduced from 

83,038,050 
to . - - - 45,120,150 

notwithstanding the purchase of Lou- 
isiana for - - - 15,000,000 

which is an actual reduction of - 53,000,000 

And to increase our surprise and our rapturous joy at such a 
glorious view of the immense resources of our blessed country, 
one of the early measures of Mr. Jefferson's administration wa;-' 
tlie repeal of a catalogue of burdensome taxes. 

Among the wonderful, and the inexplicable complaints and li- 
bels against the democratic administration was ihe repeal of these 
taxes! It is the fii-st time, in the history of tlie world, that the 
repeal of grinding, harrassing, and degrading taxes was considei- 
cd as matter of accusation, or as an unpopular measure. 

The taxes repealed, were — 1. Excise on still and domestic dis- 
tilled spirits. 2. On refined sugar. 3. On licenses to retailer*. 
4. Duties on pleasurable carriages. 5. Stamps. 

In some of the very elaborate pubTrcations of Mr. Pickering, ia 
which he used his utmost talents and inflaence to dissuade his 
fellow citizens from subscribing to the government loans, his chief 
argument, as far as I recollect, (1 have not the essays 
by me) is deduced from the wickedness of the repeal of 
these taxes. And the Hartford Convention, after draw- 
ing the most alarming picture of the hideous state of 
public aflair«, in enumerating the means whereby a '•' high 
«t.ite of public prosperity lias undergone a miserable an/T 



APPENDIX. 429 

afflictinc^ reverse throupjh the prevalence of a weak anfl profli- 
gate policy," expressly state, as the tourtli cause — 



" The iiljolitiou of existing laxes, requibite to prejiure tlie country for 
those changes to which nations are ul«>'ay3 exposed, with a view to the ac- 
quisition of popular favour." 

I shall not attompt to decide, I leave that task to the members 
ot the Hartford convention, with what propriety in December, 
1811, the distress, or diiiiculty, or embarrassment, or decay of 
the United States, could be ascribed to the repeal, in 1802, ot 
taxes, some of them most odious, when such in the interim had 
been the overflowia;^; state of the treasury, that the public debt 
had been reduced 38,000,000 dollars, exclusive of the purchase 
of Louisiana. This is a most extraordinary paradox. 

I dare flatter myself with the hope that I. have laid sufficient 
materials before the reader, to satisfy him, that the glowing 
.statements of the extraordinary prosperity of this country during 
the predominance of federalism, and of its utter decay from a 
change of rulers, is a gross error, utterly void of foundation, and 
pregnant with as pernicious consequences, as most that have ever 
prevailed in this or perhaps in any other nation. The country, 
previous to the operation of the federal government, was in a most 
prostrate and abject state. Arts, trades, and commerce languish- 
etl. Industry had little or no encouragement. Tender laws and 
other measures, impolitic and unjust, had banished confidence 
between man and man. An unfavourable ballance of trade had 
exhausted the country of its metallic medium. The states were 
hostile to and jealous of each other. In a word, affairs, for want 
ofa general controlling government, had gone on from bad to 
worse, till good men bejan to doubt whether in its consequences 
the revolution would deserve to be styled a blessing. 

But the establishment of our most noble and most excellent 
iorm of government, worked a rapid and incredible change. 
Confidence was completely restored. Arts, trade and com- 
merce revived. State jealousy was disarmed of all its powers to 
retard or destroy public prosperity. In a word, the happiness 
and prosperity oi" the nation were fixed on foundations as durable, 
I hope, as the rock of Gibraltar. 

Butit is equally and undeniably true, that the country was in- 
comparably more piosperous for seven entire years of Mr. Jeffer- 
son's administration, than during the administration of his pre- 
decessors. This is a truth, a strong truth, deny it who may, 
which, if I courted popularity, I should not dare to 
promulgate. To many it will appear little short of blas- 
phemy." But whatever may be its appearajice, and how- 



430 THE OLIVE lillANCM. 

ever unpopular it may be, I have fully established, that du- 
ring those seven years, the population, the exports, the reve* 
nues, the tonnage, and the domestic industry of the nation, 
made more progress, than they had done durnig the adminis- 
tration of General Washington ; and that the debt was re- 
duced with unparalleled rapidity. And it therefore incon- 
irovertibly appears, that the country was more prosperous 
during that period, than under his administration, although it 
had then been highly prosperous. 

I trust I entertain a due sense of the transcendent merits 
of General Washington. He was indisputably a truly great 
and most illustrious character. His conduct during the 
revolution has earned him a conspicuous niche among the 
small but glorious band of heroes who saved their country, 
or who sacrificed their lives in the glorious struggle to save 
her. He ranks with Leonidas of Sparta, Kpaminondas of 
Thebes, Cimoa of Athens, yvifred of England, Wallace of 
Scotland, Henry Bourbon of France, Brian Boiromhe of 
Ireland, the Dutch Prince of Orange,'^ Gustavus Vasa of 
Sweden, Andrew Doria of Genoa, and others of this de- 
scription, who hold the first rank among the benefactors of 
the human race. And to those who read the statements of 
the wretched materials with which he had to form his ar- 
mies, as may be seen page 390, &c. his merits will be vastly 
enhanced. The miserable system pursued by the early con- 
gresses, of trusting the fate of the country to short enlistments 
and to militia, trebled tiis difficulties, and trebled his merits in 
itruggling against and overcoming them. 

Besides General Washington's services during the war, he was 
eminently useful to his country afterwards. I feel persuaded 
that but for the influence of his name, the federal convention 
would never have agreed upon a constitution. Of this, it is true, 
1 have no proof — nor is it fully susceptible of proof. It must 
eternally rest as mere opinion. But any man who attentively 
reads Luther Martin's statement of the proceedings of the con- 
vention, (the only published record) and duly considers the dif- 
ficulty they experienced to agree upon a form of government — ■ 
and how nearly all their efforts escaped being blasted, even with 
the advantages of General Washington's influence and exertions, 
will not regard my opinion as very cxtrava2;ant. But I force it 
on no man. I further believe, that even after the constitution 
was promulgated, the influence of his name and support v/as 
absolutely necessary to ensure it success. It was in 
great jeopardy. The minorities in several of the state con- 



The deliverer of Holland from Philip U. 



APPENDIX. 43i 

ventions were numerous, active, and influential. Tlierc was 
theretbre, considerable difiiculty in gettinnj the machinery of tlie* 
government into w[)eratiou. It was a truly arduous (;isk. liui. 
when once the vessel was fairly launched, the duties of the pilot 
were quite easy. 

With this immense and solid stock of indisputable claim on 
the gratitude of his country, and on the esteem and admiration of 
the great and good of our era and of all future ages, he needs 
not any addition to his fame, of which the title is not as clear as 
the noonday sun. And to ascribe to him, or his councils exclu- 
sively, the flood of prosperity that succeeded the establishment 
ofa solid form of government, would be a radical error ay;ainst 
the truth of history. As well might we ascribe tlu; fertifity oi 
the soil, when both seasons and climate are favourable, to the vi- 
gilance of the steward who superintended the plantation, as as- 
cribe the beneficent effects of unshackled and protected Indus-. 
try, to presidenti, governors, or kings. All that mankind require, 
in order to be industrious and happy, is to have their property 
secure. And this is the natural effect of wise laws. 

If the nations of Europe, oppressed by wasteful and destroyin"- 
governments — at war forty or tifty years out of every century- 
curbed and consn-ained and controlled in their industry by 
monopolies, and restrictions, and grinding taxes — if, 1 say, un- 
der all these and numberless other disadvantages, the Kuropean 
nations make advances in prosperity, as is undeniably the case, 
would it not be inexpressibly wonderful, if we did not run rapidly 
in the same career — if we did not outstrip them as far as the 
hale, hearty, vigorous, full-blooded racer outstrips the sta"-e 
liorse, worn out by hard service and mercdess usa^e.^ 

A ship is, in the technical sense, well found in every respect. 
She has a noble crew. She is on the open sea. The winds are 
perfectly favourable. She runs rapidly belbre them. She makes 
nine, ten, or eleven knots an hour. She reaches her destined 
port in perfect safety. Would it not be ignorance or folly to 
ascribe to the skill of the captain the rapidity of her movenients 
or the success other voyage? It is only when the sky is over- 
cast with clouds and darkness — when the furious "hurricaiit 
} owls around the ship — when the waves, opening wide their de- 
vouring jaws, seent ready to swallow her up, that there is a de- 
mand for the energy, the talents, and the fortitude of the mas- 
ter of the vessel. 

With due respect to presidents, and governors, and kings, 
this is a pretty analogous case to theirs. In times of tranquilityj 
there is little room for a display of the talents of an executive 
magistrate. In a well ordered state, the laws may be said to ex- 



452 THE OLIVE BRANCH. 

ecutc tliemselves. The long train of judges, jurors, attuint . 
u-enerals, marshals, constables, 6cc. are eternally on the alert, K 
prevent inliaction. 

It niay anc] vvill seem a paradox (I shall be charged with deal 
ing in paradoxes) to assert, as I do, that at least as much talcnls; 
are actually necessary for a legislator as, in almost every cast- 
for a jrovernor, and, in ordinary cases, for a president. 

In a free representative government like ours, the grand, con-* 
trollinjr, and supeiemiueut power h in the legislature. Tliey or-'' 
dai)i, direct, command. Their will, fairly expressed, enforces, 
obedience equally from the governor or president, as from the 
lowest mendicant. If the'goveriior or president, as the case may- 
be, dares to violate theii' commands, he is impeachable. 

I return to Mr. Jefferson's presidency. " But," it Avill be said, 
'.'the j>rosj)erity of the country was arrested and during the, 
last year of his administration." This I do not, I cannot deny.] 
It appears fully evident from all the documents I have given. 
^Vhence arose tliis stagnation ? This is an important inquiry. 

The application in 1805 of the rule of the war 0^1736, had 
made great havoc on the trade, commerce, and resources of the 
country. At the close of 1807, the French decrees and 33ritisl. 
orders in council v/entinto full operation. And they were rne^ 
bv our embargo. 1 have already stated, and I hope there* i^ 
not a man of candour in Europe or America that will doubt or 
deny, that these measures of France and England reduced thej 
United States to the alternative — of war with one or both — or/ 
else a:i embargo. We were literally hunted off the ocean. 

Tliat an embargo was less perhicious than war — and that it 
was l!ii,hly meritorious to try every otlier means previous to thb'j 
horrible recourse to arms, no '• friend of iicace" can deny. 

But be this as it may, as the- arrestation of our prosperity j 
arose fiom Ihe measure's of France and England — iind as it liasj 
never been pretended that the American administration advisedj 
or encouraged these po\\'ers to adopt their orders and decreeSj 
it conclusive!}' follows, that the outcry against the restrictive 
^.ysteuj of Mr. .lellerson, which these *n\casure« rendered indis'.^ 
poiisable. Is utterly unjust and unfounded. 

There is another mode of deciding this question. 11 thcj 
g:ovcrnmcnt of the United States ^really bore hostility im 
commerce, it had no mode' of displaying, that hostility bur 



ArPENDlX. \3^ 

*jj the enaction of anti-couunercial laws, or the repeal of 
yiws favourable to commerce. This is self evident. Except iu 
this shape, it is as perfectly powerless over commerce as a council 
of Imlians held in a wigvvani. And if there were any anfi coiii- 
Inercial lavvs enacted, they must be still extant. Tlie statnte 
books arc every where to be found. And 1 now in tlie face 
r>f the United St?te$ and that of Christendom, challenjje any 
opposer of the administration to proiluce a single law enac- 
ted during the administration of Mr. Jefferson, which can by 
any man of character be ascribed to hostility to commerce. 
There is not one. Nor was any law favourable to conunerce re- 
pealed. Let the statute books be carefully exau»ined, and the 
\aws brought to the severest scrutiny. 

If. would be most extravagant felly to ascribe the law of 
l^OQ, prohibiting the importation of certain articles of British 
jr.anufacture, to the hostility of the government to commerce. 
This law was enacted in consequence of the murmurs and 
n'monslrances of the commercial men themselves, in order 
to induce England to cease her unjust and injurious depreda^ 
tions upon their commerce. 

We now vlraw towards a close. We have seen, I repeat, 
Mult the population, the exports, the tonnage, the domehtio 
industry, and the revenue of the nation, made rapid progres- 
for seven years of Mr. Jetterson's administration, and that 
during the same period its debts had as rapidly decreased — 
and it appears that no law hostile to commerce was enacted 
=— no law favourable to commerce repealed — and that our 
prosperity continued till it was cut up by the roots by foreign 
powers — and how, then, can a candid federalist so far lose 
sight of justice, or propriety, or the holy rule, " do as you' 
would be done by," as to charge to the past or present adminis- 
tration the consequences of measures over which they hud no con • 
trol? The federalists would complain most grievously if they were 
made responsible for Mr. Jetferson's or Mr. Madison's measures. 
And where is their justice in making Mr. Jett'erson or Mr. Madison 
responsible for the measures, or the consequences of thtj mea- 
«ui:es, of Mr. Percival or Napoleon Bonaparte.'^ 

If I have succeeded to the extent ot my wishes, and indeed of 
itiy expectations, to establish the positions I have laid down in 
this chapter, I cannot fail to have rendered a great and lasting 
service to my fellow citizens of both descriptions, federalists and 
democrats. 

The former I shall have convinced of tiie unsoundness o^ 
*heir towering pretensions to an exclusive promotion of the 
prosperity of this nation, as well ns of the extreme injustic-? 



1 34 THE OLIVE BRANCH. 

of tlie strong and damning accusations they have preferred Ur 
gain&it, and the deadly hostility they have borne towards, their 
lellow-citizens, who are wholly guiltless of the crimes laid to 
their charge. These are important truths, deserving of their most 
serious consideration. To pursue a course of error, merely be- 
cause it has been unfortunately commenced through inadver- 
tence, is worse than foil v. To retract error is magnafiinious. 
These- considerations ought to induce them to lower their tone, 
and to regard their brethien with more kindness and charity than 
thf^y have heretofore extended to them. 

There is one point which cannot be too much or too frequent- 
ly enforced. The federalists have been divested of the powers 
of the general government for thirteen years and upwards. That 
entire periocJ they have spent in an unceasing struv^gle to regain 
the power they had lost. They have spared neither pains nor 
<?xpense. They possess large numbers of men of powerful ta- 
lents, which are in constant requisition for the purpose. They 
have greatly the superiority of newspapers in perhaps all the 
seaport towns, owingto mercantile influence.* They have strug- 
gled in peace — they have struggled in war — they have struggled 
under the pressure of taxes of the most oppressive kind — 
they have struggled while we were covered with disgrace and 
overwhelmed by disaster — and they have struggled when a halo 
of glory surrounded the nation. 'Ihey have struggled under 
every possible variety of circumstances. They have left nothing 
unessayed. in this struggle, the country was brought to the jaws 
of perdition. In this struggle, they were placed in the mortitying 
predicament that their views were likel_y to prosper by the defeat 
and disgrace — and to be utterly disappointed by the success, of 
tlieir country. And in this struggle, some of their leaders com- 
mitted acts in aiding and abetting the enemy, which, under any 
other government, or in any other nation, would have forfeited 
their lives. After all these struggles and efforts, they are as 
far as ever from the attainment of the prize which they have for 
thirteen years been devouring with their longing eyes. 

And what has been the result of these efforts? To engender 
a spirit of faction, the direst scourge that ever cursed a coun- 
try — to divide man from man — to demoralize the nation — to 
prepare us of late for civil war and all its horrors — to deprive 
themselves of all the influence their, numbers, their talents, 
and their virtues, would have ensured them — and to place them 



• In Philadelphia, there are six federal and two democratic papers. The 
proportion is pretty nearly the same in other cities. 



AlTENDiX. 435 

'.r. the frij^litfiil sifnafiou of opposinj>;;ilinofit all the measures «Wthc 
'ulministiMtion, liowever wise or salatury. 



It is time to pnn-^o-r-to east a retrospective eye on the past — 
and look ntiwanl tor fhc result. A verv little, reflection wilt 
sulfice to coa%'incc them, that if they regard their honour as a 
pai ty — their character m liistory — their duty as citizens — and the 
welfare ot their country — a clianj^e, a radical change is necessary. 
No inanof coHiMion sense, who pays attention to tne existing cir^ 
cumstances of the country, can persuade himself that they have 
any chance of regaining power, uidess by a convulsion, of which 
they would be the earliest and greatest sulVerers, and wliich they 
would have every reason to curse most bitterly. And surely with 
the wounds of bleeding, gasping France before their eyes — 
with her groans in their ears — they would nut be so 
mad, so blind, so lost to reason, to couimun sense, to 
religion, to public spirit, to all regard for themselves 
and their families, as to pursue power through such a desperate 
road as a convulsion. If they have failed to gain ground in the 
^reat states of New-York, Pennsylvania, Virginia, and North 
Carolina, when war, stagnation of business^ and depreciation of 
property of every kind, aided their efforts to render their adver- 
saries unpopular, is it not hoping against hope, to calculate on 
producing this eftect when smilinj peace with her cornucopia ha'^ 
once more revisited our favoured land .^ 

Let them take the advice of a political opponent, but a real 
friend. Let them not render a government, whoi^e only real defect 
is its feebleness, still more feeble, and thus endanger its destruc- 
tion, by a blind and indiscriminate opposition, forbidden by every 
principle of common sense and ])atriotism. Let them with 
their utmost energy oppose all impolitic, injurious, or unjust mea- 
sures — but lei them yield a cordial and hearty support to every 
measure calculated to promote the public good. This is what 
constitutes anobJe and dignified opposition party. Let tliem, if 
they choose, use all their elForts to regain the power they have 
lost, by fair and honourable means. Let them regard their breth- 
ren as labouring in the common cause to promote the publicgood, 
even when they believe them in error. Let them n)ake allowance 
for human imperfection, from which they are no more exempt 
than their aiitau;onists. By this course they will make more pro- 
gress in one year than they have in thirteen by intemperate vic- 
lence. This has rQcoiled on themselves, 

57 



436 



THE OLIVE BRANCir 



If I have in this chapter, done a kindness to the federalists. I 
have performed an equal service to the democrats, by clearing up 
satisfactorily points of considerable iniportance to their character- 
Ihope I have fully disproved the heinous charges adduced against 
them, of destroying the prosperity of their country — cluuges 
which have gained credence even across the Atlantic, from thei-'- 
frequent reiteration here. 



CHAPTER LXXIII^ 

Miscellaneous facts and observations. 

In this chapter I shall collect a number of unconnected fact:; 
and observations, which I have not been able to introduce else-^ 
where. 

I. 

A very moderate degree of knowledge of history or human af- 
fairs, furnishes numberless instances of the discordance between! 
very plausible anticipations and the actual result on which they] 
are predicated. 1 oHer one. The best friends of this country] 
were always distressed at the probable consequences of a war up- 1 
on the southern states. It was calculated that suth a state of] 
things would aftbid a favourable opportunity, which would be ea- 
gerly embraced by the slaves, to rise upon their masters, and! 
act over again thehoirors of St. Domingo. It was not taken in- 
to considt ration, that a state of war requiring niartial prepara- 
tions and arrangements, would greatly add to thfe facility ol 
crushing insurrection, without in the least adding to the means of 
its organization, it was also anticipated that the hardy and en- 
terprising people of Massachusetts would shew such a bold fronti 
towards an invading enemy, as to totally forbid, or at least compel 
him to abandon the atfenn)t. The events have falsified both cal- 
culations. No insurrection was thought of by the slaves. Geor-i 
gia, a feeble southern state, accjuireda high degree of honour by 1 
the war. It covered Massachusetts with disgrace. 

11. 

The attempt to impress men from on board the Chesapeake^ 
was not the first outryge peipetratcd by the British on an Ameri- 
can national ship. During the administration of Mr. Adams, se-j 
veral sailors wcrt;, in the >Vest Indies, pressed from on board thej 
Baltimore, a public vessel of the United tStates. 



AITENDIX. 437 

III. 

.Violent partizans have in all ages believed the nionsttous 
doctrine, that the end sanctifies the means :. a doctrine the 
Iruittid parent, of numberless crimes. This frecjuently leads 
parties to adopt measures at which each individual would 
have shuddered. Our country has witnessed various instances 
of tliis kind. Among the Vest, unceasing efturts have been 
made bj some of the most zealous and violent of the oppo- 
sers of the administration, to persuade the public that the 
late war was a measure concerted between Uonaparte and the 
administration, and for which the former I'.ad paid the latter 
liberally. The following letter, which first appeared in the 
Boston Centvnel, was one of the various means employed 
for this purpose. And had the British agents in Paris enter- 
ed in the project, and afforded any countenance to the ac- 
cusation, it would have gained universal credence among 
enemies of the administration in this country, and mi^ht have 
produced alarming consequences. Very much to their credit 
and to our happiness, thej allowed it to perish. 

IMPORTANT LETTER. 

" The original of the letter from^n American gentleman in Paris, of which 
the following is an extract, has been seen by the editor, who vouches for its 
liaving been faithfully copied therefrom :— 

" Paris, May 26, 1814. 
■ " The treaty is nearly concluded, and we shall once more see all the world 
in peace, excepting our own country — tlianks to the wisdom of the demo- 
crats and the partizans of Bonaparte ! Since the war has been declared, he 
has not exercised one single act of amity or friendship, ehher toward the na- 
tion or any individual. It is very well known by every one here who has 
.connection with the government, that it was by bribery that the vote for the 
•-var obUilned. A gentleman employed in the office of the department of for- 
eign afl'airs, told nie, that he saw on the books the names of the senators bri- 
bed, and the sums paid each of them bv Serrurier. I hope in i short time to 
"je able to procure a copy of it, to send to you. The cfiuntry was sold by 
Armstrong bei'ore he left Paris, and the war was decided upon ; and in con- 
bcquence he was made secretarv,'of war, the belter to accomplish the diabolical 
system. I hope the events which have taken place in l'.uroi)e will enlighten 
the Amei-ican people, and shew them their true interest, and that they will 
have resolution and patriotism enough to dismiss from their councUs men who 
have so basely betrayed tJheir countvvandthe coniidence that was reposed m 
fhem by their fellow citizens. This 'is the first step towards makmg an hon- 
ourable and durable peace, which must be the desire of ever>- truetAmencan-' 

This letter was re-copied, as a most important document, 
i;ito a large portion of the federal papers. 

IV. 

French and English injluence.. 

The United States have resounded with the charge of 

French influence, which t have inridently touched upon 

in some of the preceding pages. Of its existence a large 

nortion ef our citizens are as thoroughly satisfied, as of any 



438 THE OLIVE URA^CH. 

of the demonstrations in Euclid. On the subject of Britisa 
influence there is an almost total silence, aliliougn froni 
sameness of language, mercantile intercourse, and the pow- 
erful eftects in bur cities of British capital and Entish agents, 
it is plain and palpable. On the 12th of January, 1814, 
governor Strong delivered an address to the legislature of 
Massachusetts, in v^hich he laid considerable emphasis on a 
" proposal made by the French emperor that the congress 
at Prague should be composed of plenipotentiaries from France, 
the United States, Denmark, and the atltev allied princes 
on the one hand, and the plenipotentiaries of England, Prus- 
sia, and their allies on the other." From this proposal the 
worthy governor implied " a connexion with France in the 
war" — in otluer words, the hideous hydra of " French influ- 
ence." 

While he thMs sagaciously discovered French influence, of 
French connexions, in a circumstance so utterly unimpor- 
tant, IS it not astonishing that he wholly overlooked the extent 
qi British iiijiuence in Boston, the town wherein he wj-ote 
this address— and that he was as silent as the grave ahout 
the enormous supplies of specie at that very time furnished 
to the British nation, then at war with his native country — 
and about the open, undisguised intercourse carried on with 
the enemy, and the public sales of his government bills? 



Forgery of shljys^ papers. 

In' the enumeration of the grievances whereby the United 
i^tates were driven to war with England, little has been said on 
the subject of the forgery of our naval papers, whereby our flag 
was discredited, the British commerce protected, avid extended 
at our expence, and our vessels exposed to the indignation of the 
other belligerents, who must in numberless instances have found 
it impossible to discriminate between vessels littcd out in Lon- 
don with simulated documents, and vessels fitted out byna fide 
in the United States. It is impossible to find an upright man in 
the world, who will not loudly and unhesitatingly condemn such 
a practice. 

Of tlie existence of this practice, no man doubts. But of the 
extent to which it was carried, 1 believe very few are aware, 
1 submit a few <locuments which will throw light on the subject 
and leave it then to the reader's reflections. 

Mr. Brougham, member of parliament for I/iverpool, in a soeech 
on the subject of the orders in council, read the following circu- 
lar from a house in Liverpool, established to carry on the manu- 
ffict\ire of simulated papers. 



APPENDIX. 43i) 

" J.ivcrpoul, . 

««^Gentlemcii — We take the liberty herewith to iiifomi you, tina \vc Jiav.c 
established oursches in tliis town for the purpose orm;ikiiig- simulated papei-s, 
which we ave enabled to do in a way wluch will give ample satisfuctioii to 
our employers, not only being in possesbion of the original ducuiiients of the 
shii)s' papers, and clearances to various ports, a list of which' we annex ; but 

our .Mr. <-^ H liaviui,^ worked widi his brotlier, Mr. J U- , ju 

the same line, for the last two years, and underetiinding all tlie necessary laa 
guag^>s. 

" Of any chani^'es that may occur in the dlflerent places on the continent, 
we are careful to have the earliest information, not only from our own con- 
nexions, but from Mr. J B , who has proffered his assistance in every 

way, and who has i'or some time past made simulated jiapers for Messrs, 
B- aisd I' of this town, to wiiom we hcj; le;tve to refer you for fur- 
ther information. \Ve remain, &.c." Tiien follows a list of about twenty pla- 
ces, from and to which they can forge papers, having all the clearances ready 
by them, from tiie difi"er«nt pviblic agents, tlie moment ihey receive intelli- 
t!;ence vbat any rnerclumt may need their assi^t^nce in tliis scheme ot fabrica- 
tion.* 

From the London JMorning Chronicle^ June 12, 1812. 
*• To ship brokers, custom-house agents, notaries public, merchants, &c.— • 
Simulated papers and seals, capital counting-house fixtures, 20 very excellent 
and expensive charts and maps, &c. — By Mr. Sasipsox, at his warehouse, id 
Size lane, Bucklcrsbury, on Thursday next, at 11, by direction of the as- 
signees. 

" The valuable fixtures and fittings up of the counting-houses, 34 boxes con- 
tainingsimuiiited ships' papers and seals for foreign countries, various colour- 
ed inks foreign writing paper, &c. of iMr. Peter Vunder A. A. merchant, a bank - 
rupt, (removed froni his offices, No. 9, Water lane, Tower-st.) comprising 
seven mahogany , I flap and 2 flap counting house desks, book case, two capi- 
tal library and writing tables, with drawers, stamping and sealing presses, a 
patent instantaneous llglit machine, an excellent mahogany portable writing 
desk with secret drawers, two patent polygraphs, several capital charts, 
amcngst which are the Northern Sea, the Cattegat, the Azores, tlie Atlantic 
Ocean, tlie Baltic Pilot, West Inches, Brltisii Channel, coasts of England and 
Holl-md, iVIediteiTanean, Europe, Asia, iuul America ; Mercator's A\'urld ; 
Laurie and Whittle's new map of the British isles, on spring rollers and 
boxes ; Carey's universal Atlas; a new ledger, journal and waste book, live 
vols.of the beauties of England and Wales, unil 95 numbers of do. six mo- 
rocco leather cases, &.c. To be viewed two d;iys preceding the sale, at the 
broker's warehouses ; catalogues may be had of Messrs. Sweet and Stokes^ 
solicitors, Bausinghall street, and ot Mr. Sampson, 16, Size lane, 15ucklei-s 
bury." 

Extract from the speech of .Mr. Spoomi; at a meeting' in Jiirmingham, Mcirch 

31, lbl2. 
" Tiic evil that presses stronger ujjon my mind, as respects the license sys- 
tem, is the great degradation it produces in the national character. It i.^^ 
lamentable, that a nation, hitlierto standing high in moral estimation, anxious 

* In noticing this matter in the house of common^, Mr. Stephens, author 
of" War in Disguise," said, "he v.ould ask gentlemen sincerely, wire 
chey prepared to abandon all trade to the continent of Euroy)e on'acfcount 
■ of those objections in point ofmorahtv which had been stated by the ho- 
nourable mover } [iSlv. Brougham.]' He felt himself perfectly ready to 
meet any gentleman upon this ground ; and he rci.!lv beUeved he would fin^ 
few who had weakness er.ough to tliink, or liypocris\- enough to assert, that 
the whole trade ot Lurope ought to be abandoned on account of Uie immo- 
rality ot FUAvns necessarily practised in the carrying it on As to the fore- 
mg p -.pers and Frencii consuls' certificates of origi,,, he was convinced thS 
neitheithis,norshewingfalsecolourstothe enemy, ^vould be supposed so 
serious an immorahty as to make us consent to abandon all our lr*de " 



440 THE OLIVE BRANCH. 

•:o promote tnie knowledge, zealous to spread the principles of pure religion- 
should thus lay itself open to tliu imputation of forcin.s^ a trade Ly fraud and 
perjurj, and that, too, under the sanction of government. It must seriously 
afflict every one zealous for the true honour and real interests of his countr\-, 
inat it has hccn admitted in tlie court of admiralty, that under present cir 
cunistances it was necessary to wink at sinmlated papers ! ! ! In cariying' on 
this trade, tlie captuir. of the vessei must be filrnisncd witli two sets of papers 
diam-jtrically opposite to each other, botii of which he must swear to be 
true. He must also swear at one place thjit tlie property is British, iii ano- 
ther tliat it is neutral !" 

In Liverpool, in the fall of 1811, the price of forged paper? 
. Was a.j follows r 

'. X. d. 

American Register, » - - 8 8 

■Sea Letter, - . - - 2 2 0. 

Clearance, . - . - - 2 2 

Bills of Lading:, with notary's certificates of property, 

3 sets, - - -'330 

I shall close the subject with the following judicious and libera] 
remarks from a London paper upon, and just reprobation of, thi^ 
vile system, which goe« the full length of demoralizing the mass 
of the persons engaged in commerce in any nation where it is 
countenanced. 

From a London paper. 
'• When we hear the accusation of treacherous neutrals dniy made agains:. 
the American nation, we ought at least to inquire whether it is.iust before we 
j^-ivo it any credence. If, however, we assist her in obtaining tl»is character, 
■»ud rcs]) the ad;-antages of the prostitution of her flag, we ought to be silent, 
rrj- It is an vmdoubted fact, and well known to all concerned in the Baltic 
tride, that most of the English sliips which have gone to the north of Europe 
tor two years past, have assumed the American flag, and taken simulated pa- 
per.^, by which they have been permitted to|an entVy. The general prevalencc. 
of this practice produced a seizure of all tlie ships under American colours. 
so that, in many instances, the neutral American merchants sufiircd Jt was 
;» sabjL-ct oi remonstrance by Russia, Denmark, and Sweden, to the Americaii 
i»n.suls there, that their neutral flag was thus unfairly assumed by one of th- 
hcirtgcrents. In these instances, ihercfore, we have no right to charge the 
Americans with bad faith, as the adventures were commenoud and Cv'nciudco; 
bv Engfuih jnercliants in England. 

VL 
Upstart pride. 

Among the blots and blemishes of this country, ^^iiptilart pride' 
ranks very high, and produces most ruinous consequences. 

A v.)a.n comes to the United States as a redcmptioner. By lii.'^ • 
labourfor three or four years in a state of servitude, he defrays 
tlic expense of his passage. He afterwards by " saving cheesepar- 
in::.s and ends of candles," and stinting himself of necessaries, 
niakesalittlcmoney. He marries a,wife, a personage equally exalted 
witli himself. Tiiey rakcandscrape together a few thousand dollars^ 
and their ideas expand with their enormdus wealth. TJiey have t'ov.v 



AiTENDlX. 4ll 

five, or six sons. Ami it wouKl be too clcgr.idiii^ fo sto()[» tn miikc 
any of them a tratlcsman or moclianics. No. Tiioy mutit be all 
march-ants — or doctjjrs- — or lauyers. Hence we are overrun 
'.viib brokea mcrclumts, aiul Imtigry doctors and lawyer?, and 
hence arises a most serious and alarming evil, the removal of 
which' demands the etibrts of all the friends of their country. 
There are, alas! thousands of estimable men scattered throu;;h 
the United States, whose talents and fortunes would have quali- 
tied ihem for usetul members of society as farmers, artists or 
mechanics-:— but who are actually, thrown away to themselves and 
the public by being devoted to the mercantile, or legal, or medi- 
cal profession. 

. ■■ ' . * 

The mercantile profession being extravagantly crowded, the 
Competition in our markets for the productions of the country tor 
exportation, enhances the price h^re. And the great competi- 
tion of sellers in the foreign markets sinks the price there. 
Therefore -the operation of this pernicious prejudice, whereby 
one class of our citizens is overstocked, is two- fold — its injurious 
effects are felt at home and abroad. To this source, in a great 
measure, may be ascribed the extravagant proportion of bank- 
ruptcies that have taken plate among the merchants in this 
country for many years. The. great number of sea-ports in the 
United States, wherejn foreign commerce is carried on, creates 
such a competition in the markets abroad, as must at all times 
subject American commerce to considerable disadvantage. It is 
therefore the height cf madness to extend or increase the diffi 
culty under which our commerce xjiust thus constantfy and in^vi 
tably labour. . • , 

Vii. 

'Manufactures. 

Many of our citizens have been led into egregious errors or. 
the vital subject of the proinjtion and encouragement of domes- 
tic manufactures, by an outcry \h\c\\ has been raised against the 
manufacturers, that in all cases therein legal protection is al 
forded them, they take an urtjust and ungenerous advantage o^ 
the public, and enormously enhance the price of their goods, 
wherebv their fellow-citizens are unjustly laid under heavy con- 
tribution. And therefore many of our members of congress sa 
waciouslv determine to let tliis useful class of men, who do more 
to establish the true independence of their country, than ajiy 
other class, struggle against the multitarious disadvantages which 
our infant manufactures labour under, in a competition with t!.-'. 
matured and long established manufactures of Europe. 

It is not easy to conceive of any more miserable error than 
this, or that comes >vit!i a worse grace from those who propa- 



* 



442 THE OLIVe iJKAI^CIf. 

gate it. Who arc tbcy ? Merchants, agriculturists, house 
owners, money lenders, &,c. &,c. 

Let us examine each of these classes separately. I begin \rith 
the merchant. When he imports a cargo of any kind wliaterer, 1 
docs he regulate the price by the cost : — does he display the dis- 
interestedness and self-denial which he so eloquently preaches iip 
to the manufacturer.'* Suppose he brings into the market an or 
<icle whose cost is one dollar, but which, from its scarcity and de- 
mand, will sell for fifty. Does he hesitate to demand and insist 
on fifty.'' Not an instant. And he Avould have no scruple to de- 
mand one hundred, or one thousand, if the market would war- 
rant it.' Let the merchant, then, never rail against the extortion 
of the manufacturer. Let him impose an eternal silence on bis 
tonp;ue, on this topic, so pregnant with materials for his own con- 
deamatioH. 

Next in order Comes tlje agriculturist. And as a large portion 
of the members of our legislative bodies is composed of gentle- i 
men of this class, tlie appeal has been strongly and too success- 
fully made to their passions and prejudices. And they freely re- 
echo the cry begun by the merchants against the predatory spirit 
of the manufactures. They foi'get ike strong parable of the 
mote and tlie beam." Suppose a farmer to bring 1000 barrels of 
flour to a city in a* state of famine. Where are then his bowels 
of compassion? Where his tenderness for his suftering fellow 
men.'' Where his abhorrence of extortion and depredation.'* Will 
he sell his flour for the custcnnary price.'* No. No. No. He 
takes the guage and measure of the general distress. And in. 
proportion to tiie degree of misery, and sutt'ering, and starvation 
that prevails, he fixes his price. 

The owner of houses and lands comes next in turn. And he 
TS in the. same predicament \''ith the merchant and agriculturist. 
He uniformly regulates the rent of his houses and lands by 
the demand, not by the cost. 1 have paid for the use of a house 
for three months, during the prevalence of yellow fever, at least 
as much rent as would have been required for a year. A very 
small, narrow house in Market street, Philadelphia, which could 
not have cost two thousand dollars, rents for one thousand dollars 
per annum. 

On the subject of the generosity of the money lender, it is 
needless to descant. His tenderness, and mercy, and benevo- 
lence, have so long been the subject of celebration and pane- 
gyric by moral and dramatic writers.Jand by sermonists, that they 
cannot have escaped the observation of the most superficial. 



APPENDIX. 443 

, If therefore the manulacturej^ did really increase their profits 
\vitU the increase of demand, it would hut be a just subject of 
coinpUunt, with any ol' the otlicr chissos of society, who exactly 
pursue this [dan themselves. Bul it does not follow, that arise 
in the price of a manufactured article produces an increase of the 
protits of the manufacturer. By mi means. Three items regulate 
the price of manutactures — the cost of the material — the price off 
labour — and the profit of the manufacturer. Now, it is too ob- 
vious to require enforcement, that an increase of demand always 
increases the price of the first — and very frequently ot the second. 
Let us then suppose, that of a yaid o^ broadcloth, which sells for 
six dollars, the raw material costs two — the labour two — and that 
the manufacturer has a profit of the odier two. If (he demand 
by any means be greatly increased, the price of the wool may rise 
half a dollar — and of the labour as much more. Thus the article 
may be sold at seven dollars — and the manufacturf-r not make 
more per yard — and less per cent, than when he sold at six dol- 
lars. This is a random Case — but sufficient to elucidate the 
point. 

. Against extortion, on the part of manufacturers, the public 
have two good safeguards. One is, the competition among tlrem- 
selves, which is at all times sufficient to prevent imposition to any 
very material extent. The other is, the danger of encouraginj^ 
the European articles, which are alwaj^s ready to be poured into 
the country in extravagant ([uantitie^. 



viir 

Excise. 

liie most odious and oppressive form in which public contribu- 
tions can be levied, is excise. However free the constitution or 
laws of a country may generally be, those citizens or subjects on 
whom an excise system operates, are, so far as respects the sup- 
{ port of government, in a state of as much oppression as the sub- 
jects of the veriest despotism in Europe. Their houses are liable 
to domiciliary visits — the whole of their business open to the in- 
spection of tax-gatherers — ^they are subject to the necessity of 
keeping their accounts according to rules and orders, with which 
it is almost impossible for many of them to comply — and in many 
cases they are liable to pains and penalties for perjury, when their 
intentions are perfectly fair and honourable. And so far as res 
pects property, despotism does not, I believe, exhibit itself under 
a more frightful aspect than this, in any part of Europe. 

That there are cases, nevertheless, in which it is perfect- 
ly right and proper for government to impose excUes, and 



444 THE OLIVE BRANCH. 

in >vhich it is the duty of the citizens to submit to them cheerful' 
ly, 1 am satisfied. And that the situation ot this country, dur- 
ing the last session of congress, when the excise system was adopt- 
ed, was such as loudly called lor and justified it, is, I think, 
equally clear. The people should have borne a tax on binhs or 
funerals, on the light o4 heaven, or the air they breathe, rather 
than submit to an invading enemy. And I think it was credita- 
ble to the nation, that congress relied so far on its patriotism as to 
risk their popularity on a system so obnoxious, which nothing 
but dire necessity could justify. 

But when peace was restored^— when the merest sciolist in 
political economy must be perfectly satisfied, that the impost 
would be amply adequate to meet all possible demands ot th'ft 
•j;overnment — it was a most unpardonable sin of the democratic- 
iniijority not to repeal this most odious of all the odious forms of 
taxation. To continue the domiciliary visits ofexcisement — and 
all the revolting detail of this system, when there was so obviously 
no necessity for it, and when it could be done away without any 
possible disadvantage, was a gross dereliction of duty on the part 
of the thirteenth congress— a disregard of the feelings and just 
claims ofa large portion of their fellow-citizens, that cannot fail 
to ensure tliem the tnost unqualified censure of their constitu- 
ents. And there is no doubt that they had political sins ejiough 
to answer for, without this addition to the catalogue. 



IX, 

French Bccrees— English Orders in Council 



I have already several times incidentally touched on these mea- 
sures in the course of this work. But I cannot resist the tempta- 
tion once more to raise my feeble voice against them in a fev:' 
concluding observations. 

The whole history of the world maybe ransacked in vain to 
find any parallel to these barefaeed violations of the law of na- 
tions. They alone would be sufficient to stamp the era througl^ 
whic h We have passed with disgrace and dishonour. 

Two great nations— or rather tlie governments of two great 
nations — strain every nerve for mutuai destruction. For the at- 
tainment of this object, there is a most wanton and prodigal sacri- 
fice madeof human life and human happiness. Yet inthe'midst of , 
this frightful devastation, they niost perfectly accord on one point, dj 
which is, todt'prcdateonthepropertyofunoflendingandunprotectetli| 
neutrals— oris terms of the Boston merchants— <'to pre v"— yes, it ■ 



APPENDIX. 445 

IS " to prey upon the unprotected properti/ of a fricndli/ power.'* 
This, as I have already stated three or four times, is the lan- 
j];uagc of the merchants of Boston, signed by their committee, 
James I^loyd, George Cabot, David Green, ArnoUl Welles, 
John Coflin Jones, and T. H, Perkins. If it be oHensive, let 
these gentlemen answer for it. 

What is the meaning of" to prey?'* Dr. Johnson, wlio is in- 
disputable lexicographical authority — tells the world — that — ^" to 
prey, is neither more nor less, tlian " to plunder — to rob.** 

Thus it appears that tlie wliole body of merchants of the town 
of Boston, in 1806, publicly accused the Jiritish government of 
'•* plandtring and robbing*' "the unprotected property of a friend- 
ly power." And that the " decrees" were of an equally "/n-ey- 
ing** character, will not be disputed. 

And what was the palliation of this preying system? France 
constantly and earnestly protested, that England had begun the 
trade of ^^ preying,** and that she had only followed her exam- 
ple. England with equal vehemence answered that the " prey- 
ing** had begun en the other side of the channel. And on this 
miserable, contemptible pretence, they "preyed" upon American 
property between them, to the amount probably of tliirty mil- 
lions of dollars. In a word, it appears that both parties thought 
ns unable to protect ourselves, and therefore that our commerce 
was lawful < prey* to .ivail myself once more of the phraseology 
of Mr. Lloyd and his friends. 

It might be thought- impossible to add- a shade to this odious 
system. But this is an error. The last stroke of the pencil is 
wanted. While each of these nations " preyed-* upon the lawful 
commerce of the United States with her enemy, they carried on 
in the midst of a raging and devouring war, a traiiic with each 
otther, erected on the basis of fraud and perjury, a considerable 
portion of the materials of which traffic arose from the American 
property '■preyed,*'' upon by their cruisers ! ! ! ! ! 

The New-York merchants prefer an accusation against the or- 
ders iu council, full as strong in sul^stance — but not quite so 
plain in style as tlieir Boston brethren. They state that " hav- 
ing totally suppressed the external commerce of her enemies, 
Great Britain is counselled to aim'ropi^ate to herself that of her 
friends.** The term " appropriate** is more Chesterfield ian than 
'*'prey.** But it is, after all, the same dish, a little more nicely 
garnished. Theprivateersman who " ;;rc//e(/" upon the '■''un- 
protected property of a friendly power** merely '■'appropriated''' 
'hat property to hiuiself^ 



446 THE OLIVE BRANCH. 

That in the whole world a single man, who did not profit ty 
tiiis system, should be found tojustify, or palliate it, is amazing 
beyond expression. But that American merchants, whose vital 
interests and whose country's dearest rights it cut up root arid 
branch, should have taken thisground,as we know they have done, 
will to our posterity appear as fabulous and as romantic as the 
celebrated history of Don Bellianis of Greece — the renowned his- 
tory ofParismus, Parismenos, and Parismenides— or the delectav 
ble tales of Aladdin's wonderful lamp, and Sinbad the Sailor. 

It will be asked, why discuss this subject now? what pur- 
pose can it answer but to anger and to irritate— to prevent the 
wounds received and given from cicatrizing ? Ought not these 
topics to be buried in eternal oblivion? Can this be a proper 
time for such enquiries ? I ansvyer, this is the time— the only 
time. What purpose would the discussion answer during the 
violence and turbulence of war? A period of peace is precise- 
ly the time to investigate the question, all important to the 
United States, whether the rights of neutral nations are to be 
held by t,he tenure of the forbearance, the moderation, the jus^ 
tice and generosity of belligerents — a tenure, of the precarious- 
ness of which we have seen so many admonitory examples — or 
whether the rights, the sovereignty, the trade, the commerce of 
neutral nations shall be treated by belligerents with the respect 
to which they are entitled. This is a glorious theme for enlight= 
ened men on both sides of the Atlantic — wortliy of a Milton, a 
Grotius, a Puffendorff, a Henry, a Dickinson, or a Franklin 



VHE END. 



INDEX, NO. I 



Those articles not found in this Index, may be sought for in No. II. ) 

^darn's Defence of the American Constitutions, tcibute to, - 3l 
Admhiistration of Mr. Jefferson, weakness of, - - 49, 50 
Alexander, oTiperor, his opinion of the justice of the war, - 248 
Alien and sed.tion laws, opposition to, - ' ' 43 
American revolution, barbarities perpetrated in, - - 36 
American merchants, true policy of, - - - T^^J 
Americans vindicating the outrages of Great Britain, - - 1^1 
American impressed sailors scourged for tr}ing to procure redress, 197 
American slaves on board British men of war, - - 219 
Appointment of Mr. Gallatin, as minister, impolitic, - -57 
Annistice, proposed by admiral \Varreu, 52 — rejected by Mr. Ma- 
dison, 54 — impolicy of Xhe rejection, - - 5% 
Armistice proposed by 3Ir. Madiion, 55 — rejected by lord Castle- 

reagh, .'.. '.'. - - 56 

Arnold, Benedict, treason of - - . - - ^^32 

Associations to prevent the success of the loans, - ■• ^P^ 

Attack on the Chesapeake, statement of the, 180 — ^Remarks on, - 224 

Bank of United States, non-renewel of the charter of tlie, . 51 
Bankruptcies, numerous, in middle and soutliern slates, - 307,J313 

Baring Sir Francis, purch.ised 2200 shares in the Bank U. States, 53 

Bayard, James A. liis opinion ofthe ordei-s in council, - 251 

Baring's inquiry into the effects of the orders in council, - 126 

Berlin decree not enforced against American vessels, for 12 months, 119 

Sell's Weekly Messenger, defence of America by, - - 188 

Blake, Francis, remarks on, - - - - - 326 

Blind leading the blind, -. - - - - 316 

Blockade of the coast from tlie Elbe to Brest, J - - 118 
Boston has 44 members in the house of representatives of Massa- 
chusetts, - - - - - - - 409 

Boston, turbulence of, ----- - 263 

Boyle's ( captain ) blockade of the British dominions, - - 119 
British depredations brouo^ht on the tapis in the senate ofthe Uni- 

•tedSUtes', - - _ ., . , . . i07 



4^8 



INDEX. 



British prizes sent into Boston, - - , 506 

British depredations, calculation? of the amount of, - '24,7 

British depredations, governor Pkimer's opinions on, - 248 

British government bills openly advertised for sale in Boston, 309 
British depredations, mercantile meetings against, 84, 85, — ruinous 

consequences of, . ' . . gf, 

British privateers, liorrible picture of the rapacity of, - 127 

British system towards tiie United Statesj impolicy of, - 346 

Britisli mitiistcrs, indefensible conduct of. - " - 35& 

Brougiiam, lieni-}-, extract from speech of, - - 348 
Chesapeake, murderous attack on the, 110— Indignation excited by 

the, - - - 110, 112, 113 

Change in the prospects of the country, - - 31 

Church is in danger, magical eilecta of the deceptious cry, - 174 

Civil war, danger of, 31 endeavotu-s to produce, - 33 
CiHSsification system, excellence of, 375, 376, 378— a measure of 

the Amei'ican revolution, - - - 399 
Cobbett, W. reflections ot; upon the impressment of American seamen, 191 

Colonial trade, liberal exposition of tlie nature of| - - 83 

Commerce of America, all important to England, 345 — extent of, 345 
Combination to paralize the government, 306— ruinous consequences 

ot, 3ll — puiliculars ot - - - St.. 

Commerce of ditierentpai-ts of the United States, - . 280 

Combination, treasonable, to banlcrupt the government, - 300 

Contiagrauon at Washington, efiects of, - - - 62 

Congress, lamentable imbecility of, . _ . 54^ g^ 

Conbular certiticates of origin, a cause of capture, - - 129 

Constitutions ot various states, extracts from, - - 377 

Congress empowered to call out the militia in case of invasion, 383 

Copenhagen, flagitious destruction of, - - 360 

Credulity, wondertul, of faction, - - - 134 

Critical situation ot the United States, - - - 29 

Dacres, captain, address of, to the court martial, - - 2ll 

Daitiiu's ( Amy ) horse, proceedings respecting, - . - 65 
Danes, Portuguese, and Swedes, impressed on board American vessels, 2l7 

Da%ila'3 history ot French civil wars, reference to, - - 31 

Deaue, Silas, treason of, - - . 332 

Debts of the Umted States, diminution of the, - - 427 

Declaration of war agauist France, motion for rejected, - J57 

Democrats tlireatencd witli vengeance as friends of Bonaparte 414 
Democrats nul at the appointment of Judge J;iy to negociate with 

England, • - * - - 58 

Direct taxes, repealed under Mr. Jefferson's administration, - 428 

Disali'ection towaj-ds the gc vcrnment, instances of, . - 30 
Discord, attempts to produce, Ijetweeu the eastern and southern states, 267 

Domestic improvements and industry, progi'ess of, - 42Q 
Duties on exports paid by the diti'erent states, . 287, 288,289 

Daty of the United States to oppose ^litish pretensions, - 86 

Kastern states, pretensions of, to superiority ov'.-r southern, - 268 

Kastcrn states, characier of at various periods, - - 269 

F.;istern states, greatly dependent upon the southern. - 293,294 

l*>aster!i states, deeply interested in munufactures, 37 S 

3Ku».on, general, shameluUy treated, ^ . . 4P 

JligliL per cent, loan, opposition to, - - - A:'- 

Embargo, not duly enlorced by Mr. Jefferson. - - - 5f' 

F.r!:ibskrgo,tkctious cluuiour igainsll, . . , . 131 
E;iib;»rgo, a wise, prudent, and necessary measure. - 1^31,134,13.'^; 

Eiubjj-go, a view oi, - - : • . - - 135 

Emuapjjo, British proclamafion invites to violation o^', - l-^J* 



INDEX. . 449 

Lmbarg'o, comparison of, with acts passed during the preceding 

iidniiiiistralions, ...-•- I-IC 

Embai-go, act to enforce the, . - - - - 140 

Embargo, flagrantly violated, 139— repealed, • . ^ " * 1^- 

Kmbargo, reconiuuaded to congress by mei-cliants ot New \ovk, io7 

English, Canaille detest foreigners of all descriptions, - - 329 

I- ngland, magnanimous exan'ple of .... 3^9 

England struggling for her existence, a mere delusion, - 35g 

English outrages, details of, ...--- 358 

England more al)ly defended in America than in London, - 12.*: 

England, elaborate defence of, - - - , - 18* 
England carried on v ith France the trade interdicted to the United . 

suites, - 248 

'irrors of the democratic party, - - - - 39 

ia-skine arrangement, liberal and nna^Ranimou?, - - 169 

Erskine arrangement, loudly and imiversally applauded, ^- 173 
Erskine arrangement, newspaper extracts respecting, 175, 176, 177 

Kr-skine arrangement, analysis of, - - - - ■ 179 

Erskine arrangement, cause of its rejection, - - 179 

Ei-sklne, Mr. George Ciuining's inttructions to, - - 182 

Exports of the United States, statements of the, - - 423 

Exports of the United States, increase of - - - 82 
Exports of United TStates, foreign ami domestic, 271— foreign; 273 — 

domestic, 275--various comparisons of die, - 272, 273, &e. 

Faction, consequences of - - • - 36 

Faction, deletorious eft'e'-ts of, respecting iip.pressinent, - 216 

Foderal convention, proceeding in, - - 78 

Federal party, division amolig, - . - . 7g 

Federal constitution, formed with great diificulty, - - 79 

Federal party, their unavailing struggles for poft'er, - - 433 

Federal constitution, happy co?>sequences of - - 4^9 

Federalists, errore of, - - - •- 77 

Federalists, address ot tlie author to, - - . 335 

Federalists pursued tlie policy they reprobated in the democrats 38 

-Federalists in 1793-4 and 5. fViends of order and good government, 326 

Foreigners, illlberality of prejiwlices against, - - 32U 

Foreigners, list of, who supported the cause of America, - 334 

Foreign commerce, progress of, - - - - 423 

Fort Washington, capture of, - - • - - 74 

Fox's (Charles .lames) blockade from the Elbe to BresTj - 181 

France, American injustice to, ... . 105 

France, urbanity of,— hideous change in iis manners, - - 36 

French influence, utter want of foundation ff, - I16, 17o 

Gardiner, Kev. J. S. J. extracts from his political sermons, - 320 

General government, wonderful pusillanimity afdie, - - 413 

General tickets, extremely pardal and unjust - - 407 

Gerrymanderism, definition and injustice of, - 404, 405, 4( d 

Generosity of nations, a nonemity, . - - 3U 

Gilman, governor, extract from his speech, - - 417 

Gottenburg, negociation at, impolitic, - - - 5? 

Gordon, lord George, riots excited by, • - . 29 

Great Britain egregiously deceived by her friend 3, - - 23 J 

Griswold, governor, his opinion of the conduct of France and England, 252 

Guerriere, particvilars of the capture of the, . - 21J. 

Hartford convention, pronounces a strong censure on the repeal of 

the direct taxes, .... . 42g 

Henry, John, statement of the mission of, - - - 149 

Hillhouse, Mr. invites to insurrection, . - . 14ft 
Horizon, atrocious case of the, . - - 419, 13.^ 

imbecility of tliegovenunentj x-epreaohes of tire, - - 228 



450 



INDEX. 



impressment en board the Baltimore, national vessel of U. S. _ - 436 
Impressment of American seamen, reHections on, 188— by H. Niks, igi 

impressment of American seamen, ^h: Madison's objections to 189 

—J. Q. Adams's, 190— Horrors of, - - 204 

Tmpressment of American seamen, during the admmistration of Gen. 

Washington, i93_during that of Mr. Adams, 195— during tliat 

of Mr. Jefferson, ~ . ". ^ " ^^^ 

Impressment of American seamen; contradictory opmions ot Mr, 

Piclcering respecting the, - ^ ' „ „ 193,198 

Impressment of American seamen, various views of, 222, 223, 259, 260, 262 
Insurrection and civil war, easiJy excited, difficult to suppress. 
In vocution to war, by Dr. Parish, 
Ireland and Irishmen, elegant defences of, . 
Irishmen and Frenchmen, objects of jealousy, 
Irislmien in Pennsylvania hue, suft'ei-ings and hardships of. 
Irishmen, zealous in their support of the government, 
Izard, departure of from FluUsburg, highly injudicious, : 

Jackson, general, exploits of, - - 

Jacobin and Jacobinism, definition of, - . 

Jay's treaty, factious oprositicn to, . „ ; 

Jefferson, Thomas, malignant abuse of, 

Jews, deplorable and factious state of - - - 

King, Cyrus, speech of, onthe classification bill. 
King, Kufus, vote of thanks to, by house of delegates of Maryland, 
King', Kufus, conduct of, respecting impressment, 
Knox, general, his plan for classification of tlie militia, 
liberality and forbearance of the United States, 
t-iston's, -Mr. project of a convention respecting deserters, 202 — ob- 
jections to, - - - - 
I^loyd, James, his opinion of the orders in council. 
Loans, ruinous dependence upon, . - - 
Loans to government; treasonable efforts to prevent the success of, 
Lyon, M:ttthew, severe case of, - - - 
JNIachiavelian advice of John Henry, 
Maryland representation, unequal, unjust and oppressive 
Massaclwisctts degraded by faction, 315 — compared with Tennes- 
see, 315 — and invaded without resistance, 
Massachusetts has a representative of her black population, 
Massachusetts, factious and turbulent spirit of, 
Massachusetts, representation in, very ill arranged, 
Members of house of representatives of the United States, 
Merchants, character of by Edmund Burke, 
Merchants, utterly fail to redeem tlieir pledge. 
Merchants, miserably mistake their true policy and interests. 
Mercantile meetings to remonstrate against British depredation, 
Milan decree, atrocious wickedness of the. 
Miller, Mr. speech of on the. classification bill, 
MUitiadefeiice, exanunation ofitsefBciency, 
Militia service, riglit of society to coerce. 

Militia laws of various states, extracts from, - - 5/9, 

Militia draft.s, oppressive, unequal and unjust. 
Militia defence, inefficiency ot; 387— Gen. "^Vashington's denuiicia- 

tlons of, - - . 389, 390, &:c. 

Mmonty, inexplicable conduct of the, - . 235 

Money, the sinews of war, . . . 296 

Monroe and Pirikiey's treaty rejected by Mr. Jefferson, . 46 

Moral-i, horrible depravation of, '. . . 305 

Morse, Ktv. Jcdldiah, extracts from apolitical sermon of, - 416 

.Morse, Hcv. Jedidiali, his exhortation to support governfincnt* . 416 

Muster bpoks of MoscUe and Sappho, - , 210 



341 
415 
334-35 
329 
330 
333 

75 

41 
326 

46 
17-5 

12 
38-1 
403 
207 
401 
109 

203 
251 

76 
299 

44 

m 

4 

315 
S69 
295 
409 
365 
102 
103 
lO.v 

84 

11-*.', 

384 
374 
377 
380 
386 



INDEXo 



4.t3 



Navy, democratic opposition to, - » - - 

Newspaper statements, erronrou?. . .. » - 

Ket^lect of public opinion, ruinous consequences of, 

^Newspaper misrepresentations, ruinous consequences of, 229, 

Newb'.uvport pletiges itself to resist tbe government even unlo-blood. 

New Oceans, remarks on the occlusion of, 

Newspaper denunciations of subscriljcrs to jjovernmcnt. loans, 

Non-intcrcoui-se reprobated by democrats, 31 — and by federalists, 166, 

Non-importation [?.\\ , tenor of, - ~ - - - 

Non-intercourse law, view of the, - . , . 

Northern p;'rievances, extract from, . 

O'Brjen, Re-nartl, impressed seaman, certificate respectinfr. 

Opposition to the government, ruinous consequences of the, 

Orders in council, denunciation of by James Lloyd, 251 — by James A. 
Bayard, ibicl— by H. G. Otis, ' . . . - 

Orders in council, 1793, ruinous consequences of. 

Orders in council, Nov. 11, 1S07, 12U— Nov. 25, 1807, 123— defended 
by Americans, .--..- 

Orders in council required to be resisted, ... 

Orders in council, inquiry into the effects of the, 349 — testimony 
ap-ainst, ..--... 

Osgood, Rev Dr. David, his exhortation to support government 

Osgood, Rev. David, extracts from the political sermons of, o2l. 

Outrages, succession of, pc'petrated on this countr}? by the British, 

Pacific measures defeated by mercantile ojjposition, 

Parish, Rev. IJr. Elijah, bis e.vhortations to support govemmenL 

Parish, Rev. El'jah, extracts from his political sermons, - ' 321, 

Parliamentary proceeding's in England, 

Party and faction, the b:me of republics. 

Party writers, deceptions conduct of 

Party and faction, history of, a desideratum, 

Party men, thorough-going, rarely honest politicians. 

Parties change names and principles. 

Patriotic proceedings, statement of 

Peace party, ruinous effects of their exertions. 

Peace partj-, composed of warlike materials, 

Pelham's essays, extracts frcm, 

Pennsylvania line, sufferings and heroism of, 

Perceval, Spencer, assassination of, 

PeiTy, consequences of his victory, 

Philadelphia, citizens of^ as religious as those of Boston, 

Philadelphia, ingratitude of, ... 

I'ickering, Mr. Timothy, vote of, against British depredations 108^- 
against impressment, ..... 

Pickering, T. objects to Mr. Liston's projet of a convention respect- 
ing deserters, -..-.. 

Pickering, T. wonderful contrast of the opinions of, 136, 192, 

Pinkney, Wm. character of, , . - 

Popular delusion, influence of; - 

Popular delusion, extraordinary instance of. 

Population of the United States, progress of the, 

Power of congress over the militia, inquiry into the. 

Preparations, neglect of - 

Preparations for war, 224, 226, 

" President Madison to Elba," a favourite idea with many. 

Pretensions of Great Britain exposed by Boston merchants. 

Pretensions of England, extravagant, ... 

Printer at Reading scourged by a band of Philadelphia volunteers 

Proceeding of congress, imbecility and folly of, 

Profits of commerce, 50 percent. 

59 



40 
61 

6(( 
2ol> 
101 
231 
301 
167 
109 
165 

34. 
£14. 
325 

254> 
«1 

12J 
345 

350 

416 

415 

346 

107 

415 

415 

63 

29 

57 

4J 

12 

3-25 

146 

325 

237 

265 

330 

356 

4! 

270 

330 

lOg 

202 
199 
356 

30 
297 
422 
38J 

59 
227 

e 

87 
182 
236 

63 

i5r 



452 INDEX. 

Prosperity of tl»e United States, view of: ... 4ig 

I'rosiicrity of the United States, progress of the, - 418, 432 

Pulpit politics, seditious and treasonable instance of, - . 299 
Puljiit politics, a hideous abomination, 318 — various instances of, 3l9, 

320, _- - - ... 321 

Quincey, J osiah, seditious speech of, - ... 365 

Keflcctions on the mercantile memorials, - - . 100 

Religious factions, remarks on, - - - . 29 

Keligious fanaticism, instances of - - . -■ 32 

Hepcal ot orders in council, very equivocal, - - - 65 

Republics, history of, iiot duly studied by the democrats, - 40 

Jittallation, a mere pretence on the part of England, - - 10* 

Revenues of the United States, increase of the, - . 425 

Rider annexed to Jay's treaty, - ... 47 

Roau to Ruin, delujiou and misrepresentation of, - - 317 
Rule of 1756, utterly abandoned by the British government. So—a 

mere pretext to cover predatoi-y seizures, . . 98 

Russ'.an mediation, misrepresentation respecting, - . 67 

^Senatorial repi'ebtntation, iniquitous arrangement of - - 406' 

Scpaiatiou of the states, project for a, in 1796, ~ .• 7 

Reparation of the states steadily advocated in Boston, - - 49 

Stpai'ation of the states, various efforts to eltcct a; . 264, 365 

.Sinuk,'-gling carried to great excess in Boston, - _ . . 304 

Snhtr character of the Americans Jio security against civil war, ♦ 36 

Southern states, tuifavourable anticipations respecting, belied by events, 436 

Southi.rn states, sliameful libel against the; . . ' . 265 

Southern states, not hostile to the eastern, . . , 290 

Specie, accumulation of in Boston, - - . . 306 

Specie, oppressive drafts for, on middle and southern states, - 307 

'I iia\er, Jllram, hard case of: - . . , . 213 

"I'ou.iiJge of the United States, view of; . . • . 285 

Xhonipson, Richard, impressed seaman, sufferings of; - - 21i 

Transit duties, P. S. Jackson's view of the payment ot; - . 258 

Tiunsit duties imposed by (ireat Britain on American trade, - l24 

L niti. d States, glorious prospects of, 32 — remarks uponj - 33 
Unili d Stytes, not sufficiently gTateful or mtmificent towards great merit, 42 

liiitcd Stales, view of the prosperity of, ... 41 j5 

United States, unparalleled happiness of the, - •■ - 16 

Vnginia reprtsentatim, vme([ua], unjust and oppressive, - 411 

^^ ar, constant cause of with i^ngland; ... 47 
^^ .„ violently opposed by the minority; . i 235,236,237 

M:*r proceedings in congress, details of the, ... 231 

\\ ur with England inevitable but by a sacrifice of national character, 236 
W ar, repeated clamour for; - . . 238, 240, 241, 243 

M'arjhiquiry into the justice of; . . . . 244 

Wasliing'toh, generid; his gi-cat merits and senice, - . 430 
\\'..s!iington, capture of, remarks on, 68— causes of; 70; 71; 72; 73; 74 

We.ilth) nieii lending their aid to overturn the goveniment, . 9 

A\ fJlington, lord, immensely rewarded, , . ' . . 42 

Whitby, captain, honourably acquitted forthc murder of Capt. Pcarce, 209 

W okott, O. objects to Mr. Liston's projet respecting deserters, - 203 

\eas and nays On vaj-ious questions reg:irding wai, - . 2^*^'.^ 



POCUMENTAL INDEX 
NO. II. 



Admiralty, address to the British navy - . jg 

Alien law, extract from, - - . - 45 

Alexander, emperor, declaration of tlie - . 2-i% 

Baltimore Mercantile Memorial, extracts from, - - 93 

Boston Mercantile Memorial, extracts from, - - 86 

British importations, law limiting - - 109 

Baron, commodore, letter from - • .116 

British proclamation, ordering the impressment of British subjects on 

board American vessels, - • -117 

Berlin Decree, November 21, 1807, - - 118 

Bayard, James, Esq. extract from a speech of ^ - 251 

Boston banks, abstract of the state of the - - 308 

British government bUls, advertisement of the sale of, - 309 

Blockade, British definition of ... 359 

Catlet Dr. report of, - - - -72 

Committee of Congress, report of, . - - -72 

Colonial trade, report of King's advocate upon, - - 83 

Chesapeake, proceedings respecting the attack upon the 112, 113,114 

Crjug, Sir James, his instructions to John Henry, - - 150 

Credentials from Sir James Craig to John Henry, w « 151 

Commercial intercourse with Great Britain and France, act to interdict 16 j' 
Copenhagen, destruction of, Mr. Rose's account of the - 360 

Conscription of Militia, Pennsylvania law respectmg - - 399 

Canning, Mr. George instruction of to Mr. Erskine, . - 182 

Certificate of Lieutenants. Van Hofiman, , - 210 

Duties paid by the different states, from 1791 to 1812, ' . 287 

Domestic improvements, tables of - . . 421 

Depesition of Isaac Clark, - ^ -^ . 209 

Deposition of Richard Thonipson, - - - 211 

Dacres, captain, extract from the defence of . - ibid. 

Documents on the subject of impressment, annexed to the report of the 
cemmittee of the legislature of Massachusetts, 220 ; Deposition of J. 
Eldridge, ibid.; of William Parsons, ibid.; of Caleb Loring, ibid ; of 
Moses Townsend, 221; of Joseph Mudge, ibid; of Andrew Hsraden, 
ibid.; of Josiah Orae, ibid.; of Nathaniel Hooper, ibid-; ol B. '1'- 
Reed, ibid. 
Extract of a letter from Philadelphia, published ir. the Londonderry 

Journal, - ' . . 230 

Extract from the proceedings of the legislature of Massachusef t.,, 245 

Extract from the report of the committee recommending a declaration 

of war, . - . . 246 

Exports of the United States, foreign and domestic, table of the 271, 280 

423 foreign, 273; domestic, 275, 424 
Embargo, Philadelphia resolutioag against . 140 

Enforcing law, extracts from . 140 

Erskine, Hon, David M ; letters ofto the secretary of state, 170, 171 

Kxtractfromtiienjemtrialofthe mercliaat5(^'5»lem, - 206 



454 DOCUMENTAL INDEX. 

Extract from New-York memorial, - - . iiiJg 

Extract from the memorial of the merchants of Jialtimore, . ibid. 

Extract from the memorial of the merchants of New-haven, ' - ibid. 

Foster, Augustus, Esq., extract of a letter from - - 259 

Governor (iriswold, extract fi-om an address of - - 352 

Gil man, Governor, extract from a speech of - - - 417 

GueiTiere, extracts from the logbook of the . - - 211 

Governorof Massachusetts, his pr.aise of Mr. Madison, • 177 
Hamilton, Alexander, letter from, to col. Pickering, . •78 

Hillhouse, INlr., extract from his speech, . - - 148 
Henry, John, letters from - - - ISl, 152, 153, &c, 

Horizon, letter respecting the capture of the . 119 

Impressment, resolution of the senate of the United States, against 108 

Ii-eland and Irishmen, strong federal tribute to . 335 

Instnictions of Mr. Madison to Mr. Monroe, - - 189 
instructions from Timothy Pickering Esq., secretary of state, to Rufus 

King, Esq., . . . 194, 195 

Jackson, Francis Jannes, Esq., extract of a letter from . 253 

Knox, General, his plan for clas-sifjing the militia, . , 401 
iiing, Rufus, Esq., vote of thanks to liim respecting the cJassification 

law, .... 403 

Letter from Secretary of state to admiral Warren, - 5a 

Lloyd, James esq. extract from a speech of - 251 

Letter from Mr. Russel, to lord Castlereagh - ibid. 
Loans, advertisements of Boston brokers, respecting - 302,303 

Legislature of Ohio, their declaration respecting the war, - 249 

Lloyd, James, esq, extract of a letter from - - 260 
Liverpool, Lord, letter of respecting John Henry, - 162,163 

Ladd, Eliphalet, deposition of - . . 204 

Letter of John Quincy Adams, esq. to Harrison G. Olis, esq. 190 

Letter from Thomas Jefferson, secretar} of state, to Rufus King, esq. 193 

194 

Letter from Rufus King, esq. to Timothy Pickering secretan- of state, 196 

" 198, 202, 206 

Letter from Silas Talbot, to Timothy rickcring, e.sq. secretary of state, 196 

Letter from Timothy Pickering, secretary of state, to Silas Talbot, 197 

Letter from John Marshall, esq. secretary of .state, to Rufus King, esq. 200 
Letter from Timothy Pickering, esq; secretary of state, to president 

Adams, - . . - 202 
Letter from Benjamin Stoddard, esq. secretary of the navy, to do. 203 
Letter from Oliver Wolcot, esq. to do - - ibid 
Letter from Janaes M'Henry, esq. secretary at war, to do - ibid 
Letter from Commodore liodgers, - . 210 
Letter from Commodore Porter to the antliorofthe Olive Branch, ibid 
Letter from the brotlicr of an impressed seumeii killed on board the Ma- 
cedonian, - - _ - 212 
liCtter from John Nicholas, - - - ibid* 
Letter from John Davis, of Abel, . - .- 2l3 
Letter from Commodore Decatur to the secretary of the navy, 213 
Letter from Captain Capcl to Commodore Decatiir, . . 214 
Letter from Commodore Decatur, to Captain Capcl, - 214 
Liston's Mr projet respecting de.sertcrs, . - 202 
Munroe and Pickering, extract of letter from, - - 83 
Minor, col. rcpoi t of . - 72 
Milan Decree, December 17, 1807, . 122 
Militia extracts from state constitutions respecting tlie - 377 
Militia, extracts from the state laws respecting the - 379 
Militia, extracts from tl)e letters of General Wasliington on the subject 



->f 



239 



DOCUMENTAL INDEX. 455 

New-hav<M)iMercantlIe Memorial, extracts from, - 9ti 

Newbtu-yport Mercantile Memorial, extnicts fiym, - ibiii 

Note of the British commissioners, api)cmlcJ to Mr. Monroe's treaty, 4^ 
New York Mercantile Memorial, extract from - - 88 

New- York Evening' Post extract from !, - 328 

New-York memorial, recommeiidlng- an embargo - 168 

National debt of the United Slates, tables of the - 427 

Ordei-s in Council, Nov. 1793, - " - 8l 

Orders in Covnicll, November 11, 1807, - - 120 

Otis, Hainison Gray, Esq, extract of a letter from - 2o4 

O'Brien, Be"nard, certilicate respecting - - 2l4 

Orders in Council and Decrees, resolution respeclinij the - 13 j6 
Orders in Covmcil, evidence respecting the opperatiou ot llie - 350, 351 
iphiladelphia Mercantile Memorial, extracts from, . 90 

Political sermons, extracts from - - 321,322,223 

Fkimer, governor, extract from his speech, 1812, - - 248 

Proclamation inviting to a violation of the einb:irgo, - - 138 

Proclamation of the president restoring intercourse witli Great Britain, 172 

population of the United States, tRbles of. the progress of the - 422 
Pickering, ilr. Timotln-, extracts from his letters respecting imjjress- 

ment, -' - . - - - 192 

Proclamation interdicting oiu" ports to British vessels of war, - 110 
Quincey, Josiah, Esq, extract from a speech of, on a dissolution oftlic 

union, - - - - 365 

Repeal of orders in council, extract from tlie, . - 55 

Resolution of the senate U. States against the rule of 1756, - 108 

Richard Carter, deposition of ' - - - . 20.i 

Resolutions of the Federal Republicans of New- York, - - 209 

Randolph, John resolutions of, in favour of Mr. .Madison, - 176 

Resolution of the town of Gloucester respecting the embargo, 146, of 
Bath, ibid ; of the town of Boston, 147 ; of the the town of Tojjslield, Ibid.: 

of the town of of Augusta, - ... 148 

Ryland, H. W,, his letters to John Heniy, . . 150, 161, 163 

Report of Timothy Pickering, Esq secretary of statQ, to congress, 204 

ilevenues of the United States, taljjcs of the ... 425 
Resolutions ofthe revolutionary congreess, respecting' ntercoiu-se with 

the enemy, •• - ■ • • - 31 

Salem Mercantile Memorial, extracts from, ... 97 

Staiisbury, general, report of . ... 70 

Sedition law, extract from, ' . ... 45 

Speech of Henry Brougham, Esq., extract from a - - 348 

'Senate of New-Hampshire, extract from a reply of - 417 

Senate of Massachusetts, their declaration respecting the war, - 249 

Senate of Maryland, their declaration respecting the war, - 250 

Secretary of state's letters to Hon. D. M. Erskine, - 170 

Senate and house of representatives ol" -Massachusetts, their praise of 

Mr.Madisrm, - » - '177 

Statement of applications on the subject of impressment, to the Bri- 
tish government, ~ . . 222, 262 

Transit duties, tariff of, payable by American vessels - - 123 

Founage of the United States, from 1791 till 1812 - . 4J7 

Tonnage ofthe United States for 1809 and 1810, table of . 285 

Vann Ness, gen. report of, to a committee of Congress - 71 

Winder gen. report of - - • 74 

Washington, capture of, documents respecting, • 7l,72, 7^ 

"VVar proceedings in congress — ^j'eas and nays. » 232 



ik* 



CONTENTS. 457 



Chap. Page, 

1. Crisis of affairs of the United States. Dangers of panics and fac- , 
tions. 2^ 

2. Errofs of tlie Democratic party. Constitution. Navy. Alien law. 39 

3. Monroe's Treaty. Separation of tlie States. Embargo. Non in- 
tercourse. 46 

4. Impolicy of a non renpwal of the Cllui-tci- of the Rank of United 
States. 51 

5. Armistice proposed by Admiral Warren. 53 

6. Appointment of Mr. Gallatin. Gottenburg. Preparations for de- 
fence. Si 

7. Gens. Wilkinson and Hampton. Proceedings of Congress. La- 
mentable torpor, delay, and procrastination. 53 

8. Capture of Washington. Mismanagement. Capt. Dyson. Loans. 
Injury to public credit. Gen. Izard. gjj 

9. Federalists. Federal Convention. Disorganizers and Jacobins. 77 

10. Oi-ders in Council. Rule ot'l7o6. Mercantile clamour. gj 
.11. Boston Memorial. Strong call for protection. 85 

12. Xew-York Memorial. Solemn pledge of support. 88 

13. Extracts from Philadelphia Mercantile Memorial. 90 

14. Extract from Baltimore Memorial. g2 

15. Newhaven Memorial. Decisive call for resistance, Newbury- 
port Memorial. 97 

16. Salem Memorial. Solemn pledge ofsupportin the event of war. 97 

17. Reflections on tlie Memorials. Uniform call for redress. 100 

18. Character of Merchants by E. Burke. Illiberal and unfounded. 102 

19. British depredations brought on the Uipis, in the Senate of the 
United States. Ambassador Extraordmary to England. 2Q7 

20. Attack on the Chesapeake. Interdictory proclamation. no 

21. Blockade of the Coast from the Elbe to Brest. Berlin Decree. 111? 

23. Orders in Council defended by Americans. Baring's enquiry. 125 

24. Embargo, a wise, prudent, and necessary measure. Factious 
clamour. Situation of American commerce j oj^ 

25. Enquiry into the constitutionality of the Enforcing act. Lament- 
ble public delusion, , 13^ 

26- Patriotic proceedings. I4Q 

27. John Henry's Mission to tlie Eastern states. Instructions from 
the Governor- gener;d of British America. j^o 

28. Embargo repealed. British and French vessels interdicted our 
harbours. Importations from both Countries prohibited. 265 

29. Embargo recommended to Congress, by a respectabk body ol 
New-Yoi-k Merchants, jg^ 

30. Erskiae Arrangement Liberal and magnanimous. Loudly ap- 
plauded. Rejected by England. jgg 

31. Impressment of American Seamen. Plea of James Madison 
Of William Cobbet. Of Weekly Re^ster. {gg 

52. Impressment during Gen. Washington's aaministration. 193 

33. Impressment during Mr. Adams's administration. Judge Marsh- • 
al's Instructions. 295 

34. Mr. Liston's projet for a convention for the delivery of desert- 
ers. Objected to by Messrs. Pickering, Stoddard, Wolcott, and M'Hen- 
ry. Rejected. 202 

35. Horrors of Impressment as submitted to Congress by Timotliy 
Pickering, Esq. Secretary of State. 204 

36. Impressment during the administration of Mr. Jefferson. Letter 
irom Rufus King. Arrangement with Lord St. Vincent rejected by Mr 

^"g 206 

.37. Documents on Impressment continued. 2(;9 

38. Subject of Impressment concluded. 215 

39. Egregious error committed by the author ef the OKve Branch. 

. Ample preparations made for War. 224 



4fe8 ^OJiTEIMTS 

Cha|». ^ Page: 

4(>. Reproaches cf the minority against the majority, for their imbedl- 
ity. Bri'usli deceived by tlieir friends. 228 

41. Wur proceedirigs in Congress. Yeas and Nays. InexplicvVe 
co^.iuctof Mr. Qiiincy and his friends. 231' 

42. Declariitjon of war. Violently opposed. ?35 
46. Peace party. Composed of warlike materials. Repeated clam- 
our for war. 257 

44-. Enqiiiry into the justice of the war. Awful accusations against 
the government. _ 244 

45. Considerations of the orders in Council. Reprobated hy James 
A. Bayard, Harrison G. Otis, and James Lloyd. 250 

45. Enquiry continued. Wan-anted on the ground of impressment 
ilone, according to the doctrine of James Lloyd, 259 

. 47. Turbulen'^e of Boston. Jealousy and discord sedulously excited. 
Tankeeism. Moral and Religious people. 263 

48. Arrc.^ance oftlie claims cf the Eastern States en the subiect of 
rommerce. Statistical Tablv;s. 2T0 

49. Coinparisoiis oV the exports of the difierent States, Foreign and 
Domestic, ir.un i7Pl to 1S13. Glar.ce at Tonnage. ' 279 

50. Duties on Imports. Southern States pay nearly as much as the 
Eastern. Wonderful delusion. 266 

5). No hostility in Southern States towards tfate Eastern. Commer- 
cial and Agricultural states rriutually dependent on each other. 290 

52. Money tiie smews of War. Associations to prevent the suc- 
■ce.ss of the Loans. Efforts to bankrupt the Government. 296 

53. Smuggling can icd to great excess in Boston. Specie abundant. 
Oppressive Drahs on New-York. Treasonable intercourse with Canada, SO'i 

54. Subject c>nilnued. Brief statement of facts. 31."5 
j5 M; ,;u-\u£--ttr- cnmpar-'i u-ith Tennessee. Blind leading the 

bi'nd. Frni'.is :X 'rade liity per cent. Road to Ruin. 315 

56. Fuipit pci'tirs. Pi ostitutjon o- tiie sacred functions. Anthology 
bf?-rcI::!on. 318 

57 Parties change names and character, Jacobins. Unholy strug- 
gle for power cause of all our difficidties. 325 

58. lUiberaiifcy of prejudices agiiinst Foreigners. Ungrateful on the 
Jiart of America. 32*> 

sr Addrecs to the Federalists of the United States. 235. Po.?tscript. 
34'' Anpendix. 343 

„'> .'.'nlers in C'mnr^' Restrictive System. Impolicy of tlie British 
Mir.iytry. 345 

ol Kn; ndsaidt'^1 .;trugglingfor h-.' cxi--;ncc. This no pallia- 
*icM of hv-r -it-jges on neutral naU .k. 35Si 

, 63. hftn •■- ;i»I represcntatif..n «..-;ai,.u.j ' lacti«A-5 delusion. Statis- 
^•ics. 267. 

63. Statistics con' nued. Slave represent lion fairly stated. 365 

64. Enquiry in*o the charge against tlie SMiUiheru states, of destroying 
"Omrnerce to promote '..!anuf'aciures, 3T3 

65. Militia defence. CLssification system rejected. 374 

66. Right of society to coerce, and duty of citizens to afford Military 
service, recognized by the Constitution and Laws. 377 

rr. Power of Congress to call out the Militiii. Usual mode of di mg 
oppressive, unequal, and unjust. 383 

'■'■<. Inefficiency of Militia generally. Extravagantly expcr we 387 
•'Classification of Militia a measure of the Kevolutioii. i; rowed 
b> '. .parte. Gen. Kno.v's plan. 398 

•errjmanderism. Grand discovery to enable a rr r arity tu rule 
the- na on^y. 404 

71. Wonderful contrast. Invocation to war, , 413 

72 Prosi-eriiy of the United States dor usc the ''.'jre."C.nt •wTjninistra- 
tions. 4\8 

''3. Miscellaneous obscrvRtions, 435 



